Relevant bibliographies by topics / Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement"

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Gao, Henry. "The Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement: A Critical Analysis." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 37, Issue 3 (2010): 221–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2010017.

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When the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement (TPP Agreement or P4 Agreement) was signed in 2005, it was hailed as a ‘high-standard’ agreement that could serve as a model for Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) within the Asia-Pacific region. This claim seems to have received support from recent events, such as the launch of the accession negotiation by the US and the expression of interests from a host of other countries. This article provides a critical analysis on whether the TPP Agreement is a ‘high-standard’ agreement as its members have claimed. After comparing it with other FTAs, this article notes that the P4 Agreement does not distinguish itself among FTAs and has failed to provide higher market access concessions or stricter disciplines on protectionist policies. This is followed by a discussion on the possible factors that might explain the mismatch between the rhetoric and reality of the P4 Agreement. This article concludes by considering how the P4 Agreement could be re-engineered to fulfil its original expectations.
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민경식. "A Study on Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement." Journal of International Trade & Commerce 7, no. 4 (2011): 255–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.16980/jitc.7.4.201112.255.

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Czesław Kozłowski, Stanisław. "Economic and Strategic Determinants of The Trans-Pacific Partnership." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no. 44 (2014): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.06.

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This article provides an economic and political analysis of the past and current state of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) project. The TPP talks, which have been ongoing since March 2010 and now involve 12 nations (Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, the United States, and Vietnam), are aimed at lowering trade barriers across a much wider range of sectors than classical preferential trade agreements. Namely, it aims at not only removing tariffs on goods and services, but would also cover labor and the environment, intellectual property, government procurement and state- -owned enterprises. The latter are forced by the US as the cornerstone of the Obama Administration’s economic policy in the Asia Pacific. TPP is thus a vital part of a plan known as ‘Asia Pivot’ strategy and represents American attempts to re-engage Asia. If completed, TPP agreement could serve as a template for a future trade pact among 21 members of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation regional group.
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Tung, Genevieve. "International Trade Law and Information Policy: A Recent History." International Journal of Legal Information 42, no. 2 (2014): 241–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500012051.

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In September 2008, the United States Trade Representative (USTR) announced the United States’ intention to join Singapore, New Zealand, Brunei, and Chile in what was then called the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement, a preferential trade agreement. Since then, the agreement has grown in scope and ambition. The negotiations to create what is now known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) have expanded to include seven other nations. The USTR wants the TPP to be “an ambitious, next-generation, Asia-Pacific trade agreement that reflects U.S. economic priorities and values.” According to the USTR's webpage dedicated to the agreement, the administration is “working in close partnership with Congress and with a wide range of stakeholders, in seeking to conclude a strong agreement that addresses the issues that U.S. businesses and workers are facing in the 21st century.”
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Zhu, Zihao,. "The Strategic Shift of U.S. Economic Framework Toward Asia Pacific: From TPP to IPEF." Communications in Humanities Research 23, no. 1 (2023): 134–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/23/20230862.

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The Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) represents a significant pan-regional economic endeavor by the United States in the Indo-Pacific region following its departure from the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) in January 2017. The primary objective of the IPEF is to enhance and consolidate American economic influence within the Indo-Pacific region. One of the TPP objectives encompassed this aspect. The four critical pillars of IPEF are Trade; Supply Chains; Clean Economy; and Fair Economy. Member states can choose to participate in different areas as they wish, without committing to all areas. However, the accord's true efficacy is still in doubt because there are no legally enforceable trade agreements or processes. Today, the United States still has certain challenges competing in the Asia-Pacific area for geoeconomic benefits. The paper investigates the shift in U.S. economic policy towards the Asia-Pacific region, specifically analyzing the transition from the TPP to the IPEF. The research primarily concentrates on the fundamental aspects, distinguishing features, consequences, limitations, and prospective advancements of the IPEF.
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Kostyunina, G. M. "Trans-Pacific Strategic Partnership: the Balance of Power and Role in the Formation of Regional Free Trade Area in Asia- Pacific." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(25) (August 28, 2012): 94–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2012-4-25-94-100.

