Academic literature on the topic 'Traité de Berlin (1878)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Traité de Berlin (1878)"
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SCURTU, Ioan. "Octobre 1922. Un evenement a resonance historique : le couronnement du Roi Ferdinand et de la Reine Marie a Alba Iulia." Annals of the Academy of Romanian Scientists Series on History and Archaeology 14, no. 1-2 (2022): 113–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.56082/annalsarscihist.2022.1-2.113.
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Après la proclamation de l’Indépendance d’État de la Roumanie le 9 mai 1877 et sa reconnaissance sur le plan international le 1er juillet 1878 par le Traité de Berlin, la Roumanie est devenue Royaume. Le 15 mars 1881, on a publié la loi qui stipulait à l’article 1 : « la Roumanie prend le titre de Royaume. Son souverain, Carol Ier, prend pour soi et pour ses héritiers le titre de roi de la Roumanie » 3 . Les festivités du couronnement de Carol Ier et de son épouse Elisabeta se sont déroulées le 10 mai 1881 à Bucarest. Après la réalisation de la Grande Union en 1918, les leaders politiques roumains ont apprécié que le couronnement de Ferdinand Ier comme roi de tous les Roumains, ainsi que de son épouse Marie, fût nécessaire.
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Bussiere, Laurent. "Les exploits de Gabriel Aubaret et la délimitation des frontières de la Serbie au lendemain du traité de 1878." Revue Historique des Armées 236, no. 3 (2004): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rharm.2004.5633.
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This article examines the activities of the international commission charged with drawing the new frontiers of Serbia after the Treaty of Berlin in 1878 had enlarged Serbian lands by allotting them the territory to Serbia's south-east, adjoining Kosovo. France, through her juridical involvement in the Eastern Question, was able to breach the diplomatic isolation in which she had been placed by the German Chancellor, Bismarck The international position of France, together with the naval training of the French consul, Gabriel Aubaret, that made him open to foreign realities, permitted his nomination as the commission's president. Tne lands apportioned to Serbia were inhabited by a hererogenous mix of different ethnicities. The commission had to deal with thje Albanian population's hostility, the difficulties of the task of frontier delineation itself, and the problem of achieving consensus. Its work reflected the intensity of Balkan rivalries in the era preceding the First World War.
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Biwer, Nathalie. "«Ich komme aus Versailles, wo wir den Frieden gesucht und den Krieg gefunden haben». Les espoirs déçus de la social-démocratie allemande face à Versailles à travers l’exemple de Friedrich Stampfer (1874-1957)." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 43, no. 2 (2011): 233–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.2011.6169.
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Friedrich Stampfer, rédacteur en chef du Vorwärts entre 1916 et 1933, fit partie de la délégation allemande à Paris et assista à la remise du traité de Versailles aux représentants de la toute jeune République allemande. De retour à Berlin, il s’opposa avec virulence à la signature du traité et publia de nombreux articles qui interpellent par leur pathos nationaliste. Au-delà de cet engouement patriotique, ses motivations sont cependant bien plus complexes et son indignation résulte de la déception face à un traité de Versailles espéré comme un tournant en matière de politique étrangère, tournant qui aurait garanti, à travers la démocratisation des États et des relations inter-étatiques, une paix durable. La confrontation avec le traité et l’impuissance du nouveau gouvernement allemand a contribué à approfondir sa réflexion sur la démocratie, les relations internationales et les moyens d’établir la paix et a ainsi influencé sa pratique journalistique et politique.
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Moreau, Odile. "La Russie et la Mediterranee. Du Traite de Küçük Kaynardja au Traite de Berlin (1774-1878)." Maghreb Review 45, no. 3 (2020): 661–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2020.0022.
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Bariéty, Jacques. "La réouverture de la légation de France à Munich après la Grande Guerre." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 38, no. 3 (2006): 351–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.2006.5897.
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La France avait eu jusqu’en 1914 une légation à Munich, parallèlement à l’ambassade à Berlin. Cette situation était conforme aux «droits réservés» reconnus au royaume de Bavière quand il entra en 1871 dans le Reich. À la conférence de la Paix de 1919, des diplomates français rappelèrent cette prérogative et suggérèrent de la restaurer. Le traité de Versailles, signé le 28 juin 1919, en reconnut la possibilité, mais la «constitution de Weimar», votée un mois plus tard, voulut l’exclure. Il s’agissait en fait du statut de la nouvelle Allemagne ; serait-elle fédérale ou centralisée ? Problème fondamentalement allemand, certes, mais aux prolongements internationaux. Pour sa sécurité, la France aurait préféré une Allemagne fédérale, dans laquelle la Bavière jouerait un rôle accru, à une Allemagne centralisée dans laquelle le poids de la Prusse resterait prédominant. Le gouvernement français de 1920 songea à la possibilité d’une révision de la constitution de Weimar dans un sens plus fédéral. C’est dans ce contexte que fut rouverte en juillet 1920 à Munich la légation de France en Bavière.
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Fedorova, E. S. "Comparative Characteristics of the Activities of A. B. Lobanov-Rostovsky and N.P. Ignatiev During the Russian-Turkish War of 1878-1879." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture, no. 3 (November 17, 2019): 124–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2019-3-11-124-131.
