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Gao, Henry. "The Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement: A Critical Analysis." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 37, Issue 3 (August 1, 2010): 221–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2010017.
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When the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement (TPP Agreement or P4 Agreement) was signed in 2005, it was hailed as a ‘high-standard’ agreement that could serve as a model for Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) within the Asia-Pacific region. This claim seems to have received support from recent events, such as the launch of the accession negotiation by the US and the expression of interests from a host of other countries. This article provides a critical analysis on whether the TPP Agreement is a ‘high-standard’ agreement as its members have claimed. After comparing it with other FTAs, this article notes that the P4 Agreement does not distinguish itself among FTAs and has failed to provide higher market access concessions or stricter disciplines on protectionist policies. This is followed by a discussion on the possible factors that might explain the mismatch between the rhetoric and reality of the P4 Agreement. This article concludes by considering how the P4 Agreement could be re-engineered to fulfil its original expectations.
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민경식. "A Study on Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement." Journal of International Trade & Commerce 7, no. 4 (December 2011): 255–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.16980/jitc.7.4.201112.255.
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Czesław Kozłowski, Stanisław. "Economic and Strategic Determinants of The Trans-Pacific Partnership." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no. 44 (December 31, 2014): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.06.
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This article provides an economic and political analysis of the past and current state of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) project. The TPP talks, which have been ongoing since March 2010 and now involve 12 nations (Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, the United States, and Vietnam), are aimed at lowering trade barriers across a much wider range of sectors than classical preferential trade agreements. Namely, it aims at not only removing tariffs on goods and services, but would also cover labor and the environment, intellectual property, government procurement and state- -owned enterprises. The latter are forced by the US as the cornerstone of the Obama Administration’s economic policy in the Asia Pacific. TPP is thus a vital part of a plan known as ‘Asia Pivot’ strategy and represents American attempts to re-engage Asia. If completed, TPP agreement could serve as a template for a future trade pact among 21 members of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation regional group.
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Tung, Genevieve. "International Trade Law and Information Policy: A Recent History." International Journal of Legal Information 42, no. 2 (2014): 241–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500012051.
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In September 2008, the United States Trade Representative (USTR) announced the United States’ intention to join Singapore, New Zealand, Brunei, and Chile in what was then called the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement, a preferential trade agreement. Since then, the agreement has grown in scope and ambition. The negotiations to create what is now known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) have expanded to include seven other nations. The USTR wants the TPP to be “an ambitious, next-generation, Asia-Pacific trade agreement that reflects U.S. economic priorities and values.” According to the USTR's webpage dedicated to the agreement, the administration is “working in close partnership with Congress and with a wide range of stakeholders, in seeking to conclude a strong agreement that addresses the issues that U.S. businesses and workers are facing in the 21st century.”
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Zhu, Zihao,. "The Strategic Shift of U.S. Economic Framework Toward Asia Pacific: From TPP to IPEF." Communications in Humanities Research 23, no. 1 (December 20, 2023): 134–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/23/20230862.
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The Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) represents a significant pan-regional economic endeavor by the United States in the Indo-Pacific region following its departure from the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) in January 2017. The primary objective of the IPEF is to enhance and consolidate American economic influence within the Indo-Pacific region. One of the TPP objectives encompassed this aspect. The four critical pillars of IPEF are Trade; Supply Chains; Clean Economy; and Fair Economy. Member states can choose to participate in different areas as they wish, without committing to all areas. However, the accord's true efficacy is still in doubt because there are no legally enforceable trade agreements or processes. Today, the United States still has certain challenges competing in the Asia-Pacific area for geoeconomic benefits. The paper investigates the shift in U.S. economic policy towards the Asia-Pacific region, specifically analyzing the transition from the TPP to the IPEF. The research primarily concentrates on the fundamental aspects, distinguishing features, consequences, limitations, and prospective advancements of the IPEF.
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Kostyunina, G. M. "Trans-Pacific Strategic Partnership: the Balance of Power and Role in the Formation of Regional Free Trade Area in Asia- Pacific." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(25) (August 28, 2012): 94–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2012-4-25-94-100.
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The article describes the main provisions of existing agreement on the transpacific strategic economic partnership, the need for expansion and its importance to the future Asia-Pacific free trade area (FTAAP). It analyzes of the positions of the leading countries in the region on a Pacific free trade zone - the U.S., Japan and ASEAN.
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Biegon, Rubrick. "US Hegemony and the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Consensus, Crisis, and Common Sense." Chinese Journal of International Politics 13, no. 1 (2020): 69–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poaa001.
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Abstract This article provides a critical analysis of the agency of the United States in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Building on neo-Gramscian theory, it contextualises the US decision to withdraw from the TPP as an expression of hegemonic crisis. Through an examination of the strategic and geoeconomic logics and objectives of the trade agreement in US foreign economic policy, it maintains that the TPP was intended primarily to expand the structural and consensual power of the United States in the international political economy. Partly an attempt to kick-start a stalled neoliberal agenda, the TPP was also an effort to respond to China’s growing influence in trade governance. The article argues that, despite the revival of the TPP in the form of the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, the inability of elite networks in the United States to implement the original accord is illustrative of a crisis of hegemony driven largely by the collapse of the ‘common sense’ in favour of economic globalisation.
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Lim, Chin Leng. "East Asia’s Engagement with Cosmopolitan Ideals Under its Trade Treaty Dispute Provisions." McGill Law Journal 56, no. 4 (September 13, 2011): 821–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1005847ar.
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An East Asian view about how trade dispute settlement systems should be designed is slowly emerging. Democratically-inspired trade law scholarship and cultural explanations of the international law behaviour of the Southeast and Northeast Asian trading nations have failed to capture or prescribe the actual treaty behaviour of these nations. Instead, such behaviour has resulted in the emergence of two different treaty models for the peaceful settlement of trade disputes. The first, which seems firmly established, may be found in ASEAN’s 2004 dispute settlement protocol and the regimes established under the China-ASEAN, Korea-ASEAN, Japan-ASEAN, and ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand FTAs. A second model, based on the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement, could in time become an alternative model for an Asia-Pacific-wide FTA (i.e., including the East Asian nations within it). It adopts a more open approach; one which better accommodates greater transparency in dispute proceedings. At least for now, the two models coexist, obviating the need for East Asia’s legal policy-makers to choose a clear, dominant design for treaty-based trade dispute settlement in the region. But it also means that East Asia’s trading partners can influence East Asian nations, at least in those trade agreements that—like the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement—involve negotiations with trans-continental partners.
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Kuźnar, Andżelika, and Jerzy Brunon Menkes. "EU-Japan Agreements: Content, Context and Implications." Review of European and Comparative Law 39, no. 4 (July 7, 2020): 7–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/recl.4839.
