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Journal articles on the topic 'Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 July 2025

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1

Ayamdoo, Mathew Awine. "Who is to be blamed for The Transatlantic Slave Trade in Africa? A Focus on the Role Played by Africa in the Trade." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science 06, no. 04 (2022): 74–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2022.6407.

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This paper examines the Trans-Atlantic slave trade with a special focus on the role that Africans played in the trade to determine the extent to which a party in the trade can be blamed for the trade that has now been seen as a forgotten crime against humanity. The paper employs the qualitative research methodology, using the desktop review approach, to peruse and analyze secondary materials on the topic under study. The paper establishes the distinct nature of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade that distinguished it from the Trans-Saharan slave trade and other forms of slavery experiences in Afri

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2

Yandaki, A. I. "A Comparative Study of Slave Trade from the West and East." Madorawa Journal of Arts and Social Sciences (MAJASS) Volume 1, Issue 1 (2020): 1–16. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7023296.

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Scholars have shed so much ink trying to document the European propelled Atlantic Slave Trade, but comparatively little attention has been given to Eastern Slave Trade in Africa. The recent upsurge of interest among some European scholars on the topic of Arab Slave Trade is ideological. Having failed to succeed in transferring the blame of Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade on African Kings and Chiefs; they now sought to invent another scapegoat to divert African criticisms and to overshadow the demands for reparations for European enslavement of Africans. This paper intends to briefly examine the two

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3

Oduwobi, Oluyomi. "Rape victims and victimisers in Herbstein's Ama, a Story of the Atlantic Slave Trade." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 54, no. 2 (2017): 100–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.54i2.1619.

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This paper examines how Manu Herbstein employs his fictionalised neo-slave narrative entitled Ama, a Story of the Atlantic Slave Trade to address the issue of sexual violence against women and to foreground the trans-Atlantic rape identities of victims and victimisers in relation to race, gender, class and religion. An appraisal of Herbstein's representations within the framework of postcolonial theory reveals how Herbstein deviates from the stereotypical norm of narrating the rape of female captives and slaves during the era of the trans-Atlantic slave trade by creating graphic rape images in

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4

Patricia, M. Muhammad. "The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: European Slaving Corporations, the Papacy and the Issue of Reparations." Willamette Journal of International Law and Dispute Resolution 26, no. 1 (2019): 2. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3697337.

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The Trans-Atlantic slave trade’s legal institution from a regional economic practice into an international financial market originated from Papal grants initiated during the 16th century. Territories and nation states party to this grant referred to it as the Asiento, as later affirmed by international custom and bilateral treaties.1 This article will discuss the origins of the Asiento, the legal framework in which the Papacy granted parties’ authority to transfer and other manners in which this contract was conveyed, its effects on Africans and Africans of the Diaspora, and on int

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Lovejoy, Paul E., and Vanessa S. Oliveira. "An Index to the Slavery and Slave Trade Enquiry: The British Parliamentary House of Commons Sessional Papers, 1788-1792." History in Africa 40, no. 1 (2013): 193–255. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2013.11.

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AbstractThe article describes volumes pertaining to slavery and the slave trade in the British Parliament House of Commons Sessional Papers of the eighteenth century, published by Sheila Lambert in 1975 but seldom used by historians of Africa and the trans-Atlantic slave trade. In addition, the article provides an index for the eight volumes from 1788 to 1792 that concern the slave trade. The index is arranged according to the names of individuals who provided testimony to the House of Commons or who are referred to in the testimonies, as well as according to places in Africa and the Americas

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6

Austen, Ralph A., and Woodruff D. Smith. "Private Tooth Decay as Public Economic Virtue: The Slave-Sugar Triangle, Consumerism, and European Industrialization." Social Science History 14, no. 1 (1990): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200020678.

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The only group of clear gainers from the British trans-Atlantic slave trade, and even those gains were small, were the European consumers of sugar and tobacco and other plantation crops. They were given the chance to purchase dental decay and lung cancer at somewhat lower prices than would have been the case without the slave trade. [Thomas and Bean 1974: 914]Although the quotation above represents a radical departure from earlier economic assessments of the Atlantic slave trade, it shares with them an almost universal assumption: that the real significance of the Atlantic sugar triangle lay i

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7

Nettleford, Rex. "The trans-atlantic slave trade and slavery." UN Chronicle 44, no. 3 (2008): 10–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/cf7a6252-en.