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Successes in Russian politics of the XIX century are significant thanks to the efforts of diplomats Alexei Borisovich Lobanov-Rostovsky and Nikolai Pavlovich Ignatieff. In studies of the XX century, they are almost forgotten. Ignatieff is an experienced tactician, a supreme professional who owns a military affair. He had diplomatic cunning. Sometimes Ignatieff showed adventurism. Basically, these qualities provided him good luck in the diplomatic field. However, Ignatieff was not enough historical knowledge. It was in diplomatic negotiations during the Russian-Turkish war of 1878-1879 that this lacuna prevented his success. He insisted on the idea of pan-Slavism, not taking into account all international factors. The diplomat did not take into account the historical features of the Ottoman Empire, Europe’s interest in its power and influence, that is, the historical totality of the international system of counterweights. Lobanov-Rostovsky - strategist. And it was inherent evasiveness, skillful ability to convince of the correctness. However, the role of historical education in his diplomatic practice was enormous. In a more deliberate line of conduct at the conclusion of the final Treaty of Constantinople, he was helped by fundamental «background knowledge» that allowed him to adequately assess the geopolitical situation. The Prince was engaged in history from an early age. The hobby grew into professional occupations. For 16 years he published historical essays in leading historical journals. He had access to secret documents of the Russian Empire thanks to the trust of Emperor Alexander II. Lobanov used to work with primary sources. History has taught him that sometimes you need to act quickly, and in some situations, to exercise the greatest caution. In the situation of the Russian-Turkish war, he set himself only specific goals. If the San Stefano peace Treaty of 1878, signed by count Ignatieff, is well known, then the final Treaty of Constantinople, signed by Prince Lobanov-Rostovsky, is still very little mentioned. Meanwhile, after the Treaty of San Stefano, there were events that undermined its positive results. A “Berlin treatise of the great powers” in 1878 deprived Russia of a significant part of the acquisitions that it has achieved under the Treaty of San Stefano. Here Lobanov faced important General and specific tasks. To solve them, the new Ambassador had to have absolutely unique characteristics. In addition to the enormously developed ability Lobanov to build relationships with people: personal goodwill and the confidence of Alexander II; the respect in the higher Turkish circles; the location to him of the Sultan, who himself appealed to the Emperor with a request to appoint Ambassador Lobanov. The totality of personality traits and circumstances led to a convincing success, which was the final Treaty of Constantinople in 1879, which resulted in an independent state-the Autonomous Principality of Bulgaria.
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Papastatis, Haralambos. "The modern legal status of the Mount Athos." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 41 (2004): 525–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0441525p.
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The peninsula of Athos in Chalkidiki became a center of organized monachal life in monasteries in the year 963, when with the initiative of the Byzantine emperor Nichephorus Phocas the Monastery of Great Laura was founded. Since that time Mount Athos (=MA) became the "Holy Mountain" and has attracted the moral and material support of the Byzantine emperors, various Orthodox countries and the flock till today. During this long period of more then one thousand years, MA was armed with a privileged legal status, the existence of which continues till now. The legal status of MA is based on three foundations: I. The law of the Hellenic Republic, II. The Public International Law, and III. The European Law. I. Fundamental significance for the status of MA have the provisions of article 105 of the Greek Constitution. Then is the Charter of MA, which is drawn up and voted by the Athonite monachal authorities and afterwards ratified by the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople and the Greek Parliament. The Charter is a law of superior formal force in comparison to the other laws. According to the Constitution and the Charter, MA has an ancient privileged status and is a self-governed part of the Greek State, whose sovereignty remains intact. Spiritually MA is under the direct jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, direct in the sense that the Ecumenical Patriarch is also the local bishop of MA The territory of the peninsula is exempt from expropriation and is divided among the twenty Athonite monasteries exclusively. The administrative power lies in self-administration of the first and the second degree. The first is exercised by the ruling twenty monasteries. This number may not be changed, nor may their position in the preeminence, nor towards their dependencies (skates, cells, hermitages). Nowadays all the monasteries are coenobitic, i.e. the monks share a common life and have no private property. The monasteries are administered by the abbot, the Elders' Assembly and the Brotherhood. Second degree administration is operated by: 1. the Holy Community. It is comprised by twenty monks members, each of whom represents one monastery, 2. the Holy Community's executive organ is the Hiera Epistassia, which comprises four monks drawn annually from four monasteries in rotation. The leader of the Hiera Epistassia is called the First (= Protos). The Hiera Epistassis also performs specific duties as police force, police court and municipality of Karyes, the capital town of MA The legislative power is in the hands of: 1. The Holy Community as far as concerns the Charter of MA, 2. the Extraordinary Biannual Twenty-Members Assembly, which draws up the regulative provisions, and 3. the Greek State, as far as concerns: a) the rights and the duties of the (civil) Governor of MA, b) the judicial power of the Athonite authorities, and c) the custom and taxation privileges granted by the State to MA The judicial power belongs to: 1. the monastic courts (the abbot with the Elders' Assembly), 2. the Holy Community, 3. the Hiera Epistassia, and 4. the Ecumenical Patriarchate. The observance of the regimes is in the spiritual field under the supreme supervision of the Patriarchate and in the administrative under the supervision of the State, which is also exclusively responsible for safeguarding public order and security. These responsibilities of the State are exercised through the (civil) Governor of MA, whose rights and duties are determined by common law. All persons leading a monastic life in MA acquire the Greek citizenship without further formalities, upon admission in a monastery as novices or monks. Also persons who are not Orthodox Christians or they are schismatic Orthodox are prohibited from dwelling in MA II. The first international treaty that recognized an international protection of the MA status was that of San Stefano (1878), but only for the Russian monks. The Treaty of Berlin (also 1878) recognized the same protection for all the monks who were not borne in the Ottoman empire. Its article n? 62,8 was as follows: "Les moines du Mont Athos, quel que soit leur pays d'origine, seront maintenus dans leurs possessions et avantages ant?rieurs et jouiront, sans aucune exception, d'une enti?re ?galit? de droits et prerogatives". This provision was repeated in the special treaties of S?vres (1920) and then in the protocol of the Treaty of Lausanne (1923). These treaties safeguarded the rights and the liberties of the non-Greek monastic communi ties in MA as follows: "La Gr?ce s'engage ? reconna?tre et maintenir les droits traditionnels et les libert?s, dont jouissent les communaut?s monastiques non grecques du Mont Athos d'apr?s les dispositions de l'article 62 du trait? de Berlin du 13 juillet 1878". The same provision has been repeated in the Legislative Decree of 29.9/30.10.1923 "On the Protection of Minorities in Greece", article 13. III. Because a lot of provisions of the MA law are opposite to the principles of the European Union (for example the clausura to women, the special license in order to visit the peninsula, the taxation and customs privileges etc.), Joint Declaration n? 4 concerns MA was included in the Final Act (1979) of the Agreement concerning the accession of the Hellenic Republic in the European Economic Community, now-a days European Union. According to this Declaration, recognizing that the special status granted to MA, as guaranteed by the Greek Constitution, is justified exclusively on grounds of a spiritual and religious nature, the Community will ensure that this status is taken into account in the application and subsequent preparation of pro visions of Community law, in particular in relation to customs franchise privileges, tax exemptions, and the right of establishment. .