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The article analyses the agreements concluded by the EU with Japan: Economic Partnership Agreement, Strategic Partnership Agreementand the negotiated agreement: Investment Protection Agreement. EPA liberalizes trade in goods and services. By setting the legal framework for a strategic partnership, SPA facilitates cooperation against common challenges. IPA will regulate standards for investment protection and disputes resolution.
The analysis consists: – the content of the Agreements; – socio-economic and political potential of the parties; – EU’s legal powers to negotiate and conclude agreements, and its competence, whether exclusive or shared, to enter into these Agreements; – the importance of Agreements for their parties and for other international actors as well as for regional, trans-regional and global relations.
The thesis of the study is the statement that in a world where instability is increasing and security is reduced, the parties are fulfilling their, as real great powers, obligation to bear special responsibility for the implementation of the values represented. The Agreements confirm the community of values on which they are embedded and create conditions for strengthening these values.
The study consists of five parts. First we analyse the subject matter of the Agreements , then their actors, and the reasons of concluding them and why. In part IV \we explain the importance of the Agreements for the contracting parties and for the international community, and in part V we concentrate on the Agreements as seen from the external perspective.
The conclusions state that the Agreements institutionalise security communitywhere the security and defence policy component is still relatively weak, but is also being developed. The agreements making closer political and economic ties between the UE and Japan open the way to creation of the EU’s security community with “democratic diamonds” in the Asia–Pacific region.
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Matera, Paulina. "China as the Strategic Competitor in the Debate on TPP in the United States." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 22, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.22.06.
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The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) was negotiated with participation of the U.S. representatives from 2008. It was discussed not only in terms of the economic consequences of it. The proponents of signing TPP claimed that it would strengthen the alliances in Asia-Pacific region, curtail the Chinese influences and let the U.S. establish the global trade rules for the future. The debate on this issue took place in the Congress, also the front runners of the presidential elections of 2016 expressed their standpoints. The attitude of public opinion will be also presented as well as the position of Donald Trump which resulted in the withdrawal of the United States from the agreement once he became the President of the U.S.
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Boguszewski, Mariusz. "New generation free trade agreements as a driver of institutional change: A case of Vietnam." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (May 27, 2022): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17489.1.
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Institutional change, which, according to new institutional economics, is a precondition to economic development, is caused by several forces. In addition to destiny defined as ‘path dependence’, strategic choice understood as overall policy direction of the country, there are external forces named as ‘switchmen’, which might have decisive impact on the direction of the institutional change. This political economy analysis investigates the role of ‘new-generation free trade agreements’ (NGFTAs) as ‘switchmen’ in the process of institutional change using the case of Vietnam. Vietnam was selected as it is the fastest integrating developing country in Asia and a participant in most regional economic integration projects. The paper focuses on the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EVFTA) as the most advanced trade agreements ever concluded between developed and developing economies. Findings are based on selected ‘new generation’ provisions of the CPTPP and EVFTA, confirming the ‘switchmen’ role of the agreement in institutional change and the new institutional arrangement of Vietnam. Thus, despite the political constellations and stakeholders’ interests, NGFTAs are the decisive impulse for profound institutional change in Vietnam, which would not be possible without NGFTA commitments.
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Griffith, Melissa K., Richard H. Steinberg, and John Zysman. "From great power politics to a strategic vacuum: Origins and consequences of the TPP and TTIP." Business and Politics 19, no. 4 (July 31, 2017): 573–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bap.2017.16.
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AbstractIn this paper, we place the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) into broader geo-political and economic context given the current Trump Administration's withdrawal from the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the loss of momentum for TTIP. Both TPP and TTIP sought to provide key tactical solutions to the particular trade/investment problems participating states faced. For the U.S. government, these free trade agreements also represented a geo-political undertaking, an attempt to once again set trade rules in light of deadlock in the WTO. Ultimately, the inability of the Obama Administration to successfully complete negotiations for and ratification of these two deals does not alter the underlying motivations that led to them in the first place. The stagnation of these deals, however, has intensified geo-economic and geo-strategic concerns: opening the door to rival articulations of trade governance and undermining U.S. credibility with its partners.
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Gordienko, D. V. "Evaluating changes in the economic security level of Japan as part of the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement: Economic cooperation and economic confrontation." Национальные интересы: приоритеты и безопасность 13, no. 1 (January 27, 2017): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/ni.13.1.151.
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PRYPIK, Yevhen. "THE MAIN TRENDS OF VIETNAM - JAPAN COOPERATION WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF BILATERAL STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP." Skhid, no. 2(3) (December 27, 2021): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/1728-9343.2021.2(3).247249.
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The article examines the process of formation and development of the comprehensive political and trade and economic cooperation between Japan and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam since 1973, when diplomatic relations were established between the two countries, and then received a new impetus after Vietnam started the market reforms in 1986 and commenced the renewal policy (in Vietnamese – “Đổi Mới”). In 2009, Japan and Vietnam decided to raise the bilateral relations to the level of strategic partnership for the common interests of both countries. In 2010, as part of the official visit of the Prime Minister of Japan to Vietnam, a Joint Declaration on strategic cooperation for peace and prosperity in Asia was adopted.The article focuses on cooperation between the two countries in the framework of international and regional organizations, in particular in the framework of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement, as well as in the framework of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, in which Japan and ASEAN member states participate. In recent decades Japan has been one of Vietnam’s main foreign economic partners and the second largest investor into Vietnamese economy. At the same time, Japan is the largest sponsor of Vietnam through the Official development assistance program (ODA), actively assisting Vietnam in implementing its national strategy of industrialization and modernization under the framework agreement on cooperation between Vietnam and Japan until 2020 with the prospect of 2030. Besides, the article discusses and analyzes the largest joint projects implemented in Vietnam with the technical and financial assistance from Japan.
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Boguszewski, Mariusz. "New generation free trade agreements as a driver of institutional change: A case of Vietnam." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (December 6, 2022): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17489.2.
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According to new institutional economics, institutional change is a precondition to economic change and is caused by multiple forces. In addition to path dependence, and strategic policy direction of the country, there are external forces which might have a path-breaking effect. This paper investigates the role of new generation free trade agreements (NGFTAs) in the process of institutional change using the case of Vietnam. It focuses on the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EVFTA) as the most advanced trade agreements ever concluded between developed and developing economies. The findings are based on selected new generation provisions of the CPTPP and EVFTA that confirmed limited success in formal institutional change, no visible impact on the informal part of the institutional setting, and a lack of enforcement incentives. However, institutional change might be achieved by market shifts that activate businesses. These entities, for example, enforce intellectual property rights, modern corporate governance standards or labor rights protection that might cause the spill-over effect into a broader spectrum of economic actors. Thus, they might cause a shift in informal norms triggering incremental changes leading to successful institutional change. NGFTAs might be considered indirect facilitators of this process because they promote a friendly business environment and increase Vietnam‘s investment attractiveness.