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The article describes the main provisions of existing agreement on the transpacific strategic economic partnership, the need for expansion and its importance to the future Asia-Pacific free trade area (FTAAP). It analyzes of the positions of the leading countries in the region on a Pacific free trade zone - the U.S., Japan and ASEAN.
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Biegon, Rubrick. "US Hegemony and the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Consensus, Crisis, and Common Sense." Chinese Journal of International Politics 13, no. 1 (2020): 69–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poaa001.

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Abstract This article provides a critical analysis of the agency of the United States in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Building on neo-Gramscian theory, it contextualises the US decision to withdraw from the TPP as an expression of hegemonic crisis. Through an examination of the strategic and geoeconomic logics and objectives of the trade agreement in US foreign economic policy, it maintains that the TPP was intended primarily to expand the structural and consensual power of the United States in the international political economy. Partly an attempt to kick-start a stalled neoliberal agenda, the TPP was also an effort to respond to China’s growing influence in trade governance. The article argues that, despite the revival of the TPP in the form of the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, the inability of elite networks in the United States to implement the original accord is illustrative of a crisis of hegemony driven largely by the collapse of the ‘common sense’ in favour of economic globalisation.
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Lim, Chin Leng. "East Asia’s Engagement with Cosmopolitan Ideals Under its Trade Treaty Dispute Provisions." McGill Law Journal 56, no. 4 (2011): 821–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1005847ar.

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An East Asian view about how trade dispute settlement systems should be designed is slowly emerging. Democratically-inspired trade law scholarship and cultural explanations of the international law behaviour of the Southeast and Northeast Asian trading nations have failed to capture or prescribe the actual treaty behaviour of these nations. Instead, such behaviour has resulted in the emergence of two different treaty models for the peaceful settlement of trade disputes. The first, which seems firmly established, may be found in ASEAN’s 2004 dispute settlement protocol and the regimes established under the China-ASEAN, Korea-ASEAN, Japan-ASEAN, and ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand FTAs. A second model, based on the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement, could in time become an alternative model for an Asia-Pacific-wide FTA (i.e., including the East Asian nations within it). It adopts a more open approach; one which better accommodates greater transparency in dispute proceedings. At least for now, the two models coexist, obviating the need for East Asia’s legal policy-makers to choose a clear, dominant design for treaty-based trade dispute settlement in the region. But it also means that East Asia’s trading partners can influence East Asian nations, at least in those trade agreements that—like the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement—involve negotiations with trans-continental partners.
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Kuźnar, Andżelika, and Jerzy Brunon Menkes. "EU-Japan Agreements: Content, Context and Implications." Review of European and Comparative Law 39, no. 4 (2020): 7–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/recl.4839.

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The article analyses the agreements concluded by the EU with Japan: Economic Partnership Agreement, Strategic Partnership Agreementand the negotiated agreement: Investment Protection Agreement. EPA liberalizes trade in goods and services. By setting the legal framework for a strategic partnership, SPA facilitates cooperation against common challenges. IPA will regulate standards for investment protection and disputes resolution.
 The analysis consists: – the content of the Agreements; – socio-economic and political potential of the parties; – EU’s legal powers to negotiate and conclude agreements, and its competence, whether exclusive or shared, to enter into these Agreements; – the importance of Agreements for their parties and for other international actors as well as for regional, trans-regional and global relations.
 The thesis of the study is the statement that in a world where instability is increasing and security is reduced, the parties are fulfilling their, as real great powers, obligation to bear special responsibility for the implementation of the values represented. The Agreements confirm the community of values on which they are embedded and create conditions for strengthening these values.
 The study consists of five parts. First we analyse the subject matter of the Agreements , then their actors, and the reasons of concluding them and why. In part IV \we explain the importance of the Agreements for the contracting parties and for the international community, and in part V we concentrate on the Agreements as seen from the external perspective.
 The conclusions state that the Agreements institutionalise security communitywhere the security and defence policy component is still relatively weak, but is also being developed. The agreements making closer political and economic ties between the UE and Japan open the way to creation of the EU’s security community with “democratic diamonds” in the Asia–Pacific region.
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Matera, Paulina. "China as the Strategic Competitor in the Debate on TPP in the United States." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 22, no. 1 (2018): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.22.06.