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8

Graden, Dale. "“The Voice of Agitation Should Roll across the Broad Atlantic”." Journal of Global Slavery 9, no. 3 (2024): 271–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00903001.

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Abstract Scholars have provided impressive analyses of the transatlantic slave trade to the Americas and its demise over the past four decades, this led by contributions to the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database ( https://www.slavevoyages.org/ ). England played a decisive role in the suppression of that traffic after prohibition of British participation in 1808, this partly achieved by British interceptions of slave vessels by its West Africa Squadron (1819–1867) and the establishment of Courts of Mixed Commission for the Abolition of the Slave Trade (1819–1871). Given a North Atlantic Ocean

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9

Ribeiro da Silva, Filipa. "The slave trade and the development of the Atlantic Africa port system, 1400s–1800s." International Journal of Maritime History 29, no. 1 (2017): 138–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871416679116.

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Scholarly work on the transatlantic slave trade has tended to focus on the volume, conditions and the profits of this hideous commerce and its demographic, economic and social impact on the coastal areas of Atlantic Africa. Much has therefore been published about the history of specific ports and coastal regions, but still little is known about the contribution of the slave trade to the overall formation and shaping of the Atlantic Africa port system and its regional port sub-systems, the links between various ports, their commercial struggles, and the variable factors that conditioned changes

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10

MOSTEFAOUI, Aziz. "The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: An Unrepaired Crime against Humanity." Langues & Cultures 5, no. 02 (2024): 113–22. https://doi.org/10.62339/jlc.v5i02.290.

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Fourteenth-century Europe was marked by the Renaissance, the large movement of European awakening that started in Italy and encompassed scientific, political, economic, social, and cultural fields. One of the results of this movement was an unprecedented wave of explorations of the lands outside Europe, pioneered by the Portuguese in the fifteenth century. These explorations allowed Portugal to create trading posts and build castles along the West African coasts and establish sugarcane plantations on the Atlantic islands which relied on African slave labor. However, the discovery of the Americ

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11

MARQUES, LEONARDO. "The Contraband Slave Trade to Brazil and the Dynamics of US Participation, 1831–1856." Journal of Latin American Studies 47, no. 4 (2015): 659–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x15000929.

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AbstractThis article explores the US contribution to the illegal transatlantic slave trade to Brazil and the tensions generated by this hemispheric connection in the mid-nineteenth century. It combines qualitative and quantitative approaches, based on diplomatic records and Voyages: The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, in order to assess the size and variety of forms of US participation in the traffic to Brazil. More generally, the article examines the tensions caused by the rise of abolitionism and the limits to the enforcement of anti-slave trade legislation in the free trade internation

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12

ÒgúnyẹmíAdébáyọ́, Olúdáre Ph.D. "Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, Social Change as Catalysts to Yoruba Popular Music." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE HUMANITY & MANAGEMENT RESEARCH 04, no. 02 (2025): 397–405. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14948848.

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This paper interrogates how elements of African-American cultural practices that were imported to Lagos by returnee slaves influenced the social changes that heralded the emergence of a new form of popular music in Yoruba land. The paper also examines how this popular music of the Yoruba people made a stylistic return to the western shores and are now gaining recognition. The paper hinges on the intercultural theory by Akin Euba. Exploring ethnomusicological approach, the paper relies on archival and ethnographic sources to extrapolate data. Discussions in this paper are tailored towards estab

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13

Law, Robin. "Slave-Raiders and Middlemen, Monopolists and Free-Traders: the supply of slaves for the Atlantic trade in Dahomey c. 1715–1850." Journal of African History 30, no. 1 (1989): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700030875.

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This article, which extends and modifies the analysis offered in an earlier article in this journal (1977), examines what is known of the organization of the supply of slaves for the trans-Atlantic trade in Dahomey, with particular emphasis on the relative importance of local slave-raiding and the purchase of slaves from the interior, and on the evolution of a group of private merchants within Dahomey. It is argued that initially the kings of Dahomey sought to operate the slave trade as a royal monopoly, and relied exclusively upon slave-raiding rather than purchasing slaves from the interior.

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14

Lamak, Kefas. "Religious Appropriation of the Slave Trade." Journal of Black Religious Thought 1, no. 2 (2022): 247–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27727963-01020007.