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Ting, Wai. "Increasing Economic Interdependence between China and ASEAN and Its Implications." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 4, no. 2 (April 25, 2017): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v4i2.1524.
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This paper aims to study the problems and issues of China's relations with ASEAN, which has achieved the establishment of ASEAN Economic Community by 2015. Taking into consideration the institutional framework constituted by the multiple agreements signed between China and ASEAN, how will the development of China-ASEAN relations be influenced by increasing economic interdependence between the two? What will be the difficulties ahead in enhancing trade and investments? Does promoting economic cooperation lead to more mutual trust in the political-strategic arena? China's recent policy in developing "one belt, one road", and Chinese relations to the US-led Trans-Pacific Partnership and their implications to ASEAN will also be examined in this paper.
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Lebedeva, Liudmila F. "Transcontinental Partnerships at the Crossroads: Factors, Risks, Consequences." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 4 (November 28, 2017): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-54-69.
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Transcontinental partnerships – Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TATIP) – have been analyzed in view of the new challenges in polycentric world, US foreign economic policy changes, risks for the national economies of the block’s participants, as well as for the other countries. The TPP and the TATIP are in focus as the new stage of the world integration process. The TATIP can deepen the already substantial economic ties between the US and the European Union. But what will be included in the chapters of the agreement on financial services, agricultural products, some other sectors is still subject to debate. Particular concerns arise about the role for the TATIP in harmonizing financial regulation. The practical implementation of president Donald Trump plans to «promote American industry, protect American workers» began with the US withdrawal from the TPP, with negotiating new bilateral trade deals in mind. Since that decision, the leaders of Japan, Singapore, Australia, and other TPP participants emphasized the strategic importance of this agreement for their countries and for US leadership in the region. Withdrawing from the TPP raises concerns among US trade partners and allies in the region and put many questions before them. Besides, US withdrawal from the TPP effectively gives green light to assert a more pronounced leadership role in the region for China, which is already a major trade and investment partner for TPP countries. Furthermore, Donald Trump turned attention to certain imports as a threat to national security and thus potentially subject to steep tariffs. The US steps in this way may undermine the rules-based trading system, and put many questions before TPP partners and other countries. Whether import restrictions for national security reasons be implemented, they may damage not only China as the main U.S. imports driver; but other countries as well, and lead to new barriers against US exports by trading partners. The Trump administration initiatives not only represents a challenge for countries that linked closely to the American economy due to the trade-economic agreements, but leads to new opportunities and choices in international economic relations.
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Chatys, Mateusz. "Relations Between Singapore and the People’s Republic of China in the Light of Donald Trump’s New Southeast Asia Policy." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 23, no. 1 (July 15, 2019): 133–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.23.09.
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The aim of the article is to analyze the relationship between Singapore and the People’s Republic of China in the light of the current policy of the President of the United States Donald Trump. The point of reference for the presented analysis is the foreign policy of the former President Barack Obama, based on the strategy known as “pivot to Asia” – the strategic turnabout of the United States to the Asia-Pacific region. One of its main objectives was the signing of a multilateral agreement on the establishment of a free trade zone, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), bringing together 12 countries. The main subject of the present analysis is to examine the impact of Donald Trump’s decision of January 2017 to withdraw from the TPP trade agreement on the relations between the remaining signatories of the agreement, as well as to examine Beijing’s actions, which may seek to increase its sphere of influence in Asia through the breakdown of TPP. The main part of the research is focused on the triangle politics concept in international politics, which will include China, Singapore and the United States. Besides the two largest economic powers, Singapore is included because of its membership in the TPP and ASEAN, and due to its strong economy and its population (predominantly) of Chinese origin it can be viewed as the “fifth column” or may otherwise play a role in the Greater China concept.
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Soedarman, Yoedhi Swastanto, Budi Pramono, and Mhd Halkis. "Free and Open Indo-Pacific in Defense Cooperation between Indonesia and Australia." Technium: Romanian Journal of Applied Sciences and Technology 2, no. 7 (November 30, 2020): 258–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/technium.v2i7.2065.
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Indonesia and Australia are two neighboring countries with different cultural characteristics and patterns of international relations. This research aims to formulate a pattern of strategic partnerships between Indonesia and Australia in the field of defense cooperation. Through the symbolic interactional approach, the researcher saw actors' behavior between countries by collecting data from various sources; online newspapers, scientific articles, interviews, and discussions illustrated the pattern of defense cooperation between Indonesia and Australia at three levels. At the multilateral level, the relationship between Australia and Indonesia looks rather difficult to reciprocate. At the regional level, especially in the Southeast Asia region, Indonesia and Australia cooperation in non-binding control, and on the bilateral level Indonesia and Australia as equal partners are equally committed to mutual control. Free and Open Indo-Pacific strengthens Indonesia-Australia cooperation in the trade sector. An agreement has been built and ratified into the Indonesia-Australia Law comprehensive economic partnership agreement (IA-CEPA). Thus the internal politics of the alliance is very dynamic. On the one hand, the United States strengthens its dominance by utilizing regional countries challenging Chinese policies as bilateral partnerships. On the other hand, multilateral allies help each other. Development between border countries in various ways for defense development.
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Song, Liuting. "Impact of the US Indo-Pacific Strategy on China-India Economic Cooperation." Transactions on Social Science, Education and Humanities Research 9 (July 8, 2024): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.62051/gnk2w546.
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India has grown to be a significant component of the US Indo-Pacific strategic layout in South Asia because of its unique geographic location, political and economic power, and other factors. Through collaborative efforts within the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF), the US and India have fostered project cooperation by aligning policy dispositions to address shared interests and contain China. Analysis of the economic and trade interactions between China and India suggests a declining trend in their cooperation from many perspective. In a strategic move, India opted out of the China-led Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement in 2019 to prioritize economic and trade relations in accordance with its strategic objectives. In addition, India got supports and advancements in high-tech industries through the US Indo-Pacific strategy, consequently reducing collaboration with China in this sector. Furthermore, the US and India have taken measures to diversify supply chains and explore alternative trade routes, steering away from China and promoting regional industrial transfers. This shift has prompted India to intensify its focus on developing high-tech industries to lessen its dependence on China's industrial chain supply. These initiatives have also contributed to the formation of an internal trade network within the IPEF, disrupting traditional trade exchanges between China and India. However, the economic cooperation between the US and India falls short of reaching its full potential because of differences in national interests, history, culture, and other factors. Consequently, the impact of China-India economic relations is not catastrophic, even in the face of heightened US trade restrictions on China that have compelled India to make strategic decisions.