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The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) was negotiated with participation of the U.S. representatives from 2008. It was discussed not only in terms of the economic consequences of it. The proponents of signing TPP claimed that it would strengthen the alliances in Asia-Pacific region, curtail the Chinese influences and let the U.S. establish the global trade rules for the future. The debate on this issue took place in the Congress, also the front runners of the presidential elections of 2016 expressed their standpoints. The attitude of public opinion will be also presented as well as the position of Donald Trump which resulted in the withdrawal of the United States from the agreement once he became the President of the U.S.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement"

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Toglo, Amévi. "Accords de Partenariat Trans Pacifique et secteur laitier canadien : analyse des impacts économiques." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/28358.

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Dans l’attente d’une éventuelle mise en application des accords de Partenariat Trans Pacifique (PTP) dont le principe fut signé en automne 2015, nous avons, à l’aide d’un modèle d’équilibre partiel, analysé ses impacts économiques sur le secteur laitier canadien sous gestion de l’offre. La question a été abordée sous l’angle d’une libéralisation tarifaire avec augmentation d’accès minimum par ligne tarifaire. À l’aide des scénarios de court terme (aucun ajustement) et de long terme (réduction du quota de mise en marché national), nous avons analysé les implications du PTP sur le bien-être des différents acteurs du secteur, sur les prix intérieurs de l’intrant et des produits ainsi que sur les quantités offertes et consommées. Les résultats montrent une diminution du prix intérieur et de la quantité offerte de l’intrant ainsi qu’une augmentation nette du bien-être général à court terme et à long terme respectivement de 0,3% et de 0,7%. -- Mots-clés : le secteur laitier, libéralisation tarifaire, accès minimum, gestion de l’offre, Partenariat Trans Pacifique (PTP).<br>Pending the possible implementation of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP), the protocol of which was signed at the autumn 2015, we have analyzed its economic impacts using a partial equilibrium model on the supply-managed Canadian dairy sector. The issue was addressed in terms of tariff liberalization with a minimum access increase per tariff line. Using the short-term scenarios (no adjustments) and long-term scenarios (reduction of the national marketing quota), we analyzed the implications of the TPP for the welfare of the various actors in the sector, inputs and outputs and the quantities offered and consumed. The results show a decrease in the domestic price and the quantity offered of the input as well as a net increase in general short-term and long-term welfare of 0.3% and 0.7%, respectively. -- Keywords: dairy sector, tariff liberalization, minimum access, supply management, Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP).
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CERQUEIRA, Wanilza Marques de Almeida. "Patentes farmacêuticas no período pós-trips: uma análise do Tratado Transpacífico no contexto da mudança na governança em relação ao comércio internacional e da implementação da Agenda 2030 para o desenvolvimento sustentável." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2017. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/25397.

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Submitted by Fernanda Rodrigues de Lima (fernanda.rlima@ufpe.br) on 2018-08-02T20:28:20Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) TESE Wanilza Marques de Almeida Cerqueira.pdf: 1447437 bytes, checksum: f7d3931db192530d559e27571f5e66d8 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Alice Araujo (alice.caraujo@ufpe.br) on 2018-08-03T22:33:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) TESE Wanilza Marques de Almeida Cerqueira.pdf: 1447437 bytes, checksum: f7d3931db192530d559e27571f5e66d8 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-03T22:33:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) TESE Wanilza Marques de Almeida Cerqueira.pdf: 1447437 bytes, checksum: f7d3931db192530d559e27571f5e66d8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-10<br>A tese tem como objetivo estudar os efeitos dos mega-acordos comerciais, especificamente do Tratado Transpacífico (TPP) em relação às patentes farmacêuticas e, consequentemente, no acesso a medicamentos. O estudo foi realizado através de pesquisa bibliográfica e legislativa e culmina com a comparação entre TPP e TRIPS. O estudo será focado no período pós-TRIPS, no qual a governança do comércio internacional passa por grandes transformações e a regulamentação da propriedade intelectual fora do âmbito da OMC cresce, cada vez mais, com a formulação de regras consideradas TRIPS-plus e TRIPS-extra. Esta realidade do período pós-TRIPS pode afetar a função social da propriedade intelectual e torná-la um óbice para o desenvolvimento econômico. A implementação da agenda 2030 para o desenvolvimento sustentável exige solidariedade global através da cooperação internacional, envolve o debate multilateral do comércio internacional centrado na OMC e a facilitação da transferência de tecnologia. O debate multilateral e mais democrático sobre temas atinentes ao comércio internacional, propiciado pela OMC, está ameaçado.<br>The thesis aims to study the effects of trade mega-agreements, specifically the Transpacific Treaty (TPP) on pharmaceutical patents and, consequently, on access to medicines. The study was carried out through bibliographical and legislative research and culminates in the comparison between TPP and TRIPS. The study will focus on the post-TRIPS period in which international trade governance undergoes major transformations and the regulation of intellectual property outside the WTO is increasingly being developed by the formulation of TRIPS-plus and TRIPS- extra. This reality of the post-TRIPS period can affect the social function of intellectual property and make it an obstacle to economic development. Implementing the 2030 agenda for sustainable development requires global solidarity through international cooperation, involves the multilateral debate on international trade centered on the WTO and facilitating technology transfer. The multilateral and more democratic debate on issues related to international trade, provided by the WTO, is threatened.
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Heyliger, Joseph. "The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement and the Changing Face of Free Trade Agreements: The Resultant Social, Political, and Economic Consequences." ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/5475.