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Abstract In an attempt to better understand the trans-Atlantic and sub-Saharan slave trade, religion’s use of conversion by Christians and Muslims alike, has instituted and justified slavery. In this article, I explore different religious (Conjuration, Islam, and Christianity) practices by the enslaved African people when they were forcibly displaced and resettled to the New World. I also examine how the enslaved African people reused religion to fight for their freedom.

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15

Dalton, John T., and Tin Cheuk Leung. "Dispersion and distortions in the trans-Atlantic slave trade." Journal of International Economics 96, no. 2 (2015): 412–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jinteco.2015.03.002.

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16

Lovejoy, Paul E. "The Impact of the Atlantic Slave Trade on Africa: A Review of the Literature." Journal of African History 30, no. 3 (1989): 365–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700024439.

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Recent revisions of estimates for the volume of the trans-Atlantic slave trade suggest that approximately 11,863,000 slaves were exported from Africa during the whole period of the Atlantic slave trade, which is a small upward revision of my 1982 synthesis and still well within the range projected by Curtin in 1969. More accurate studies of the French and British sectors indicate that some revision in the temporal and regional distribution of slave exports is required, especially for the eighteenth century. First, the Bight of Biafra was more important and its involvement in the trade began se

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17

Jorge Cruz Mouta, Fernando. "Por Virtud del Asiento: The naval logistics of the slave trade to the Spanish Indies (1604-1624)." International Journal of Maritime History 31, no. 4 (2019): 707–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871419874000.

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From 1595 up until 1640, the slave trade to the Spanish Indies was under the asiento system, monopolized by Portuguese new-Christian traders. This paper analyses the naval logistics of this specific transatlantic slave trade from 1604 to 1624, based on documentation in the Archivo General de Índias in Seville. In accordance to the data available, it is possible to present tendencies about this specific slave trade, the typology of the ships involved, and the crews’ age and provenance. The new data presented in this paper is a complement to the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, as it is base

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18

Akpan, Otobong Enefiok, and Udo Emem Michael. "An Archaeological and Historical Survey of Ikot Abasi Slave Trade Arena, Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 19, no. 1 (2025): 59–80. https://doi.org/10.15170/at.2025.19.1.4.

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The archaeology of Akwa Ibom is an area of study that remains largely undocumented, holding a wealth of unexplored histories waiting to be discovered. In our pursuit of archaeological findings, we aimed to investigate the potential of the sites available and to uncover the unique histories and heritage of the local people. Among these sites, the Ikot Abasi slave trade site was selected for examination. This paper reports on the archaeological relics identified at the site, which shed light on the accounts and activities associated with the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in Ikot Abasi. To achieve t

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19

Craemer, Thomas. "Comparative Analysis of Reparations for the Holocaust and for the Transatlantic Slave Trade." Review of Black Political Economy 45, no. 4 (2018): 299–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034644619836263.

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This article provides a legal and economic comparison of proposed reparations for the Transatlantic Slave Trade and already realized German Holocaust reparations. Neither injustice was legal at the time according to international common law. This line of legal reasoning was successfully applied at the Nuremberg trials but did not lead to Holocaust reparations. Instead, representatives of the perpetrator side reached out to representatives of the victimized side. Emory University’s Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database is used to determine the amounts the primarily European countries who particip

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20

LOVEJOY, PAUL E., and DAVID RICHARDSON. "THE BUSINESS OF SLAVING: PAWNSHIP IN WESTERN AFRICA, c. 1600–1810." Journal of African History 42, no. 1 (2001): 67–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700007787.

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The use of people as pawns to underpin credit was widespread in western Africa during the era of the trans-Atlantic slave trade. This study examines where and when pawns were used in commercial transactions involving European slave merchants in the period c. 1600–1810. It is shown that European merchants relied on pawnship as an instrument of credit protection in many places, though not everywhere. Europeans apparently did not hold pawns at Ouidah (after 1727), at Bonny or on the Angolan coast. Nonetheless, the reliance on pawnship elsewhere highlights the influence of African institutions on

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21

Amponsah, Evelyn. "“Sankɔfa has suffered”—On Melancholy, Diaspora and Refuge". TOPIA 49 (1 вересня 2024): 133–51. https://doi.org/10.3138/topia-2024-0001.