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Young, Margaret A., and Georgina Clough. "NET ZERO EMISSIONS AND FREE TRADE AGREEMENTS: EFFORTS AT INTEGRATING CLIMATE GOALS BY THE UNITED KINGDOM AND AUSTRALIA." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 72, no. 2 (April 2023): 393–436. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002058932300012x.
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AbstractThe negotiation of the free trade agreement (FTA) between Australia and the United Kingdom promised to integrate trade and climate policies. As a leader of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) conference in Glasgow, the UK seemed well-placed to exert pressure on Australia, a country that was yet to embrace a target of net zero emissions by 2050. This article asks whether the FTA achieves this aim. It explains the link between trade liberalisation and climate change, referring to the scale and composition of economic activity and drawing upon examples from energy, agriculture, building and transportation sectors, as well as strategic factors. It provides an original analytical framework to assess the FTA's contributions to climate change goals, pointing to: (1) provisions to strengthen climate commitments, including net zero targets; (2) provisions to facilitate trade and investment in climate-related areas; and (3) provisions relating to enforcement and cooperation. It compares selected initiatives of other FTAs, including the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), the European Union–Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), the UK–New Zealand FTA and the Singapore–Australia Green Economy Agreement. It reviews the FTA's negotiating process and its aftermath, including complaints about public participation. The article's conclusion that the FTA makes minimal contribution to climate change mitigation has implications for the broader quest for mutually supportive trade and climate policies, and, now that a net zero target has been legislated by the newly elected Australian Parliament, for the FTA's future implementation.
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Giorgi Garakanidze, Giorgi Garakanidze. "Prospects of Transporting Kazakhstan’s Oil Using the So-called "Middle Corridor"." Economics 105, no. 3-4 (May 15, 2023): 142–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/ecs105/3-4/2023-142.
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In January, 2023 the President of Kazakhstan welcomed the signing of an agreement between the Abu Dhabi Ports Group and KazMunaiGas National Company on a strategic partnership. Tokayev noted that the country intends to become a full-fledged transport hub in Central Asia and in the Caspian Sea region. Kazakhstan is working on the diversification of transport corridors, paying particular attention to the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route and the International North-South Transport Corridor. Meanwhile, UAE aims at establishing a mutually beneficial partnership and providing various maritime services and solutions in the Caspian Sea and Central Asian region. The organization specializes in building ports, economic zones, and the development of logistics and digital businesses for their international partners. Dubai-based port operator DP World is reportedly also planning investment in freezone project and is said to invest $1bn in Kazakhstan Banking & Finance. There are plans to carry out joint projects with Abu Dhabi Ports/ DP World to develop the infrastructure of seaports in order to strengthen economic ties between Kazakhstan and the UAE, including partnerships in the transport and logistics sector. Keywords: Kazakhstan, UAE, Oil, Gas, “Middle Corridor”, Energy Security, Energy, Port Infrastructure.
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Odion, W. E., P. E. Agbebaku, and M. A. Kadiri. "The European Union (EU)-African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA): Weakening or Deepening African Development." Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences 7, no. 3 (March 1, 2010): 269–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3923/pjssci.2010.269.274.
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Kostyunina, Galina Mikhailovna. "Regionalism in the Modern World Economy: Evolution and Main Trends." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 303–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-2-303-317.
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The proposed article is aimed at identifying the essence, history of development and evaluation of the current stage of regionalism. The principles of the theory of economic integration are briefly outlined, including its forms and their practical implementation. The author discusses the regulation of integration agreements within the framework of the GATT - WTO multilateral trade system. The motives for the participation of states in integration agreements, such as strategic, political and economic ones, as well as participation of the country in global and / or regional value of chains, are examined in detail. The author characterizes the main trends of modern regionalism and well-known integration mega-projects, such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership, and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. The main results of the study, which the author came to: 1) regionalism is a politics, and regionalization is the process of uniting countries into a larger region with elements of the free movement of certain factors; 2) old regionalism reflected the goals of promoting the growth of international trade and ensuring security. It corresponds to the concept of shadow integration; 3) the new regionalism was the result of an integrated approach to the development of globalization and a multipolar world. It is characterized by the concept of deep integration with deeper integration processes; 4) when signing the RTAs, the country takes into account strategic, political and economic factors; 5) integration agreements vary in scope and structure, reflecting the growing differentiation of the global trading system and the diversity of bilateral and multilateral regional trade agreements; 6) the signing of mega-projects reduces the effect of spaghetti bowl due to a decrease in the number of bilateral integration agreements between countries and the development of general rules of trade, and also simplifies international commercial disputes; there is a gradual unification of not only the rules of law, but also their interpretation and application.
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Cheong, Inkyo. "Analysis of the FTA Negotiation between China and Korea." Asian Economic Papers 15, no. 3 (October 2016): 170–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00467.
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When signing their bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) in February 2015, South Korea (Korea, hereafter) and China called the deal a historic milestone in deepening their strategic cooperative partnership and expected it to bring about practical benefits for both countries. The China–Korea FTA seems to generate low impact, however, because of its narrow coverage and tenuous commitments. Korea has taken a passive position regarding the FTA in response to the strong objections from its agricultural sector, and China has promoted the FTA in light of political considerations, then hurried to conclude negotiations for inclusion in the Beijing 2014 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Leaders’ Meeting. This study is the first academic assessment of the China–Korea FTA based on the Chapters and Appendices that both countries have signed. Major elements of the FTA, including its narrow coverage, are analyzed qualitatively. We also provide a quantitative assessment based on tariff liberalization commitments. Finally, the study discusses the policy implications of the China–Korea FTA for economic integration in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific region.
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Wei, Keyu. "The Impact of RCEP Tariff Concessions on Intra-Regional Trade: An Analysis of Trade Creation and Diversion." Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 31 (May 21, 2024): 145–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/9fpgy060.
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This study delves into the economic ramifications of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), particularly focusing on its tariff concessions and their influence on intra-regional trade dynamics within the Asia-Pacific region. By encompassing 15 East Asian and Pacific nations, RCEP stands as the world's largest trading bloc, accounting for approximately 30% of the global Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This research aims to dissect the core objectives of RCEP, emphasizing the significant tariff concessions that aim to eliminate up to 90% of the tariffs within the bloc over a stipulated timeline. Through a comprehensive analysis, this paper explores the dual phenomena of trade creation and trade diversion as intrinsic outcomes of RCEP's tariff concessions. Initial findings project an increase in intraregional exports by nearly 2%, translating to an augmentation of approximately US$42 billion. This surge in trade volume is attributed to the lowered costs of goods due to reduced tariffs, fostering economic growth and integration of regional markets. However, the study also highlights the nuanced impacts of trade diversion, where trade shifts from more efficient external sources to less efficient member states, induced by preferential treatment within the bloc. Furthermore, the paper navigates through the challenges and opportunities presented by RCEP, including the harmonization of trade policies and regulatory standards across diverse economic landscapes. The research underscores the strategic implications for RCEP member countries, advocating for a multifaceted approach to leverage the benefits of the agreement while mitigating potential downsides. This study contributes to the broader discourse on regional economic cooperation and integration, offering insights into the complex interplay between trade policies and regional dynamics in the Asia-Pacific.