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Popek, Krzysztof. "The question of Christian Slavic refugees and the Russian occupation of the principality of Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia (1877-1879)." Balcanica, no. 54 (2023): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2354065p.
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The modern Bulgarian state was founded as a result of the Russian intervention on the Balkan Peninsula in 1877-1878. Until June 1879, the tsarist army occupied the newly created state, which was divided into the Principality of Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia pursuant to the decision of the Congress of Berlin. During this period, the Russians made all the most important decisions in the eastern Balkans, including those concerning migrations. As a result of the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878, about 100,000 Christian Slavs left their homes fleeing the hostilities. After the cease-fire, at the beginning of 1878, most of the refugees came back home; however, the Christians from Macedonia and Thrace, the lands which remained under the Ottoman Empire?s control in accordance with the Treaty of Berlin of July 1878, also started to migrate to Bulgaria. This was a result of unsuccessful uprisings as well as the will to live in a country ruled by the men of the same religion and ethnicity.
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Kubbinga, Henk. "A Tribute to Lise Meitner (1878-1968)." Europhysics News 50, no. 4 (July 2019): 22–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/epn/2019402.
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Physics is irresistible. Though prepared to become a teacher of French at an Austrian highschool, Lise Meitner, daughter of a lawyer, could not help coming under the spell of physics. By lucky coincidence she followed courses dispensed by no one less than Ludwig Boltzmann, whose wit and humour proved contagious. After her PhD, under Franz Exner, she moved on, not to Paris to work with Marie Curie, but to Berlin, to consult with Max Planck on future contingencies. Before leaving for Berlin, however, she was introduced to ‘radioactivity’ by Stefan Meyer.
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Gibson, Matthew. "Bram Stoker and the Treaty of Berlin (1878)." Gothic Studies 6, no. 2 (November 2004): 236–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/gs.6.2.6.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Traité de Berlin (1878)"
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Delaroche, Jean-Marie. "Droit d'ingérence et concurrence militaire internationale en Méditerranée orientale : les puissances européennes et le maintien de l'ordre dans les Balkans, du traité de Berlin (1878) à la Première Guerre mondiale." Thesis, Lille 3, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LIL30043/document.
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Entre le traité de Berlin de 1878 et le déclenchement de la Première Guerre mondiale, les puissances européennes tentent d'empêcher les désordres balkaniques de compromettre la paix continentale et mondiale. Pour cette raison, et parce que leurs diplomates interprètent les violences balkaniques essentiellement comme des faits de brigandage et non comme l'expression de mouvements politiques indépendantistes, les puissances européennes vont imposer à l'empire ottoman de réformer les gendarmeries de ses provinces de Roumélie orientale, de Crète, de Macédoine et d'Albanie par le truchement de leurs propres officiers. Cette thèse d'histoire militaire se veut tout à la fois une histoire institutionnelle et une histoire des acteurs. Il s'agit en effet de savoir dans quelles conditions le modèle gendarmique occidental a pu être greffé et adapté aux réalités sociales et culturelles orientales au travers de l'action de quelques officiers européens chargés de collaborer les uns avec les autres et de se confronter à une réalité balkanique qui leur était souvent étrangère. Cette approche permet de renouveler l'étude du concert européen et de son grippage progressif en soulignant la méfiance réciproque des puissances les unes vis-à-vis des autres et l’ambiguïté des ordres que chacune d'elle donne à ses propres officiers. Elle permet également de saisir la dynamique des opérations d'ingérence internationale et la façon dont l’État cible peut chercher à s'y soustraire. Elle donne enfin à voir la difficulté d'une institution de maintien de l'ordre, dont les traditions administratives sont issues du modèle de l’État-nation français, à s'adapter à des sociétés politiques fragmentées et en construction afin d'assurer la protection de toutes les minoritésBetween the Treaty of Berlin of 1878 and the outbreak of the First World War, the European powers tried to prevent the Balkan disorders from compromising continental and world peace. For this reason, and because their diplomats interpreted the Balkan violences essentially as acts of brigandage and not as the expression of independentist political movements, the European powers imposed on the Ottoman Empire reforms of the gendarmeries of its provinces of Eastern Rumelia, Crete, Macedonia and Albania implemented by their own officers.This thesis of military history is both an institutional history and a history of the actors. One has tried to determin under what conditions the western gendarmic model could be grafted and adapted to the Eastern social and cultural realities through the action of a few European officers in charge of collaborating with each other and confronting the Balkan reality that was often foreign to them. This approach makes it possible to renew the study of the European concert and its progressive seizure by highlighting the mutual mistrust of the powers one against the other and the ambiguity of the orders that each one gave to its own officers.It also captures the dynamics of international interference and how the target state can seek to escape from it. Finally, it reveals the difficulty of an institution of policing, whose administrative traditions stem from the model of the French nation-state, to adapt to fragmented political societies under construction in order to ensure the protection of all minorities
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Shafer, Kenneth Allen. "The Congress of Berlin of 1878 : its origins and consequences." PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3927.
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Historians have expressed a variety of opinions concerning the true significance of the Congress of Berlin. While the 1878 meeting did not have to deal with questions as comprehensive as those discussed in Vienna in 1814-1815 or at Paris in 1856, the Congress of Berlin had great impact in its own right. While the Berlin meeting made decisions in order to reorganize the Balkans after years of instability and war, it also created a split in relations between the German Empire and Imperial Russia which would eventually drive the two powers towards conflict in "The Great War" in 1914.