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Little is known about the impact of nontrade issues on developing countries entering trade agreements. The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA) represents an attempt to set high-standard trade rules for participating countries in the Asian-Pacific region that require the inclusion of wide-ranging nontrade issues in the TPPA. This general qualitative study explored the economic, social, and political consequences for developing countries by including nontrade issues in Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). The overarching research question addressed whether nontrade issues in FTAs detract developing countries from achieving their trade goals. This study was guided by the theory of comparative advantage propounded by Ricardo and the focus on trade in goods and services. This general qualitative study used multiple sources of data collection including documentation-primary and secondary online and digital archival data, bibliographies, textbooks, and scholarly trade journals; researcher's notes; and interviews of 15 participants (13 economists and 2 trade unionists). All data were coded using open, selective, and axial coding followed by Braun and Clarke's thematic analysis procedure. Data analysis revealed 4 themes that crystallized the findings within the context of the research; the role, ramifications of nontrade issues, trade barriers, and the distraction of developing countries from achieving their goals-tariff reductions, market access, jobs, and economic growth. The key finding of this study was the interest of participants in wages, health, and safety of workers in FTAs. The implications for positive social change include recommendations for welfare enhancement gained by trade policymakers' understanding of the consequences of nontrade issues in FTAs.
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Chen, Yun-Ju, and 陳韻如. "The meaning of Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement in Abenomics-take agriculture as the foundation." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/5gc4qz.

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碩士<br>淡江大學<br>亞洲研究所碩士班<br>103<br>The purpose of the study is to understand the background and the reason why Japan joining the TPP under the Abenomics. In addition, finding out the meaning of the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement（TPP）in Abenomics according to the experience of TPP US-Japan agricultural talks in 2014. Signing free trade agreements is neither a subjective question of right and wrong nor a presence of justice and morality. It is totally a offense and defense negotiation based on national economy and people&apos;&apos;s livelihood between contracting parties. Therefore, the essence of free trade agreements is to find a mutually beneficial balance between contracting parties. The core of the negotiation of free trade agreements is all about national economy and people&apos;&apos;s livelihood. In this study, we cited every livelihood data of Japan after Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe came into power the second time, and compare the difference of the budget planned by the ministry of agriculture, forestry and fisheries of Japan between 2013 and 2014. Thereby, inspecting the policy achievements of Shinzo Abe and agricultural deployment of Japan after joining TPP. Conclusions 1.The regional trade organization mode of national economy has already brought out an serious issue that Japan has to face under the condition of competing economic policy strategies：joining the TPP and negotiating with other parties. 2.Multilateral free trade agreements have fully demonstrated the function of integration. The Japan-ASEAN FTA have done that, and TPP is no exception. In addition to agricultural products and tariff issues, another key issue in the TPP talks is to find out how to restructure a new integration platform between the US and Japan. 3.Japan not only joined the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership in 2013 and leaned closer to US-led economic organizations, but also looked forward to protect its agriculture framework to a certain extent by TPP from the perspective of Abenomics. Overall, the meaning of the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreemen（TPP）in Abenomics is participating in the TPP is enough to touch the new economic growth strategy, and Japan should strengthen its own industrial revolution through the involvement of the TPP.
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Chao, Chien-Yang, and 趙健揚. "The Economic Impacts of Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership on Taiwan." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/89f9z8.