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Zulham, Armen, and Rani Hafsaridewi. "IE – CEPA : ANALISIS MANFAAT DAN DAMPAK BAGI PERIKANAN INDONESIA." Jurnal Kebijakan Sosial Ekonomi Kelautan dan Perikanan 1, no. 1 (August 12, 2020): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15578/jksekp.v1i1.9253.
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Indonesia – EFTA Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (IE-CEPA) adalah bentuk kerjasama perdagangan Indonesia dengan empat negara EFTA (Islandia, Liechtenstein, Norwegia, dan Swiss) untuk mendorong pertumbuhan ekonomi. Secara politis, kerjasama ini mempunyai arti strategis untuk memperluas pasar, karena nilai transaksi barang dan jasa negara EFTA berperan penting dalam perdagangan dunia. Kajian ini disusun dengan memanfaatkan data sekunder dan publikasi yang ada guna menelaah manfaat kerjasama perdagangan tersebut dalam pengembangan industri perikanan Indonesia. Hasil telaahan menunjukkan manfaat kerjasama tersebut masih memerlukan negosiasi yang kuat, karena dua negara EFTA (Islandia dan Norwegia) merupakan negara perikanan dan memiliki teknologi yang relatif maju. Dua negara EFTA lainnya merupakan jalan untuk memperluas pasar bagi produkperikanan Indonesia, serta mendorong dan meningkatkan investasi Perikanan. Indonesia perlu merintis penerapan rule of origin untuk kelangsungan perdagangan perikanan Indonesia dalam perdagangan global. Indonesia harus meningkatkan kapasitas sumberdaya manusia untuk memperkuat kerjasama tersebut serta mencegah perdagangan ikan yang tidak fair karena hasil transhipment, hasil tangkapan illegal dan re-ekspor ke Indonesia. Title: IE-CEPA: Benefit and Impact for Indonesia’s Fisheries Indonesia – EFTA Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (IE-CEPA) is a trade cooperation between Indonesia and EFTA countries (Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway and Switzerland) to support the economic growth. From Indonesia political point of view, this trade cooperation has a strategic position for market access due to the EFTA countries play important roles in global commodities and services trading. This analysis used the secondary data and published literatures to analysis impacts and benefits of this trade cooperation for fisheries development in Indonesia. Result of the analysis suggested that Indonesia still need to strengthen its negotiation due to the advanced stage of fishing technology from two EFTA countries (Iceland and Norway). Other two EFTA members are potential market access for Indonesian fish products. Indonesia has to implement rule of origin for sustainable fish trade to increase fish investment and increase completion in global market. Indonesia must improve its human capacity building to strengthen its position in this trade cooperation and prevent unfair fish trade due to trans-shipment, illegal fishing and re-export fish to Indonesia.
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Rogozhina, N., and A. Rogozhin. "Southeast Asia and the USA: Parameters of Interaction." World Economy and International Relations 68, no. 1 (2024): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2024-68-1-105-118.
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The article analyzes the factors influencing the nature of cooperation between Southeast Asian countries with the United States and the directions of its implementation in the context of the escalating rivalry between the United States and China, who seek to influence them. The US interest in the region is primarily determined by the tasks of containing China and strengthening its position in the Indo-Pacific region by expanding ties with partners and allies. The approach of the Southeast Asian countries towards cooperation with the United States is motivated by two considerations – strategic and economic. In the context of growing concerns about China’s expansion in the region and the persisting territorial disputes with it in the South China Sea, the United States in the eyes of these states is considered a stabilizing factor of the regional security system. The article points out that despite the fact that the Southeast Asian countries are interested in the presence of the United States in the region, the anti-Chinese orientation of American policy limits the potential of their strategic interaction. Case studies of individual Southeast Asian countries confirm their commitment to the principle of inclusiveness in foreign policy, which excludes choosing one party over the other. Despite the fears inherent in Southeast Asian countries about the expansion of China’s influence, they prefer to pursue a hedging policy, which in reality manifests itself in the desire to balance between competing parties in order to neutralize risks and preserve strategic autonomy. This explains the dualism of the Southeast Asian countries’ policies and affects their cooperation with the United States in the field of security, which, despite the intensification of diplomatic activities of Biden’s administration and the conclusion of a comprehensive strategic partnership agreement, is developing slowly, except for the ongoing joint military exercises and arms purchases. In general, the Southeast Asian countries are – and contribute to – solving problems they consider important, primarily in the field of economy. Contrary to the prevailing idea of China’s economic dominance in the region, the economic relations of the Southeast Asian countries with the United States have been stable for a decade, developing in an upward direction, and beneficial for the Southeast Asian countries themselves. Economic cooperation remains a priority of their interaction with the United States, despite the importance of developing security relations. Pragmatism and the acknowledgement of the emerging geopolitical situation in the region determines the parameters of interaction between the Southeast Asian countries and the United States.
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Putri, Jona Widhagdo. "Indonesia and ASEAN Chairmanship in 2023: Leading the Region in Strengthening Relations with China." International Journal of Law and Politics Studies 6, no. 1 (February 13, 2024): 96–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijlps.2024.6.1.11.
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Indonesia, the largest economy in Southeast Asia, plays a crucial role in the region and contributes significantly to the regional bloc's stability, economic growth, and diplomatic initiatives. The archipelago serves as a pivotal anchor within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), stipulating political leadership and strategic direction over the years. Indonesia fosters trade and investment within the region, as seen from Indonesia's role in completing the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) negotiation, the largest free trade agreement in the world involving ASEAN and several trading partners such as China, Japan and South Korea (The ASEAN Secretariat, 2023). Indonesia promotes dialogue and cooperation to address regional challenges such as trans-boundary issues, security concerns, and environmental sustainability. Indonesia is also currently one of China’s most important partners in Southeast Asia. China is now Indonesia's largest trading partner and export market, with China's official data showing that in 2022 the bilateral trade reached $149.1 billion, up 19.8 percent year-on-year. In the same year, China was the second-largest source of investment in Indonesia in 2022, with $8.2 billion (Duqiang, 2023). In addition, China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has played a major role in supporting infrastructure development in Indonesia. Both nations continue to engage in high-level diplomatic dialogue and seek common ground on various regional and global issues. This article attempts to show the role that Indonesia plays as it continues to show the way for other ASEAN countries to navigate economic challenges and, at the same time, forge stronger ties with China. This article also examines the bilateral relationship between Indonesia and China and how it affects Indonesia’s capability to lead other ASEAN countries, especially after Indonesia’s ASEAN Chairmanship in 2023.