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Böhme, Katrin. "Die Emanzipation der Botanik : eine Wissenschaft im Spiegel der Gesellschaft Naturforschender Freunde zu Berlin 1851-1878 /." Berlin : Verl. für Wiss.- und Religionsgeschichte Engel, 1998. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=008373750&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Zadrozny, Ilse H. "Herwarth Walden's musical activities." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65531.
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Moreau, Odile. "Entre innovation et tradition, une lecture du réformisme ottoman à travers l'outil militaire, du Congrès de Berlin à la Première Guerre mondiale, 1878-1914." Paris 4, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA040209.
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Ce travail a pour objet d'etudier la transition de l'empire ottoman vers la jeune republique de turquie et l'evolution de l'armee et des doctrines a cette periode. Comment ce grand empire a-t-il abandonne sa position geopolitique, strategique et navale, pour s'aligner sur le camp occidental, son ancien competiteur, en participant a l'alliance de defense occidentale, l'otan ? cette etude cherche a apprehender l'evolution de la societe a travers l'un de ses grands corps prestigieux, l'armee. Pourquoi l'armee ? car elle fut le premier corps reforme dans l'empire ottoman, des la fin du xviiie siecle et c'est en elle que se tisserent d'abord modernite et reformisme. Toutefois, il ne s'agit pas d'un travail d'histoire militaire pure. Ce travail se voudrait etre une lecture du reformisme ottoman a travers l'outil militaire. Il ne s'agit pas d'une historiographie de l'outil militaire en soi, mais plus de l'histoire sociale du reformisme militaire a cette epoqueThe subjet of this ph. D. Is to study the transition between the ottoman empire to the early republic of turkey and the evolution of the army and the doctrines at that time. How did this great empire change its geopolitical, strategic and naval position and bring it into alignment to the western side, his ancient competitor, in taking part in the western military alliance, nato ? this study supposed to be considering the evolution of the society through one of its prestigious corps, the army. Why the army ? because, since the 18th century, the army has been the first reformed corps in the ottoman empire which has been impregnated with modernity and reformism. But it isn't a mere study in military history. This study would like to be a lecture of the ottoman modernism throw the military tool. It is not an historiography of the military tool itself, but much more a social history of the military reformism at that time
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Yazici, Cörüt Gözde. "Ambivalent loyalties and Imperial citizenship on the Russo-Ottoman border between 1878 and 1914 : an analysis of the Ottoman perspective." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/ambivalent-loyalties-and-imperial-citizenship-on-the-russoottoman-border-between-1878-and-1914-an-analysis-of-the-ottoman-perspective(0b418730-4f78-4fdb-9f95-a646029ffec5).html.
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Taking as its subject the Russo-Ottoman borderland during the period between the Treaty of Berlin (1878) and the start of the First World War (1914), and making extensive use of Ottoman archival documents covering this period, this thesis focuses on the ways in which the Ottoman state attempted to establish two types of boundary in order to ensure sovereignty over its territory. Firstly, there was a new geo-political border, the line dividing the Russian and Ottoman Empires at the juncture of north-eastern Anatolia and the southern Caucasus, created by the Treaty of Berlin. Secondly, there was what can be called a citizenship boundary, shaped by various laws and regulations defining the Ottoman citizenry. The main issues examined in respect of the first boundary are various types of human movement across this border and their control by the Ottoman state. Primary concerns regarding the second boundary revolve around the inclusion in and exclusion from the Ottoman citizenship of ethno-religious groups as a result of the Ottoman state's enforcement of the border. Our approach to studying how the citizenship boundary was established is two-fold, reflecting both local and state perspectives. The local perspective shows the actions of the inhabitants and travellers passing through this border region as shaped by their own day-to-day needs, livelihood patterns and pre-existing socio-economic relations; these resisted limitation by the logic of the sovereign state. The state perspective reflects the Ottoman view of Russia as the main threat to its border territories; this view led the Ottoman central authorities to perceive the entanglements and overlapping positions of its subjects in and with Russia as the cause of their ambiguous loyalties to the Ottoman state. In focusing on the specific policies and practices that the Ottoman state applied in order to deal with this ambiguity, two groups of people, Muslims and Armenians, are singled out. Notwithstanding the all-embracing state laws and discourse of legal equality, Ottoman border policy in respect of its Muslim subjects is shown to have differed greatly from that designed for its Armenian subjects. Therefore, the thesis offers a nuanced framework with which to understand Ottoman citizenship in the Russo-Ottoman border context, by revealing the normative and practical measures the Ottoman state employed to classify its Muslim and Armenian populations, thereby differentiating their status as subjects. This thesis - the first English-language work on the Russo-Ottoman border region during the late nineteenth century and pre-WWI period- offers a range of original insights into this borderland in particular and related issues more generally. It unfolds the details of everyday life and represents the local people as active agents - active, moreover, in relation both to the changing nature and effectiveness of the state's assertion of territorial authority and also to the differences between the two empires' policies and practices. Overall, the thesis focuses on the end-of-empire border politics and the issue of Ottoman citizenship not only from the perspective of macro-level political developments and central state power but also in terms of the peripheral specificities of administration and the movements and subjecthood choices of villagers. Thus, this thesis presents a new type of multi-faceted account of borderland development in which ethno-religious considerations came to inform a somewhat messy production of sovereignty in the context of the modernizing transition between empire and nation-state.
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Pierre, Joële. "La construction pompidolienne de l'Europe face au défi de la problématique allemande (1969-1974)." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL109.