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碩士<br>國立臺灣大學<br>經濟學研究所<br>107<br>The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) has been negotiated for ten years, and signed by nations from all over the world, including Australia, United States, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore and Vietnam. Its pursue of high quality and standards makes it a paragon for all its contemporary counterparts. In January 2017, Donald J. Trump, the new President of the United States, signed an executive order withdrawing the United States from the Trans-Pacific Partnership. The rest of the eleven countries decided to reach an agreement and continued without the United States. After that, they signed a new free-trade deal called Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). Taiwan has developed close trade relationship with the nations mentioned above, and in order to survive in the fierce competition of international trading, we have been trying hard to be a part of the agreement in recent years. This paper uses GTAP model to analyze the possible effects of Taiwan joining CPTPP. Research results show that our country might gain positive GDP growth by taking part in the agreement, but also bring negative impact to some industries.
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Huang, Yu-Jung, and 黃裕容. "The Possibility of Taiwan to Participate in Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement: A SWOT Analysis." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/4mrr42.

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碩士<br>國立中正大學<br>戰略暨國際事務研究所<br>103<br>Since the United States adjusted their foreign policy and declared that it will be “Pacific Century” in next 10 years in 2011. Asia-Pacific region returned to the spotlight of international community. Among all the Pacific issues, Asia’s regional economic integration is the greatest concern of the global society. In order to achieve the vision of Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP), there are two different approaches to liberalization. One is Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP); the other is the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). RCEP mainly comprises China, ASEAN, and the “ASEAN+1” countries. By contrast, the TPP consist of the United States and intercontinental countries, but at present does not going to have the regional power－China. Consequently, the TPP literally poses challenge to existing Asian power structure. 　　For Taiwan, both regional free trade agreements may be able to serve a range of goals. These include: economic growth, increasing exports etc. Therefore, it’s important for us to strive to participate in any one of the agreement. This study presents a SWOT (Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, and Threats) analysis for the understanding of Taiwan’s internal situation and external environment. It’s hoped that the study could provide a good overview of the complex regional circumstances.
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Yu, Meng-Han, and 游孟涵. "The Economic Impact Evaluation of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement（TPP）on Taiwan''s Participation." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/40552096977290040110.

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Books on the topic "Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement"

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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Finance. The Trans-Pacific Partnership: Opportunities and challenges : hearing before the Committee on Finance, United States Senate, One Hundred Thirteenth Congress, first session, April 24, 2013. U.S. Government Printing Office, 2013.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Ways and Means. Subcommittee on Trade. Trans-Pacific partnership: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Trade of the Committee on Ways and Means, U.S. House of Representatives, One Hundred Twelfth Congress, first session, December 14, 2011. U.S. G.P.O., 2012.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Advancing U.S. economic interests in Asia: Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Fourteenth Congress, first session, May 14, 2015. U.S. Government Publishing Office, 2015.

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author, Zhou Zheng, ed. Ya Tai he zuo yu Zhongguo can yu quan qiu jing ji zhi li. Shanghai ren min chu ban she, 2015.

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Sun, Yuhong. Duo guo bo yi shi jiao xia TPP tan pan yin fa de zheng ce hu dong he Zhongguo de zhan lüe xuan ze. Dui wai jing ji mao yi da xue chu ban she, 2014.

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Voon, Tania. Trade liberalisation and international co-operation: A legal analysis of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement. Edward Elgar, 2013.

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Sun, Yuhong. Nan bei xing zi you mao yi xie ding fei mao yi wen ti yan hua qu shi he Zhongguo de dui ce. Zhongguo she hui ke xue chu ban she, 2015.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade. The Trans-Pacific Partnership: Outlook and opportunities : hearing before the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Thirteenth Congress, first session, August 1, 2013. U.S. Government Printing Offfice, 2013.

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Tashiro, Yōichi. TPP mondai no shinkyokumen: Tomenakereba naranai koredake no riyū. Ōtsuki Shoten, 2012.