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Yoshimatsu, Hidetaka. "High-Standard Rules and Political Leadership in Japan’s Mega-FTA Strategy." Asian Survey 60, no. 4 (July 2020): 733–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.4.733.
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This article examines Japan’s trade policy on significant geo-economic developments by focusing on its engagement in three large free trade agreements: the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, and the Japan–EU Economic Partnership Agreement. Under the Abe administration, Japan has produced successful outcomes in mega-FTA strategy, concluding the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Japan–EU Economic Partnership Agreement in 2018. The making and diffusion of high-standard rules were given high priority in Japan’s mega-FTA strategy, and Prime Minister Abe’s political leadership in employing his political allies and executive aides and managing the opposition activities of veto players has enabled his administration to produce these successful outcomes.
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Wu, Chien-Huei. "ASEAN at the Crossroads: Trap and Track between CPTPP and RCEP." Journal of International Economic Law 23, no. 1 (November 27, 2019): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jiel/jgz032.
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Abstract In the wake of the mega-free trade agreements, all of the 10 member countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations are determined to participate in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and to maintain the centrality of the Association of South East Asian Nations whereas Brunei, Malaysia, Singapore, and Vietnam have also opted for the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership. In view of divergent positions of member countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations, this paper asks two questions: empirically, what drives individual member countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations toward the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership or Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership; normatively, do the different positions embraced by member countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations weaken the coherence of external relations of the Association of South East Asian Nations and undermine its centrality in Asian regionalism. I argued that Singapore’s participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership is mainly motivated by its wish to set the rules of free trade agreements in the Asian Pacific. Brunel aims to diversify its domestic economy and to undergo economic reform through international commitments. Vietnam and Malaysia joined the Trans-Pacific Partnership with a view to accessing American market, but Vietnam’s Trans-Pacific Partnership participation should also be understood in the context of its aggressive free trade agreements strategy. This paper argues that solidarity within member countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations does not prevent economically advanced member countries from participating in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership for market access; nonetheless, the need of Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar should be taken into account through special and differential treatment in Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership negotiations.
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Cheong, Inkyo, and Jose Tongzon. "Comparing the Economic Impact of the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership." Asian Economic Papers 12, no. 2 (June 2013): 144–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00218.
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Several initiatives have emerged for regional economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region. The United States has led the negotiations for the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement, and ASEAN countries have recently started to promote the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. This paper estimates the net economic impact of these initiatives by eliminating the overlapping portions of free trade agreement–related economic gains through the use of a dynamic computable general equilibrium model. The paper analyzes the economic and political feasibility of these two initiatives and assesses their economic impacts. Finally, the paper provides implications for economic integration in East Asia based on a quantitative assessment.
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CHIANG, Min-Hua. "US-China Relations in Asia-Pacific Economic Integration." East Asian Policy 07, no. 02 (April 2015): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000215.
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The United States' involvement in the market-driven regional economic integration began with the promotion of trade interdependence between East Asian economies after World War II as a way to counterbalance Communist expansion. Its incorporation of China into the regional economy since the end of the 1970s has indirectly created a potential competitor for itself. The United States' active promotion of Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement shows America's anxiety about its declining influence in the region.
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Csáki, György. "Újabb megaregionális szabadkereskedelmi egyezmény: az Átfogó Regionális Gazdasági Partnerség (RCEP)." Külgazdaság 65, no. 3-4 (2021): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.47630/kulg.2021.65.3-4.69.
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A tanulmány célja a közelmúltban aláírt Regionális Átfogó Gazdasági Partnerség- (Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership – RCEP) egyezmény bemutatása és elemzése. A tágan értelmezett előzmények között röviden ismerteti a Transzatlanti Kereskedelmi és Befektetési Partnerség (Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership – TTIP), a Transz-csendes-óceáni Partnerség (Trans-Pacific Partnership – TPP) és az Átfogó és Előremutató Csendes-óceáni Partnerség (Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership – CPTPP) létrejöttének körülményeit is. Ezek a törekvések elválaszthatatlanok attól a ténytől, hogy a Kereskedelmi Világszervezet (World Trade Organization – WTO) 1995. évi megalapítása óta képtelen volt bármilyen fontos sokoldalú megállapodás elérésére, a Vitarendezési Testület tagjainak elmaradt jelölése következtében immár teljesen működésképtelenné vált. Az RCEP (a CPTPP-vel együtt) Ázsia és a csendes-óceáni térség további felértékelődését, ugyanakkor az USA befolyásának gyengülését jelzi a régióban.
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Becerril-Torres, Osvaldo U., and Gabriela Munguía-Vazquez. "The effect of economic globalization on the convergence in efficiency of the countries in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership: 2020 Prospective." Acta Universitaria 29 (October 30, 2019): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15174/au.2019.2300.
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With the new paradigm of the United States signing bilateral commercial agreements, and with the premise of America First, its withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific-Partnership brought about the modification of the agreement by the other economies that have signed it in order to configure the Comprehensive-and-Progressive-Agreement-for-Trans-Pacific-Partnership with the intention of maintaining it without the US. Because of this, the objective of this research is to analyze the effect of the agreement ratification on the technical efficiency and convergence in efficiency of these economies. For this, an efficiency indicator was obtained through the methodology of a stochastic frontier analysis. Among the main findings was that, with cooperation, the efficiency of the economies improves, and it also encourages convergence in the use of production factors. Furthermore, it was identified that, on average, the economies could grow an additional 1.5% for the year 2020, due to the cooperation generated by the agreement.
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Wicaksono, Abraham Hugo Pandu. "India’s Withdrawal from Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)." Nation State: Journal of International Studies 4, no. 2 (December 24, 2021): 231–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.571.
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The Sino-US competition in the Indo-Pacific has become a central issue in international relations and how the competition of both countries affects state behavior. This article attempts to provide explanations of India's behavior in deciding to leave the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement by using the neoclassical realism theory. Neoclassical realism believes that the actors' behavior is influenced by the constellation of international structures and domestic constellations. India's exit from RCEP was influenced by structural changes in the Indo-Pacific region, with the loss of China's balance of power marked by the withdrawal of the United States from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Moreover, the condition has been exacerbated by the pressure received by Narendra Modi at the domestic level with the emergence of rejection of India's involvement in RCEP. It has influenced Narendra Modi's perception, who was active in the region with the two factors above, decided to resign from RCEP.