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Si la France n’est plus qu’une puissance moyenne en déclin relatif, la RFA est dans une phase de take off économique et amorce un rayonnement international. Dès son investiture, Brandt lance l’émancipation de l’Allemagne. L’Ostpolitik pourrait-elle avoir la priorité pour le gouvernement fédéral sur la politique communautaire ? La menace soviétique sur l’Allemagne est à prendre très au sérieux pour Pompidou. Réunification ; Neutralisation. Face à cette situation pluriellement très préoccupante, Pompidou a besoin de l’Europe ; mais en 1969, la construction européenne est dans l’impasse. 1971, Pompidou lance son modèle de construction de l’Union Européenne : le ‘gaullisme européen’. Son atout, Edward Heath, un ‘Européen sincère’. « On œuvre en commun, même avec l’Allemagne », affirme le Président. Le traité de l’Elysée : essentialité majeure dans l’apprentissage de l’autre ; embrayage du moteur franco-allemand ; banalisation des relations franco-allemandes. Ses enjeux : Pôle monétaire européen ; Coopération politique extérieure commune (Moyen-Orient) ; Programme ambitieux de la Conférence de Paris ; Identité Européenne ; Politique extérieure commune franco-allemande face à Moscou. Mais une politique autonome européenne pouvait-elle exister pour Washington ? Nixon et Kissinger manœuvrent pour imposer le partnership atlantique aux Européens. Crises du dollar (1971, 1973) ; Condominium américano-soviétique ; Conférence sur l’énergie. Bonn s’évertue en vain à œuvrer comme médiatrice entre Paris et WashingtonWhile France is only a middle power in relative decline, the FRG is in a phase of economic take off and begins an international influence. Upon his nomination, Brandt launches the emancipation of Germany. Could Ostpolitik have priority for the federal government over European Community policy? The Soviet threat to Germany is to be taken very seriously for Pompidou. Reunification; Neutralization. Faced with this plurially worrying situation, Pompidou needs Europe; but in 1969, the construction of Europe is deadlocked. 1971, Pompidou launches its construction model of the European Union: 'European Gaullism'. His asset, Edward Heath, a 'sincere European'. "We work jointly, even with Germany," says the President. The Elysée Treaty: major essentiality in the learning of the other; clutch of the Franco-German engine; normalization of Franco-German relations. Its challenges: European Monetary Pole; Common foreign policy cooperation (Middle East); Ambitious program of the Paris Conference; European identity ; Franco-German Common Foreign Policy against Moscow. But could an autonomous European policy exist for Washington? Nixon and Kissinger maneuvered to impose Atlantic partnership on Europeans. Dollar crises (1971, 1973); US-Soviet Condominium; Conference on Energy. Bonn strives in vain to work as a mediator between Paris and Washington
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Pierre, Joële. "La construction pompidolienne de l'Europe face au défi de la problématique allemande (1969-1974)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL109.
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Si la France n’est plus qu’une puissance moyenne en déclin relatif, la RFA est dans une phase de take off économique et amorce un rayonnement international. Dès son investiture, Brandt lance l’émancipation de l’Allemagne. L’Ostpolitik pourrait-elle avoir la priorité pour le gouvernement fédéral sur la politique communautaire ? La menace soviétique sur l’Allemagne est à prendre très au sérieux pour Pompidou. Réunification ; Neutralisation. Face à cette situation pluriellement très préoccupante, Pompidou a besoin de l’Europe ; mais en 1969, la construction européenne est dans l’impasse. 1971, Pompidou lance son modèle de construction de l’Union Européenne : le ‘gaullisme européen’. Son atout, Edward Heath, un ‘Européen sincère’. « On œuvre en commun, même avec l’Allemagne », affirme le Président. Le traité de l’Elysée : essentialité majeure dans l’apprentissage de l’autre ; embrayage du moteur franco-allemand ; banalisation des relations franco-allemandes. Ses enjeux : Pôle monétaire européen ; Coopération politique extérieure commune (Moyen-Orient) ; Programme ambitieux de la Conférence de Paris ; Identité Européenne ; Politique extérieure commune franco-allemande face à Moscou. Mais une politique autonome européenne pouvait-elle exister pour Washington ? Nixon et Kissinger manœuvrent pour imposer le partnership atlantique aux Européens. Crises du dollar (1971, 1973) ; Condominium américano-soviétique ; Conférence sur l’énergie. Bonn s’évertue en vain à œuvrer comme médiatrice entre Paris et WashingtonWhile France is only a middle power in relative decline, the FRG is in a phase of economic take off and begins an international influence. Upon his nomination, Brandt launches the emancipation of Germany. Could Ostpolitik have priority for the federal government over European Community policy? The Soviet threat to Germany is to be taken very seriously for Pompidou. Reunification; Neutralization. Faced with this plurially worrying situation, Pompidou needs Europe; but in 1969, the construction of Europe is deadlocked. 1971, Pompidou launches its construction model of the European Union: 'European Gaullism'. His asset, Edward Heath, a 'sincere European'. "We work jointly, even with Germany," says the President. The Elysée Treaty: major essentiality in the learning of the other; clutch of the Franco-German engine; normalization of Franco-German relations. Its challenges: European Monetary Pole; Common foreign policy cooperation (Middle East); Ambitious program of the Paris Conference; European identity ; Franco-German Common Foreign Policy against Moscow. But could an autonomous European policy exist for Washington? Nixon and Kissinger maneuvered to impose Atlantic partnership on Europeans. Dollar crises (1971, 1973); US-Soviet Condominium; Conference on Energy. Bonn strives in vain to work as a mediator between Paris and Washington
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BRISKU, Adrian. "Albanian and Georgian discourses on Europe : from Berlin 1878 to Tbilisi 2008." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12709.