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Chong-dŏk, Kim. TPP chuyoguk t'uja, sŏbisŭ changbyŏk punsŏk: Kich'egyŏl hyŏpchŏngmun mit yanghŏ punsŏk ŭl chungsim ŭro = An analysis on the Services Trade Agreements of the TPP members. Taeoe Kyŏngje Chŏngch'aek Yŏn'guwŏn, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement"

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Li, Chien-Pin. "US-China Economic Relations: Implications of the Trans-Pacific Partnership." In The US Strategic Pivot to Asia and Cross-Strait Relations. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137360779_8.

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Kelsey, Jane. "The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership: A Battleground for Competing Hegemons?" In Free Trade Agreements. Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3038-4_2.

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Tripathy, Sunita. "The Human Right to Health: Reflecting on the Implications of IPRs as Endorsed by the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement." In International Economic Law. Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-44645-5_4.

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Yang, Chung-Han. "Cross-Border Energy Investment, Energy Justice and International Economic Law." In Just Transitions. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-46282-5_7.

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AbstractCross-border energy investments are crucial for achieving a global transition to net-zero emissions. However, these investments, often involving extensive infrastructure projects, can also have significant adverse effects on the environment, human rights, and sustainable development. This brief chapter argues that the concept of energy justice, which encompasses distributive, procedural, and recognition justice, can extend its influence beyond domestic regulations and be effectively applied to cross-border transactions. By embracing a broader understanding of energy justice, it has the potential to create synergies among international economic treaties, energy laws, human rights provisions, environmental agreements, and other domestic regulations and soft law instruments. Alongside national policy reforms and bilateral agreements, energy treaties like the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) and mega-regional economic integrations such as the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RECP) should consider incorporating principles of energy justice. Another potential approach is the development of an international soft law instrument dedicated specifically to energy justice and responsible investment within the context of global energy transactions. Established frameworks like the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights or the OECD’s Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises can serve as valuable references in shaping this international instrument.
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Malone, David M. "The Uncertain Geo-Strategic Outlook for the US in Asia: The Pivot, the Re-Balance, TPP, and Now What?" In Megaregulation Contested. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198825296.003.0003.

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The Trans-Pacific Partnership (known in its TPP11 format as the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership) embodies a project of economic cooperation among countries of four continents sharing the Pacific Ocean. It was driven by the international political imperative felt by the Obama administration to bind Asian allies closer to the United States through a meaningful trade agreement at a time marked by China’s vertiginous rise economically and as a global power. The 2017 withdrawal of the United States from the TPP project undermined US credibility in Asia (and elsewhere), while doing little to impede China’s rise. This chapter assesses in Asian perspective the geopolitical implications of this profound disorientation in US foreign policy, and the consequences of the eleven remaining states having decided to proceed without the United States.
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"5. STRATEGIC ROLE OF THE MEGA-TRADE DEALS." In The Political Economy of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) Agreements. ISEAS Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/9789814519779-007.

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Ermeydan, Burcu. "Overlapping Regionalism in East Asia: A Critical Review on Mega-Free Trade Agreements." In Rethinking Asia in World Politics. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/8331-310-8.08.

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Despite the existence of region-wide economic networks and the proliferation of regional cooperation processes in the 1990s and 2000s, East Asia is still one of the under-institutionalized regions in the world. In the absence of a single regional organization covering all regional states, the region is fragmented among regional organizations/groups, most of which geographically overlap due to multi-membership. In the literature on regionalism, this phenomenon has been recently conceptualized as “overlapping regionalism,” which has been observed worldwide. Indeed, East Asia constitutes a special example of overlapping regionalism with its current regional setting because of the high number of overlaps under regional organizations, initiatives, and agreements. Yet, the region has not been extensively examined in the emerging literature on overlapping regionalism. This paper aims to discuss overlapping regionalism in East Asia and its effects. It asks two central questions: why do regional states implement regional initiatives that geographically overlap, and how do overlapping regional initiatives affect regional states’ positions in the current setting of regional architecture in East Asia and vice versa? In order to answer these questions, it first proposes an analytical framework to examine overlapping regionalism. Later, it focuses on selected geographically overlapping free trade agreements like Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), and Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF). It evaluates political and economic factors and determinants of the emergence of these overlapping regional initiatives within the East Asian context. East Asia constitutes a distinctive example in terms of overlapping regional initiatives. It argues that rivalry among the big powers of the region, hedging strategies of middle and small powers, and the loosely-institutionalized structure of the regional governance are the primary reasons behind their emergence.
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Majchrowska, Elżbieta. "Proliferation of RTAs in the World Economy as a Consequence of the Crisis within the WTO – the Case of Agreements between the EU and ASEAN Countries." In Rethinking Asia in World Politics. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/8331-310-8.07.