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Chudinova, K. O. "THE IMPACT OF US POLICY ON ECONOMIC INTEGRATION IN THE ASIA PACIFIC ON THE THRESHOLD OF THE THIRD DECADE OF THE 21ST CENTURY." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 2 (June 23, 2020): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2020-2-71-87.
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The Trump administration’s economic policy has led to increased uncertainty, disruption to global value chains, decline in trade in the Asia-Pacific region. Amid the US withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership, revising NAFTA, imposing tariffs, decoupling from the Chinese economy, Japan, China and other economies in the Asia Pacific are trying to develop new mechanisms to increase stability in the region and protect their production networks. One way to improve the situation is to conclude intra-regional and inter-regional free trade agreements, the number of which is increasing. At present, there are two competing mega-FTA projects of China and Japan – the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership. The United States is with moderate success developing its own format of a free and open Indo-Pacific, which is partly a counterbalance to the RCEP. The US also concludes bilateral agreements, such as first phases of trade deals with Japan and China. However, winning the negotiating table, the United States can seriously lose in competitiveness, as regional integration develops further and often without the participation of America.
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Wu, Chien-Huei. "Brexit in the Eyes of East: How Will It Reshape EU/UK Trade Relations with East Asia?" European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Issue 3 (September 1, 2020): 357–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020028.
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Brexit reshapes not only the EU-UK relations but also impact their trade relations with Asia. This article explores possible directions of EU/UK trade relations with Asia, covering free trade agreements, bilateral investment treaty and the UK’s potential participation in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). This article argues that a sense of competitive liberalization motivates their pursuit for trade opportunities with East Asia. The EU has to prove its continuous relevance in the international economic relations as the Brexiters allege it as a constraint for the UK to pursue active and flexible trade relations. In contrast, the UK has to fulfill its promise of Global Britain by delivering measurable progress in trade negotiations instead of renegotiating back what it has already enjoyed under the EU free trade agreements (FTAs). Brexit, Global Europe, Global Britain, Free Trade Agreement, Bilateral Investment Treaty, Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-pacific Partnership, populism, disintegration
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Corning, Gregory P. "Japan and the Liberalization of Trade in Services." Asian Survey 56, no. 4 (July 2016): 779–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.4.779.
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This paper argues that political rather than economic motivations explain Japan’s approach to services negotiations but that the Trans-Pacific Partnership and Trade in Services Agreement present Japan with opportunities to advance liberalization in services as well as to pursue political gains in the competition for regional leadership with China.
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McRae, Donald. "Balancing Rights and Obligations of States and Investors: Is Reform Real or Imagined?" Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 111 (2017): 44–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2017.59.
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In the last several years there has been a trajectory of negotiating more and more comprehensive trade and investment agreements—the Canada-EU Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), and perhaps the most comprehensive, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). But that trend may have come to a halt with the difficulties over CETA ratification, the apparent end of the TTIP, and the uncertain future of the TPP.
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Haggart, Blayne. "Incorporating the Study of Knowledge into the IPE Mainstream, or, When Does a Trade Agreement Stop Being a Trade Agreement?" Journal of Information Policy 7, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 176–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jinfopoli.7.1.0176.
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Abstract The treatment of knowledge—most notably commodified knowledge—as a source and vector of power potentially is a key blind spot in our understanding of the global political economy. This article offers a theoretical framework, based on the work of Susan Strange, for considering the relationship between what she called the “knowledge structure” and the other key sources of political and economic power—security, production, and finance. This framework is applied to the Trans-Pacific Partnership, demonstrating how a direct focus on knowledge governance reveals power relations and economic effects that are otherwise obscured.
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Pechishcheva, Lyudmila A., and Konstantin A. Korneev. "INDIA AND JAPAN. EVOLUTION OF THE STRATEGIC COOPERATION FORMAT." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 1 (2021): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2021-1-139-149.
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In the 21 st century, India–Japan strategic cooperation is gradu- ally reaching a new level. Earlier the relations between countries were more declarative, but the situation has changed since the beginning of the 2000s. New agreements are being concluded, and the y assume practical implemen- tation in addition to the frameworks. On the one hand, for Japan, India is becoming more important not only as an economic partner (a huge market for Japanese industrial products and digital technologies), but also as a like- minded partner in curbing China’s trade and economic expansion. On the other hand, in partnership with Japan India sees opportunities to attract Japanese investment in the development of domestic infrastructure, and also seeks a moderate expansion of military-technical cooperation, since it cor - responds to the policy of maintaining the country’s “non-aligned” status and its equidistance from existing geopolitical coalitions. In addition, India, that calls itself the “largest Asian democracy”, currently has territorial disputes with Pakistan and China, so a strategic partnership with Japan, which clearly interprets China’s growing influence as a challenge to its national interests in the Indo-Pacific region, can somewhat strengthen India’s position in the international arena. Thus, over the past two decades, the bedrock for further strengthening the strategic partnership between India and Japan has been formed, and it is obvious that the development of that partnership is about to have a great impact on the future geopolitical configuration in the Indo- Pacific region.
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Chai, Haochen. "Sino-US Economic and Geopolitical Competition under the American Rebalance to Asia strategy." Frontiers in Business, Economics and Management 15, no. 2 (May 27, 2024): 26–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/yd4vn951.
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Since entering 21 centuries,the Asian region has become the focus of international attention.The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TTP) and the“One Belt, One Road”(OBOR) strategy are major strategic initiatives launched by the United States and China in response to the American rebalance to Asia strategy.The economic and geopolitical competition between China and the United States in the Asia-Pacific region will continue and intensify for quite some time.What is important is that both sides should look at each other’s differences with an open and tolerant mindset and seek a win-win situation through dialog and cooperation.
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Pham, Thi Thuy Linh, and Manh Cuong Nguyen. "System of trade barriers Japanese market for fishery products - Measures response of Vietnam." Ministry of Science and Technology, Vietnam 63, no. 10 (October 25, 2021): 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31276/vjst.63(10).12-18.
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Vietnam and Japan are participating in three free trade agreements: the ASEAN - Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (AJCEP), the Vietnam - Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (VJEPA), and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans - Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). This is also an opportunity for Vietnamese seafood exporters to take advantage of boosting exports to the Japanese market when exported seafood products of Vietnam enjoys a 0% tax rate. However, in order to enjoy these incentives, Vietnam’s seafood industry has to face challenges to overcome non-tariff barriers (NTBs) of Japan, such as standards on residues of veterinary drugs, drugs plant protection, antibiotics, infection levels, and packaging label. This article analyses the current situation of some technical barriers in seafood trade in general and Vietnamese seafood in particular when accessing this market. On that basis, some solutions are proposed for Vietnamese seafood to overcome through trade barriers imposed by Japan
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Chia, Siow Yue. "The Emerging Regional Economic Integration Architecture in East Asia." Asian Economic Papers 12, no. 1 (January 2013): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00179.