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In 2007, an apology was made by the nation of Ghana to descendants of trans-Atlantic slaves. Along with this apology came the Joseph Project—Ghana’s attempt to reconcile and provide reparations to the slave babies to evoke Hartman (2008) . Ghana attempted to evoke its own “Josephs” to embark on a journey of reconciliation and (re) connection. The Ghanaian state articulated this project in terms of the responsibility of the diaspora to its African brothers and sisters as well as to the “homeland,” calling upon the notion of Sankɔfa, which emphasizes a wisdom in the concept of return. Ghana made

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22

Stierl, Maurice. "Of Migrant Slaves and Underground Railroads: Movement, Containment, Freedom." American Behavioral Scientist 64, no. 4 (2019): 456–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219883006.

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This article explores the figure of the “migrant slave” that appears to conjoin antithetical notions—migration, often associated with intentionality and movement, and slavery, commonly associated with coercion and confinement. The figure of the migrant as slave has been frequently mobilized by “antitrafficking crusaders” in debates over unauthorized forms of trans-Mediterranean crossings to EUrope. Besides scrutinizing the depoliticized and dehistoricized ways in which contemporary migrant journeys have come to be associated with imaginaries of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, this article draw

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23

Searing, James F., and David Eltis. "The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: A Database on CD-ROM." American Historical Review 106, no. 3 (2001): 923. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2692332.

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Thornton, John K., David Eltis, Stephen D. Behrendt, David Richardson, and Herbert S. Klein. "The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: A Database on CD-ROM." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 1 (2000): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220266.

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25

Harries, Patrick. "Negotiating Abolition: Cape Town and the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade." Slavery & Abolition 34, no. 4 (2013): 579–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2012.759672.

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26

Radburn, Nicholas. "Keeping “the wheel in motion”: Trans-Atlantic Credit Terms, Slave Prices, and the Geography of Slavery in the British Americas, 1755–1807." Journal of Economic History 75, no. 3 (2015): 660–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050715001084.

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This article uses a new dataset of 330 slaving voyages to examine terms of credit issued for British American slave sales between 1755 and 1807. It shows that credit terms consistently varied between American colonies, and that slave ship captains considered these differences when electing where to land enslaved Africans. Our dataset also shows that credit terms were highly erratic, especially in the last quarter of the century, contributing to both surges and collapses in the slave trade to individual colonies, and in the trade as a whole. Four such instances are examined in detail to show th

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Obikili, Nonso. "The trans-Atlantic slave trade and local political fragmentation in Africa." Economic History Review 69, no. 4 (2016): 1157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ehr.12328.

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28

Inikori, Joseph. "“Wonders of the African World” And The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade." Black Scholar 30, no. 1 (2000): 30–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00064246.2000.11431070.

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Wheat, David, Xabier Lamikiz, Roberto Zaugg, et al. "An Atlantic Slave Trade Stretching from the Mediterranean to the Caribbean and Beyond." Journal of Early American History 13, no. 2-3 (2023): 169–240. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-13020001.

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Abstract The study of the trans-Atlantic slave trade is becoming increasingly sophisticated, diverse, and international. Challenging prevailing stereotypes about the dominance of northern European business interests, García Montón’s study shows the persistent vigor of Genoa’s merchant community in this examination of the asiento system that emerged in the mid-seventeenth century and continued into the mid-eighteenth century. Along the way, he also illuminates the slave trade’s connections to many other forms of trade, legitimate and illegitimate, on both sides of the Atlantic. Impressed with h

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Graden, Dale. "Slave resistance and the abolition of the trans-Atlantic slave trade to Brazil in 1850." História Unisinos 14, no. 3 (2010): 282–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.4013/htu.2010.143.05.

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Henderson, Zuleka. "Dear Ancestors." Genealogy 5, no. 1 (2021): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy5010009.

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This poem explores intergenerational wounding and healing from the perspective of a descendant of the African diaspora and of people affected by the trans-Atlantic slave trade. Inspired by intergenerational transmission discourse, the author reflects on the original and inherited injuries of the mass trauma of enslavement and initiates a transtemporal communication of empathy and healing with her ancestors.

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Okoroafor, Stanley I. "The Origin of Slavery and The Incidence of The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in Oguta, Nigeria." Journal of Gender and Power 10, no. 2 (2018): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/jgp.2018.10.006.

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Studies in the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade have received a lot of patronage. Such contributions have been made mainly exteriorly without adequate coverage (detailed) of the interior concerns of same. Here, the research has been focused on one of the numerous local narratives dealing with the very sourcing and underpinning of what can be judged the pivot of the trade within. Oguta was first opened up as an inland port at the advent of the present occupiers of the beautiful land around Oguta Lake which links to the Niger through the creeks on the plains and the Atlantic, same as the Urashi River.