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The ever-expanding and progressive crisis in fulfilling its key roles by the World Trade Organization (WTO) is the main reason behind the proliferation of Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) all over the world. The growing trend in this regard could also be observed in actions taken by the European Union. The EU’s current policy of diversification and intensification of trade relations involves mainly the conclusion of numerous Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). A clear tendency, in this context, is a special interest in markets of the Asia-Pacific region, owing to their enormous economic potential. Of particular note, in this context, are the bilateral agreements concluded with countries of the ASEAN group, which, as a whole, constitute EU’s third largest trading partner outside Europe. These agreements, leading towards restarting negotiations of the ambitious region-to-region FTA with ASEAN, are particularly significant to reinforcing EU’s position in this economically important area, also, in light of other crucial agreements concluded in the region, such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) or the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP).Ensuring better access to the dynamic ASEAN market is a priority for the EU. This region is critical to European economic interests, which was emphasized in the trade and investment strategy for the EU – “Trade for All,” presented in 2015.In the face of the multilateral crisis within the WTO, the EU, as the most active participant of RTAs in the world economy, will, therefore, concentrate on implementing its current policy and activities in this regard – negotiating RTAs. This solution, owing to its discriminatory nature, further complicates world trade, however, on the other hand, it grants the EU greater bargaining power. Changing this situation requires reforming the WTO and rebuilding the organization’s position in the world trade system.
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Davis, Christina L. "Japan: Interest Group Politics, Foreign Policy Linkages, and TPP." In Megaregulation Contested. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198825296.003.0026.

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After years of reluctantly opening its markets in the face of pressure from abroad, Japan led the campaign to save the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). This chapter evaluates the agreement from the perspective of Japan to investigate why the government chose to join TPP negotiations after years of delays, and why it became one of the first members to ratify the agreement even as US support for the agreement wavered amidst a fraught presidential campaign. TPP represents by far the most ambitious free trade agreement undertaken by Japan. It has been subject to tremendous resistance from farm groups and other interests, and moderate advocacy from industry. Against this backdrop, the value of the agreement as part of a geopolitical strategy was essential to Japanese support of TPP. The chapter argues that foreign policy interests were necessary to overcome domestic obstacles to liberalization. But the role of geopolitics in Japanese trade policy has moved beyond reaction to US pressure for liberalization. In the proactive use of economic statecraft, Japan seeks to deepen regional integration in East Asia and balance against China. Changes in the administrative process within the Japanese government and the decision to position the international trade agreement within the framework of policies for domestic economic restructuring further strengthened the resilience of Japanese commitment to the agreement and show how megaregulation can be embedded within domestic political reform agendas.
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Razzaq, Abdur. "Regional Trade Deal with China for a New Digital Economy." In Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. BENTHAM SCIENCE PUBLISHERS, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/9789815123227123010012.

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The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) will be one of the most important free trade agreements in the history of the Asia-Pacific region and the world. Its objective is to improve trade ties across the Asian-Pacific region's economies. In the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic that has spread over the world, it has emerged as a topic that can have an influence on business. As China is one of the RCEP members that possesses a strong economic background, the country is innovating in the way it trades by taking advantage of the digital economy; even during the pandemic. It is apparent that China's economy benefits from this strategy to some extent. This study is an exploratory research using secondary data to investigate whether or not the RCEP will pose as a new economic platform in the Asia-Pacific region. The findings show that China's economy recovers partly due to the implementation of this digital system, becoming the world's first to do so. Throughout the outbreak of COVID-19, the country has demonstrated that it is inventive and capable of supporting its economy and speeding its development. The RCEP agreement will have a greater impact on China and on the participating members.
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Reports on the topic "Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement"

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Park, Cyn-Young, Peter A. Petri, and Michael G. Plummer. Economic Implications of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership for Asia and the Pacific. Asian Development Bank, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/wps210371-2.