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This paper examines regional market integration through production networks and free trade agreements in East Asia and their attendant challenges and issues. It examines progress in the ASEAN Economic Community and in various ASEAN+1 free trade and economic integration agreements. It argues that there is a strong case for a region-wide agreement to maximize economic synergy and resolve emerging problems, including market fragmentation and the “noodle bowl” effect. It explores three possible paths to region-wide integration, namely, the East Asia Free Trade Area (encompassing ASEAN+3 [the People's Republic of China, Japan, and Korea]), the Comprehensive Economic Partnership for East Asia (encompassing ASEAN+3 countries and Australia—New Zealand and India) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership, currently involving nine negotiating countries in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation. The paper explores the economic and political benefits and challenges of forming these three regionwide agreements.
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Tomilov, Mikhail V. "Integration potential of megaregional trade agreements in Asia-Pacific Region." World of Economics and Management 20, no. 2 (2020): 84–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2542-0429-2020-20-2-84-103.
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Since the beginning of the XXI century, an increase in the number of new regional trade agreements has been recorded. At the same time, their quality content is changing significantly, which has led to the emergence of mega-regional trade agreements (MRTА). This process is particularly active in the fast-growing Asia-Pacific region (APR), where initiatives for the creation of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), The Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and the Free Trade Area of Asia-Pacific (FTAAP) have emerged during this period. However, it is still difficult to assess their effectiveness in terms of obtaining potential positive economic results. The article's aim is to assess integration potential of APR MRTA within two stages. At the first stage, methods of econometric analysis were used to determine the economic proximity of their participants. At the second stage, a gravitational model of foreign trade was constructed to assess all trade barriers (tariff, non-tariff, etc.) within the group of integrating countries. Based on the results of integration potential assessment, the author defines the most promising existing multilateral integration associations in the Asia-Pacific region, as well as a hypothetical group of countries in the region, which will receive the greatest trade and economic effects as a result of integration under the assumptions adopted in the study. In addition, an approach to assessing the integration potential and determining the optimal composition of the countries participating in MRTA based on the criteria of proximity of their economic development levels and the size of trade barriers within the group is proposed, methodically justified and implemented.
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Sit, Tsui, Wong Erebus, Chi Lau Kin, and Tiejun Wen. "The Rhetoric and Reality of the Trans-Pacific Partnership: A View from China." Monthly Review 68, no. 7 (December 2, 2016): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-068-07-2016-11_2.
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Since announcing its foreign policy "pivot to Asia" shortly after the election of Barack Obama, the United States has made extensive use of its institutional and discursive power to encourage denationalization among developing countries whose economies chiefly rely on manufacturing and trade—part of its global strategic goal of expanding the hegemony of finance capital at the lowest possible cost. The development of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TTP) is a case in point. This article analyzes the TPP's strategy in targeting China, pointing out that the TPP is a battle for the terms of economic development and discourse in the twenty-first century, as well as an illustration of the ideology of technocracy and soft power. Lastly, we criticize the TPP's erosion of economic sovereignty, which would effectively relegate the economies of developing countries to a form of semi-colonial extraterritoriality.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.
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Wang, Heng. "The Future of Deep Free Trade Agreements: The Convergence of TPP (and CPTPP) and CETA?" Journal of World Trade 53, Issue 2 (April 1, 2019): 317–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2019015.
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Focusing on Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans- Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) as deep free trade agreements (FTAs) that concentrate on regulatory disciplines, this article examines a key question concerning the future of deep FTAs: do deep FTAs converge and, if so, why? It argues that, first, deep FTAs converge in their approach to trade and investment in two crucial respects: regulatory disciplines and dispute settlement. CPTPP narrows its gap with CETA through suspending rules in arguably most controversial aspects of TPP (i.e. intellectual property and investor-state dispute settlement [ISDS]). Differences emerge but are not unbridgeable, and convergence varies depending on the area. Second, the reasons for the convergence include shared FTA objectives (particularly regulatory protection), the development of FTA rules from WTO norms, and other factors (e.g. the lessons drawn from previous ISDS experience, the inherent limit of FTAs, and membership overlap). Finally, the convergence of deep FTAs has the potential to bridge most if not all differences if there is political willingness.
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Arevalo, Luis. "Tackling the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership/Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement: my path from micro to macro/strategic social work." Critical and Radical Social Work 5, no. 3 (November 17, 2017): 395–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204986016x14757635477585.
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Peng, Shin-yi, and Han-wei Liu. "The Legality of Data Residency Requirements: How Can the Trans-Pacific Partnership Help?" Journal of World Trade 51, Issue 2 (April 1, 2017): 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2017008.
Full textAbstract:
Article 14.13 of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) Agreement – the data localization (DL) clause – represents the first time that a far-reaching preferential trade agreement (PTA) seeks to reduce protectionism arising from data residency (DR) requirements. The DL clause, however, is linked to a loose GATT Article XX-like exception: Article 14.13(3)(b), which allows the parties to maintain DR measures to achieve a legitimate public policy objective as long as the measure in question can satisfy the ‘necessity test’. The ambiguity of the DL exception will be clarified by TPP tribunals when a real dispute occurs. After examining the rationales of the DR measures in the context of the necessity test, we find that the responding party invoking a DL exception will have strong arguments, especially when defending Types II and III of the DR measures. Arguments could be made that there is a genuine relationship between the ends, i.e. privacy protection, and the means, i.e. the DR measures. In addition, the responding party invoking a DL exception in a potential dispute would undoubtedly argue that the Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty (MLAT) cannot qualify as a ‘genuine alternative’, because the proposed measure must not only be ‘less trade restrictive’ than the DR measures, but should also ‘preserve for (the responding party’s) right to achieve its desired level of protection’ with respect to law enforcement or a criminal investigation. Based upon our findings, we argue that with regard to Trade in Services Agreement (TiSA) and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations on e-commerce, the major challenge of trade negotiators is the disciplinary fragmentation of global economic regulation. The DR issues in question confirm that international economic law (IEL) correlates to other areas of law. Future negotiations require more collaborative and interdisciplinary solutions through productive dialogue with experts in private international law and criminal procedure law. True and substantial changes in the theories and practices of Internet jurisdiction would allow us to argue for a more narrow interpretation of the DL exception – rendering it more difficult to satisfy the necessity test.