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Defence date: 14 September 2009Examining Board: Prof. Bo Stråth, University of Helsinki, (Supervisor); Prof. Stephen F. Jones, Mount Holyoke College, Massachusetts; Assist. Prof. Dr. Bulent Bilmez, Bilgi University, Istanbul; Prof. Martin Van Gelderen, EUI, Florence
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This dissertation looks at the ways in which Albanian and Georgian political and intellectual elites have understood, imagined, instrumentalised, and internalized the concept of Europe from the late nineteenth century to the present, and how they have framed their own historic and immediate conditions with respect to that concept. Presenting a comparative analysis of Georgia and Albania – two small countries distinguished by differing ethno-cultural compositions, yet undergoing markedly similar political trajectories in their modern era, and both positioned at the peripheries of the continent – the thesis examines what it is that Europe has signified for both countries, when it is itself viewed from their peripheral positions. The analysis is informed by the theoretical and methodological principles advanced in Reinhart Koselleck’s Begriffsgeschichte (conceptual history). Central to this analysis is the idea that changes and conflicts within societies not only reflect processes of conceptualisation, but are actively driven by them. Politics is about the contentious appropriation of positions, by which convincing meanings can be given to key concepts. The thesis shows that the charging of ‘Europe’ with different conceptual meanings was always a power-mediated process within both the Albanian and Georgian settings. And this power was related not only to the field of politics - as Koselleck would have it - but was also, and more importantly, dependent upon geopolitical considerations. The text consists of five chapters. The first chapter maps the contextual similarities and differences between the two countries, and describes the historiographical contexts of their pre-modern eras. The ensuing four chapters are arranged chronologically into four specific periods of the modern era. These chapters focus on the interplay between the discursive fields of (geo)politics, modernity, and identity/culture, so as to analyse both the new, and the re-occurring, discourses on Europe. The thesis argues that ‘Europe’ has had a triadic understanding within the Albanian and Georgian settings: as a (geo)political force; as a signifier of modernity; and as a component of identity - all of these contributing to a plurality of images and meanings. And these multiple and shifting meanings were directly affected by Europe’s own evolving geopolitical stance and power, and also by Georgian and Albanian elites’ attitudes towards it.
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Manasek, Jared. "Empire Displaced: Ottoman-Habsburg Forced Migration and the Near Eastern Crisis, 1875-1878." Thesis, 2013. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8D798BC.
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This dissertation examines the case of 250-300,000 largely Orthodox Christian refugees who fled Ottoman Bosnia and Hercegovina for the Habsburg Empire during the uprisings of 1875-1878. The violence during this period started out as a peasant uprising, but over the course of three years cascaded into revolts and violence across the Ottoman Balkans and led to a major European diplomatic crisis. The Treaty of Berlin of 1878, which ended the violence, reconfigured the political geography of the Balkans, making the former Ottoman provinces of Montenegro, Romania, and Serbia independent; giving a sweeping autonomy to Bulgaria, and handing over to Austria-Hungary the administration of a nominally Ottoman Bosnia and Hercegovina. Refugees played an under-appreciated role in the international and domestic politics of the period, and this dissertation argues that forced migration was in fact one of the key considerations of Great Power diplomacy. Forced migration offered a means to measure degree of violence, and control over population movement offered a way for empires to lay claims to legitimacy. In a similar manner, philanthropists and international humanitarians used forced migration to build and advocate for their own civic spheres. The dissertation argues that during this period, the modern category of "refugee" was defined as states developed processes to manage refugees domestically and to create international policies for refugee aid and return.
Books on the topic "Traité de Berlin (1878)"
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Istorijski institut Republike Crne Gore, ed. Traté [sic] de Berlin - Berlinski ugovor, 1878. Podgorica: Istorijski institut Crne Gore, 2009.
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Khristo, Glushkov, ed. Evropeĭski izmerenii︠a︡ na Osvoboditelnata voĭna 1877-1878. Veliko Tŭrnovo: Abagar, 2008.
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1859-1919, Hurwitz Adolf, and Ullrich, Peter, Dr. rer. nat., eds. Einleitung in die Theorie der analytischen Funktionen: Vorlesung Berlin 1878. Braunschweig: Deutsche Mathematiker-Vereinigung, 1988.
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Akademie der Künste (Berlin, Germany). Stiftung Archiv, ed. Georg Kaiser: Kunst und Leben : (1878-1945). Berlin: Akademie der Künste, Archiv, 2011.
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Kongresi i Berlinit 1878: Çeshtja shqiptare, protokollet dhe vendimet = Der Berliner Kongress 1878 : protokolle und materialen = Kongrès de Berline [i.e. Congrès de Berlin] 1878 : documents et protocoles. Prishtinë: Shtëpia Botuese "Faik Konica", 2008.
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Internationales Alfred Döblin-Kolloquium (9th 1993 Paris, France). Internationales Alfred-Döblin-Kolloquium, Berlin, 2001. Bern: P. Lang, 2003.
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Bayrakdar, Bayram. 1878 Berlin Kongresi'nden günümüze ulus devletlerin inşa sürecinde Büyük Güçler ve Türkiye. Ankara: Detay Yayıncılık, 2016.
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Stefan, Doĭnov, ed. Ot Shipka i Pleven do San Stefano i Berlin. Sofii︠a︡: Akademichno izd-vo "Prof. Marin Drinov,", 2007.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Traité de Berlin (1878)"
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Aksan, Virginia. "1878 Berlin Treaty and consequences." In The Ottomans 1700–1923, 277–318. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003137566-8.
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Gibson, Matthew. "Bram Stoker’s Dracula and the Treaty of Berlin (1878)." In Dracula and the Eastern Question, 69–95. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230627680_4.
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Schumacher, Leslie Rogne. "Imperialism by Negotiation: Britain at the 1878 Congress of Berlin." In The Eastern Question in 1870s Britain, 243–86. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-36514-0_6.
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Hubatsch, Walther. "The Berlin Congress of 1878: Causes, Consequences and Assessments a Century Later." In Studies in Medieval and Modern German History, 109–32. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17822-3_6.
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Wilke, Carsten L. "Competitive Advocacy: The Romanian Committee of Berlin and the Alliance Israélite Universelle, 1872–1878." In Jahrbuch des Simon-Dubnow-Instituts / Simon Dubnow Institute Yearbook XIV/2015, 131–56. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666369452.131.
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Guillaume, Damien. "Vers ‘ l’agitation antis8mitique ’ comme phénomène transnational: hostilité antijuive, équivoques libérales et solidarité juive internationale de l’Affaire Mortara au Congrès de Berlin (1858–1878)." In Schriften aus der Max Weber Stiftung, 293–316. Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/9783737009775.293.
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Miller-Melamed, Paul. "Worlds Apart." In Misfire, 44—C2.F6. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195331042.003.0003.