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The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) presents strong potential to mold regional trade and investment patterns well into the future and to influence the direction of global economic cooperation at a challenging time. This paper evaluates the RCEP’s impact on global and regional incomes, trade, economic structure, factor returns, and employment using a computable general equilibrium model. The results suggest that the RCEP agreement could generate sizable global income gains. Together with the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement on Trans-Pacific Partnership, the RCEP will also strengthen the region’s manufacturing supply chains, raising productivity and increasing wages and employment.
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Wei, Shang-Jin, and Xinding Yu. Characterizing Regionalism in Asia: A Modern Global Supply Chain Perspective. Asian Development Bank, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/wps220377-2.

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This paper quantifies economic interdependence among Asian economies and between Asia and the rest of the world using a modern global value chain decomposition framework. It shows that global value chain linkages in value-added terms across economies have grown faster than value-added linkages through final goods trade. Stronger value-added linkages between two economies tends to make it more likely for the pair to have membership in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership or Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership.
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Chepeliev, Maksym, Wally Tyner, and Dominique van der Mensbrugghe. How Differing Trade Policies May Impact U.S. Agriculture: The Potential Economic Impacts of TPP, USMCA, and NAFTA. GTAP Working Paper, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.21642/gtap.wp84.

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In the last two years, the United States has reversed the post-World War II trend toward the lowering of trade barriers and a commitment towards multilateral free trade. Citing a need to “level the playing field” and hold trading partners accountable to their commitments, the current Administration has moved towards a more protectionist and perhaps mercantilist position vis-à-vis trade policy. One of the Administration’s first actions in this regard was the decision to leave the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement, followed thereafter by raising tariffs on steel and aluminum imports. The Administration’s actions on trade are likely to have significant implications for U.S. farmers as these actions target three of the largest markets for U.S. agricultural exports – Canada, China and Mexico – accounting for some 44%, and representing an average of $63 billion, of U.S. agricultural exports 2013 to 2015. &lt;em&gt;Commissioned by the &lt;a href="https://www.farmfoundation.org/"&gt;Farm Foundation&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/em&gt; &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.farmfoundation.org/forums/2019-farm-foundation-forums/u-s-and-canadian-perspectives-on-trans-pacific-trade/"&gt;Farm Foundation Forum&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; (March 4, 2019) &lt;ul&gt; &lt;li&gt;&lt;a href="https://soundcloud.com/user-254829763/us-canadian-perspectives-on-trans-pacific-trade"&gt;Forum audio&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/li&gt; &lt;li&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.farmfoundation.org/trade/"&gt;Food and Agricultural Trade Resource Center&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/li&gt; &lt;/ul&gt; &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.farmfoundation.org/forums/2018-farm-foundation-forums/oct-31-2018-farm-foundation-forum/"&gt;Farm Foundation Forum&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; (October 31, 2018) &lt;ul&gt; &lt;li&gt;&lt;a href="https://brianallmerradionetwork.wordpress.com/2018/10/31/10-31-18-a-closer-look-at-the-purdue-universitys-global-trade-analysis-project-regarding-usmca-with-purdue-ag-economist-dominique-y-van-der-mensbrugghe-ph-d/"&gt;van der Mensbrugghe Interview&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/li&gt; &lt;/ul&gt;
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Davis, Eric C., Ethan Sabala, Dylan Russell, and Jayson Beckman. Impact of recent trade agreements on Japan's pork market. USDA Economic Research Service, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.32747/2023.8023699.ers.

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Since the turn of the century, Japan has relied on domestic pork production to supply around half of its pork consumption. In part, this production has been aided by import barriers that have helped shield domestic pork producers from foreign competition. Between 2018 and 2021, Japan ratified trade agreements with the United States, European Union, United Kingdom, and Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) countries that will virtually eliminate these import barriers by 2028. With essentially all of Japan’s pork imports coming from these trade agreement partners, Japan’s pork market could change considerably in the next 6 years, with imports taking a larger share of domestic consumption. For the United States, this change is estimated to lead to an additional $281 million worth of pork exports to Japan. This report uses a global economic model to estimate the impacts of these trade agreements. Results from the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) model suggest that when the trade agreements are fully implemented in 2028, there could be a 3.6- to 13.9- percent increase in pork imports into Japan in 2028 relative to 2018 levels. This increased exposure to foreign competition could also reduce Japan’s pork production between 4.2 and 11.8 percent
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