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Kretzschmar, Imogen, Ousman Nyan, Ann Marie Mendy, and Bamba Janneh. "Mental health in the Republic of The Gambia." International Psychiatry 9, no. 2 (2012): 38–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600003076.

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The Republic of The Gambia, on the west coast of Africa, is a narrow enclave into Senegal (which surrounds the nation on three sides), with a coastline on the Atlantic Ocean, enclosing the mouth of the River Gambia. The smallest country on mainland Africa, The Gambia covers 11 295 km2 and has a population of 1705 000. There are five major ethnic groups: Mandinka, Fula, Wolof, Jola and Sarahuleh. Muslims represent 95% of the population. English is the official language but a miscellany of minor languages are also spoken (Serere, Aku, Mandjago, etc.). The Gambia has a history steeped in trade, w

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Delgado, Érika Melek. "Freedom Narratives: The West African Person as the Central Focus for a Digital Humanities Database." History in Africa 48 (June 2021): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2021.14.

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AbstractThis article discusses the methodology behind the development of new tools of research for African history that are a user-friendly source for public engagement. The focus is on biographical profiles of West African people during the era of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, which is an innovative approach to social history. The representation of enslaved Africans has typically been numbers recorded in logs and accounts compiled by slave merchants and captains. Freedom Narratives is an open-source relational database that reveals the people who constitute those numbers.

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Elbl, Ivana. "Book Review: The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: A Database on CD-ROM." International Journal of Maritime History 13, no. 1 (2001): 267–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387140101300136.

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Stanley, I. Okoroafor. "The Origin of Slavery and the Incidence of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in Oguta, Nigeria." NDỤÑỌDE: Calabar Journal of The Humanities 13, no. 1 (2018): 153–66. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1467657.

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Abstract Studies in the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade have received a lot of patronage. Such contributions have been made mainly from the exterior without adequate coverage (detailed) of the interior concerns of same. Here, the research has been focused on one of the numerous local narratives dealing with the very sourcing and underpinning of what can be judged the pivot of the trade within. Oguta was first opened up as an inland port at the advent of the present occupiers of the beautiful land around Oguta Lake which links to the Niger through the creeks on the plains and the Atlantic, same as t

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Lovejoy, Paul, and Dennis D. Cordell. "Dar Al-Kuti and the Last Years of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade." African Economic History, no. 14 (1985): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601124.

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Thompson, Estevam C. "The rise of the trans-Atlantic slave trade in Western Africa, 1300–1589." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 47, no. 1 (2013): 167–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2013.765275.

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Sommerdyk, Stacey. "The Rise of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in Western Africa 1300–1589." South African Historical Journal 67, no. 1 (2015): 98–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2015.1011218.

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Maat, Harro, and Tinde van Andel. "The history of the rice gene pool in Suriname: circulations of rice and people from the eighteenth century until late twentieth century." Historia Agraria. Revista de agricultura e historia rural 75 (June 1, 2018): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.26882/histagrar.075e04m.

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Alongside the trans-Atlantic slave trade, plant species travelled from Africa to the Americas and back. This article examines the emerging rice gene pool in Suriname due to the global circulation of people, plants and goods. We distinguish three phases of circulation, marked by two major transitions. Rice was brought to the Americas by European colonizers, mostly as food on board of slave ships. In Suriname rice started off as a crop grown only by Maroon communities in the forests of the Suriname interior. For these runaway slaves cultivating several types of rice for diverse purposes played a

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Pickett, Carmelita N. "The Trans‐Atlantic Slave Trade Database: Voyages2010246Managing editor David Eltis. The Trans‐Atlantic Slave Trade Database: Voyages. Atlanta, GA: Emory University Digital Library Last visited February 2010. Gratis 2008‐ URL: www.slavevoyages.org." Reference Reviews 24, no. 5 (2010): 65–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09504121011058049.

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42

Sylvain, Mbohou. "Vulnerability and Dependence in Slavery and Post-Slavery Societies: A Historicisation of the Enslaved Children (Pon Pekpen) from the Bamum Kingdom West Cameroon)." Genealogy 8, no. 3 (2024): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8030083.