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Abstract This chapter provides an in-depth look at the book’s protagonists: Bosnian peasant-assassin Gavrilo Princip and the heir to the throne of the Habsburg Empire, Archduke Franz Ferdinand. First, it situates them in the context of the “South Slavic Question” concerning the rights of the monarchy’s southern Slavs. It then shows how this issue was affected by the decline of the Ottoman Empire (Eastern Question) on Austria-Hungary’s southeastern periphery. In particular, the national rebellions known as the Great Eastern Crisis (1875–1878) carved out new nation-states in the Balkans, and the Berlin Congress transferred control of Bosnia-Herzegovina from the Ottoman to the Habsburg dynasty. Franz Ferdinand and Princip were products of these changes despite their polar opposite backgrounds. Ironically, they also shared distinctive personality traits—obstinancy, individualism, deep sensitivities. This chapter argues that rather than “chance” or “fate,” the protagonists’ own, individual natures and common geopolitical context determined their convergence in Sarajevo.
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Kotte, Claudia. "Graebner, Fritz (1877–1934)." In Routledge Encyclopedia of Modernism. London: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781135000356-rem1938-1.
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Robert Fritz Graebner was a German ethnologist whose theory of Kulturkreis (culture circle) launched a cultural historical approach to ethnology. After finishing his dissertation on medieval history, Graebner worked as an assistant at the Royal Museum of Ethnology in Berlin (1899–1906), where he studied the cultures of Oceania. He compared artefacts and plotted them geographically in order to discover patterns of cultural traits.
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"The 1878 Berlin Congress:." In From Peoples into Nations, 210–40. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvm7bc1n.11.
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"Kapitel 5 „Wissen Sie mir einen Gesangslehrer ?“ Berufung nach Berlin." In Franz Schreker (1878-1934), 147–66. Wien: Böhlau Verlag, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/9783205792956.147.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Traité de Berlin (1878)"
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Gavrilović Grbović, Biljana. "PRAVNOISTORIJSKI POGLED NA ŽELEZNIČKO PITANjE NA PROSTORU SRBIJE." In XIX majsko savetovanje. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xixmajsko.091gg.
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In the paper, a legal-historical review of the railway issue on the area of the Serbia, from the 1830s to the 1880s, was made. Namely, in the 3rd decade of the 19th century, Prince Miloš presented the idea of building a railway. However, the beginnings of Serbian railways are connected to the Berlin Congress. Thus, in 1878, the Treaty of Berlin was concluded, and two years later, the Berlin Concession with Austria-Hungary for the construction of the railway was also concluded. On that occasion, the railway issue came into focus and the public was divided into those who are in favor of construction and those who are against the construction of the railway, considering the conditions given in the Convention of 1880. Therefore, the main subject of research is the discussion that took place in the Assembly in 1880, when the Berlin Convention was submitted for adoption. In addition, as the Convention was adopted after an extensive discussion, it is also pointed out the way of realization of the railway plans, which were reached in 1884.
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Gavrilović Grbović, Biljana. "PRAVNOISTORIJSKI POGLED NA ŽELEZNIČKO PITANjE NA PROSTORU SRBIJE." In XIX majsko savetovanje. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xvixmajsko.091gg.
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In the paper, a legal-historical review of the railway issue on the area of the Serbia, from the 1830s to the 1880s, was made. Namely, in the 3rd decade of the 19th century, Prince Miloš presented the idea of building a railway. However, the beginnings of Serbian railways are connected to the Berlin Congress. Thus, in 1878, the Treaty of Berlin was concluded, and two years later, the Berlin Concession with Austria-Hungary for the construction of the railway was also concluded. On that occasion, the railway issue came into focus and the public was divided into those who are in favor of construction and those who are against the construction of the railway, considering the conditions given in the Convention of 1880. Therefore, the main subject of research is the discussion that took place in the Assembly in 1880, when the Berlin Convention was submitted for adoption. In addition, as the Convention was adopted after an extensive discussion, it is also pointed out the way of realization of the railway plans, which were reached in 1884.
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Ungureanu, George Daniel. "Romania, Bulgaria and the Dobrujan issue in the first year of the Great War." In 8th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.08.08105u.
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The problem of the Dobrujan land frontier between the Bulgarian and Romanian national states, which officially came up after the San Stefano and Berlin (1878) peace treaties and was aggravated by the Peace of Bucharest (1913), dominated the bilateral relations for a few decades. The hereby study focuses on the period August 1914 – September 1915, when both South-Eastern European states were neutral towards the Great War. This context led to various proposals, projects and scenarios concerning the Romanian-Bulgarian relations and implicitly related to the fate of Dobruja. Our effort deals with three levels: the positions of the Great Powers, their relations with Bucharest and Sofia, and the direct relations between the two South-Eastern European states. Chronologically, this period is divided into several stages, marked by the Ottoman Empire’s entry in the war (1 November 1914), the deadlock of the negotiations between Bulgaria and the Entente (March 1915), Italy’s option to renounce neutrality (23 May 1915) and the onset of the final talks concerning Bulgaria’s option to join the Central Powers (July 1915). Among the most relevant sources, we need to mention the Romanian Military Archives from Piteşti and the works of synthesis written by the Bulgarian historians Georgi Markov, Ivan Ilčev and Žeko Popov, dealing with the period 1913-1919.
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TEMİZ, Elmaziye. "KIBRIS TÜRKLERİNDE ATATÜRK SEVGİSİNİN SOSYOPSİKOLOJİK TEZAHÜRÜ OLARAK İSİMLER/ BABAM KEMAL, ÖĞRETMENİM MUSTAFA KEMAL." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.14.
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Kıbrıs Türk nüfusunun atalarının, adanın 1571'de fethinin tamamlanmasının ardından, 1572 yılından itibaren Osmanlı Devleti iskân politikası ve usullerinden olan “sürgün” hükmüne dayalı olarak adaya yerleştirilenler olduğu arşiv kayıtlarında ve pek çok tarih kitabında yer almaktadır. Yerleşenler ve yerleştirilenler coğrafyayı mamur etmekle kalmayıp, Türk ananelerini, insan ilişkilerini, maddi-manevi değerlerini adeta toprağa karıp burayı vatan yapmışlardır. Yaklaşık 450 sene Osmanlı idaresinde olan Kıbrıs, pek çok sebebin etkisiyle 1878 yılında Berlin Antlaşması ile idari yönden “geçici olarak” İngiliz yönetimine bırakılmıştır. İngiltere, I. Dünya Savaşında Osmanlı Devleti ile karşıt cephelerde yer almalarını bahane edip Kıbrıs’ı Taç Koloni ilan etmiş, yani gasp etmiştir. Kıbrıs Türkleri bu durumu kabullenemeden, kısa zaman içinde savaş yenilgileri ve Anadolu’nun işgali başlamıştı. Kıbrıs Türklerinin yükü ağırdı. Hem kendi devletlerinden koparılmışlardı hem anavatanları işgal ediliyordu hem de yaşadıkları yönetim kendi milli devletlerine düşmandı. Lakin milletlerine, kültürlerine gönül bağları sağlamdı. Tüm baskılara rağmen, yolunu bulan son kale Anadolu’nun kurtuluşu için cepheye çarpışmaya, diğerleri dişlerinden artırdıkları ile Anavatan Türklüğüne yardıma koştu. Halkın gözü kulağı hep gelecek haberlerde idi. Mustafa Kemal adlı bir liderin yönetimindeki istiklâl hareketinin takipçisiydiler. Bu çalışmanın amacı Türk kültüründe isim koyma geleneğinin de etkisiyle Kıbrıs Türklerinde Atatürk sevgisini şahıs isimleri üzerinden ortaya koymaktır Resmi kayıtlarda doküman incelemesi yanında, "Kemal" ve "Mustafa Kemal" adlarını taşıyan şahıslarla da derinlemesine görüşmeler yapılıp, örnek biyografilerle çalışma desteklenmiştir. Bu çalışmaya göre önce 30 Ağustos1922’de Yunana yaşatılan hezimet ve elde edilen büyük zaferin sevinç ve coşkusuyla Kıbrıs Türkler, bir hayranlık, bir şükran ve gelecek için bir umut nişanesi olarak erkek çocuklarına Kemal, Mustafa Kemal adını vermeye başlamışlardır. Bu bağlamda verilen isimlerin Atatürk’ün 10 Kasım 1938 tarihinde vefatı üzerine duyulan derin üzüntü odaklı olarak yeniden arttığı görülmektedir. Atatürk sevgisi bağlamında Ülkü isminin de verildiği tespit edilmiştir.
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Fielder, Grace. "Contested Boundaries and Language Variants in A Balkan Capital City." In GLOCAL Conference on Mediterranean and European Linguistic Anthropology Linguistic Anthropology 2022. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/comela22.5-2.
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This paper discusses the ways in which the vernacular language of the capital city of Sofia, Bulgaria, reflects a history of contested borders. A relatively small but ancient settlement, Sofia became the capital of the new principality when the San Stefano borders were redrawn and contracted by the Congress of Berlin in 1878. In response the capital was relocated in 1879 from Veliko Tarnovo in the eastern dialect area to Sofia in the western, a strategically semiotic move intended to re-center the Bulgarian capital with respect to the prior borders and to position the government for future expansion. The government administration relocated en masse to Sofia thereby establishing a new urban elite with a more prestigious eastern dialect that would eventually become the main basis of the standard language. Despite decades of education in the standard language, however, western variants have persisted in the capital to this day, in part fuelled by 20th century waves of migration from what is today Aegean and North Macedonia. With the post-1989 fall of communism and the end of state-controlled media, this western variant now appears in and often dominates public spaces much to the dismay of language codifiers and purist-minded members of the public. Three theoretical approaches are employed to account for this persistence of the western variant. Social network theory will be used to analyze the sociolinguistic dynamics of language variants in Sofia. Critical discourse analysis recognizes the mutually constitutive nature of social practice and language use and the role of power relations — particularly relevant once the western variant of Sofia lost its prestige to the newly arrived eastern variant. Finally, language variation is conceptualized as a social semiotic system in which variants are indexically mutable so that speakers make socio-semiotic moves by deploying variants in certain contexts with certain interlocutors.
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Bataveljić, Dragan. "PROVISION OF SERVICES BY THE ASSOCIATION OF WAR AND PEACETIME MILITARY DISABLED IN THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA." In International scientific conference challenges and open issues of service law. Vol. 2. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of law, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xxmajsko2.171b.
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n the paper, the author points to the fact that in the Republic of Serbia there is a large number of war invalids, which is a consequence of the war conflicts that took place in the areas where we live now. That is why organized state care is needed for fighters who, as participants in numerous defensive wars, remained permanently disabled, with a lower or higher degree of incapacity. Hence, in Serbia, there has been a disability fund for exhausted and crippled soldiers for 160 years, which was also enacted during the reign of Prince Mihailo Obrenović, the so-called "Fund for Military Invalids". Unfortunately, even after gaining independence at the Berlin Congress in 1878, the territory of the Republic of Serbia was the scene of numerous wars, both in the 19th and 20th centuries. In the last century (20th century), starting from the Balkan Wars, through the First and Second World Wars, the wars in the territories of the former Yugoslav states, and until the NATO bombing in 1999, the Serbian people experienced a biological disaster. The consequences are immeasurable - several million dead and as many or even more wounded. That is why the state of Serbia assumed the obligation to take care of the families of fallen soldiers and the status of military invalids, by providing a large number of services, the corpus of which, from one period to another, was always increasing. Also, there is a large number of peacetime military invalids that the state, through its organs, must take care of. This is why the protection of veterans and the disabled and the provision of services in this area have been developed and harmonized with the real situation of the disabled, their needs and the economic possibilities of the Republic of Serbia. Associations of war and peacetime disabled soldiers of all levels play a key role in this
Reports on the topic "Traité de Berlin (1878)"
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Shafer, Kenneth. The Congress of Berlin of 1878 : its origins and consequences. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.5811.
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