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This article is a reflection on the history of enslaved children (Pon pekpen) in African slavery and post-slavery societies, such as the Bamum Kingdom. This traditional monarchy of the Grassfields of Cameroon, founded in 1394 by Nchare Yen, was one of the largest providers of captives transported to the Atlantic coast and used locally to meet the needs of traditional slavery. In this kingdom, slaves and their descendants, as well as enslaved peoples, represented nearly 80% of the total population. The trade of captives and servile practices left indelible traces, particularly where enslaved ch

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Patricia, M. Muhammad. "BOOK REVIEW: Accounting for Slavery: Masters and Management, by Caitlin Rosenthal." History Teacher 52, no. 4 (2019): 724–25. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3402526.

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Scholars have written extensively concerning the Trans-Atlantic slave trade’s intricate financial regime promoted through multi-lateral treaties, slaving licenses, nation states, private companies, and slavers, proprietors, and bankers who financed and insured this barter in human commodities. In <em>Accounting for Slavery</em>, Professor Caitlin Rosenthal outlines municipal slavery business structures primarily in the West Indies; with slaveowners at the highest rank, followed by overseers and attorneys who were property managers. Using the terms "proprietor," "balance,&q

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Ndemanu, Michael Takafor. "Ebonics, to Be or Not to Be? A Legacy of Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade." Journal of Black Studies 46, no. 1 (2014): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934714555187.

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Tyner, Sam. "Using the R Package geomnet: Visualizing Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade of Africans, 1514-1866." CHANCE 29, no. 3 (2016): 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09332480.2016.1234879.

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Amoussa, Adjile Edjide Roukiyath, Eduan Wilkinson, Marta Giovanetti, et al. "HTLV-1aA introduction into Brazil and its association with the trans-Atlantic slave trade." Infection, Genetics and Evolution 48 (March 2017): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.meegid.2016.12.005.

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Eleazar Wendt, Samuel. "Hanseatic Merchants and the Procurement of Palm Oil and Rubber for Wilhelmine Germany’s New Industries, 1850–1918." European Review 26, no. 3 (2018): 430–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798718000121.

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This article analyses the reorientation of Hanseatic merchants’ involvement in world trade during the second half of the nineteenth and first decades of the twentieth centuries. This shift was influenced by the independence of former British and Iberian colonies in the Americas, which caused the implosion of colonial trade monopolies. The abolition of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, and the Scramble for Africa also allowed German commerce to obtain more direct access to markets in and raw materials from tropical regions. An examination of the commodity chains of rubber and palm oil/kernels rev

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Largman, Esther Regina, and Robert M. Levine. "Jews in the Tropics: Bahian Jews in the Early Twentieth Century." Americas 43, no. 2 (1986): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007436.

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A monarchy based on the slave plantation labor of Africans until the late nineteenth century, vast Brazil offered little appeal to European immigrants except in the far south of the country, where smaller plots of arable land became available as the coffee frontier expanded. Facing shortages in slave supply after mid-century, when the British forced the Brazilians to end the trans-Atlantic slave trade, provincial governments attempted to lure European immigrants by granting subsidies to pay for transport and for initial costs of settlements. In 1881, the Imperial government joined in the effor

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McCants, Anne EC. "A Moral Measure of Capitalism?" TSEG - The Low Countries Journal of Social and Economic History 21, no. 2 (2024): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.52024/vxq0j707.

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Like much recent historiography, especially that inspired by the so-called “new history of capitalism,” Prak and Van Zanden are interested in what they call the “how” and “why” of the emergence of a capitalist market economy in the premodern Low Countries Yet, unlike much of the literature in this vein which takes the early modern trans-Atlantic slave trade and the tobacco, coffee, tea, sugar and cotton plantation economies that it supported as capitalism’s founding moment, the authors begin their story solidly in the early Middle Ages.

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Mukherjee, Dibyajit. "Exposing the violence on African American people by white supremacist ideology: Poetry of Sterling Brown and Esther Popel." International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 9, no. 5 (2024): 037–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.95.5.

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The history of African American Poetry is inextricably linked with the capitalist demand for workers from the already established slave market in Africa through the notorious trans-Atlantic slave trade. For example, one of the first poets of African American literature is named Phillis Wheatley but this was not her actual name. Phillis was the name of the slave ship on which she was brought to a foreign land and Wheatley was the name of her white masters who took her as property. The modus operandi of white supremacy was inhuman and extremely violent. Terrorist groups like the Ku Klux Klan ter

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