Journal articles on the topic 'Transfer station siting'

Transportation electrification has demonstrated a significant position on power utilities and logistic companies, in terms of assets operation and management. Under this context, this paper presents the problem of seeking feasible and good quality routes for electric light commercial vehicles considering battery capacity and charging station siting on the power distribution system. Different transportation patterns for goods delivery are included, such as the capacitated vehicle routing problem and the shortest path problem for the last mile delivery. To solve the problem framed within a mixed integer linear mathematical model, the GAMS software is used and validated on a test instance conformed by a 19-customer transportation network, spatially combined with the IEEE 34 nodes power distribution system. The sensitivity analysis, performed during the computational experiments, show the behavior of the variables involved in the logistics operation, i.e., routing cost for each transport pattern. The trade-off between the battery capacity, the cost of the charging station installation, and energy losses on the power distribution system is also shown, including the energy consumption cost created by the charging operation.

Coordinating infrastructure planning for transportation and the power grid is essential for enhanced reliability and resilience during operation and disaster management. This paper presents a two-stage stochastic model to optimize the location of electric vehicle fleet charging stations (FEVCSs) to enhance the resilience of a distribution network. The first stage of this model deals with the decision to place an FEVCS at the most favorable and optimized location, whereas the second stage aims to minimize the weighted sum of the value of lost load in multiple potential scenarios with different faults. Indeed, the second stage is a joint grid restoration scheme with network reconfiguration and microgrid formation using available distributed generators and fleet electric vehicles. The proposed model is tested on a modified IEEE-33 node distribution network and a four-node transportation network. Case studies demonstrate the effectiveness of the proposed model.

Municipal solid waste management is considered as one of the most serious environmental and social issue challenging municipal authorities in all major cities in India. The main problem is selecting a suitable landfill site for Solid Waste Management (SWM). Land filling is now accepted as the most widely used method for addressing this problem in all countries of the world. However, appropriate site selection for land filling is a problem in waste management and therefore needs to be addressed. This study aims at selecting a suitable solid waste landfill site for Visakhapatnam City, India for its future needs. A set of four main criteria and 13 sub criteria are considered for identifying suitable sites. The combination of GIS and the Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) has been used to give weights to different criteria. Relative Importance Weightage (RIW) of each parameter over the other is calculated by pair-wise comparison using the 9-point scale. The suitability index (0.1-0.6) values are determined for five classes (excellent, good, moderate, poor and very poor) for land fill siting. The study also aims at generating an optimal route to the suitable sites identified from the waste transfer station by using Network Analyst module of ArcGIS software such that the total system cost can be minimized.

An integrated methodology for managing the agricultural plastic waste flow using analytical hierarchy process and geographic information system was implemented. The Italian province of Bari, with a surface of 3825 km², was considered as case study. Two scenarios were analysed: with and without intermediate collection centres. Plastic waste indices were defined and applied to land use maps to estimate and map waste. Ten environmental, social and techno-economic criteria were considered for defining suitability. Data were integrated into a geographic information system for territorial analyses, considering the routes over the roads network. The suitability map for collection centres siting was obtained, the results showed that the situation without collection centres could be improved by interposing them. Waste path lengths and related CO₂ emissions were reduced by 62 % and 20 %, respectively, in the scenario with intermediate collection centres.

<p>Computational tools for simulation of multiphase flow in oil pipelines are of great importance for the determination of the technical feasibility of the production in oilfields. The present article presents the mathematical and numerical modeling of the oil biphasic flow in a partially submerged onshore pipeline. The biphasic behavior of the heavy oil of 13,2ºAPI is translated by the Dukler correlation. The oil’s viscosity is regarded as dependent on the temperature and on the API density of the oil by means of the Hossain correlation. The pipeline, of 3,600m and 4 inches (10.16cm) in diameter, transports the oil from a collecting station to a storage center and consists of three sections. The first and third sections are above ground and are in contact with the external environment. The intermediate section is sitting on the river bed and is the critical part of the pipeline, once high heat losses are observed. The influence on the type of pipe insulation in the pressure and temperature gradients was analyzed with the aid of commercial 1D software Pipesim®. The results, of this 1D and non-isothermal problem with prescribed outlet pressure, show that the use of isolation when appropriately designed in terms of material quality and thickness is of utmost importance to maintain the heat transfer at low levels, in order to ensure the movement of fluids in long sections without compromising the system operation.</p>

A small aperture seismic array was installed by the University of Athens, in the area of Tripoli, Greece, on July 16th 2003, in order to test the performance of seismic array processing in the area of Greece and assess its contribution to earthquake location, especially in offshore areas not azimuthally covered by the existing, conventional seismological networks. The array consists of four three-component seismological stations, one of them in the middle of a small, almost equilateral triangle, formed by the deployment of the other three stations. Despite the fact that array siting is a compromise of array installation criteria, equipment safety and logistics, the test character of the experiment can be served successfully. The array transfer function depicts good azimuthal coverage nonetheless the existence of side-lobes and a rather wide main lobe is characteristic of spatial aliasing and low resolution in the two-dimensional wavenumber domain. The resolvable wavenumber passband of the array permits the determination of most of the common seismic body wave phases (Pn, Pg, Sn, Sg, etc.) for local and regional events in the area of Greece. Location of recorded events was performed using slowness and backazimuth data, calculated by f-k analysis of the seismic waveforms. Preliminary results have been compared to epicentres calculated by the Geodynamic Institute of the National Observatory of Athens. Although some differences are observed, these are not significant and location results as well as overall array performance can be improved by array calibration and travel-time, azimuth and slowness correction calculations.

The service system has become a necessity of life in modern cities to be the most basic necessities of modern humans, they constitute a major base, which is based on the sustainability of life in the city and a standard measured through the degree of well-being and progress of civilized peoples and their interaction with the surrounding environment, making the services sector as a need not be an option, whenever the cities widened in population and space whenever provision of services and upgrading the quality and quantity more pressing, which made the subject of the services takes the biggest area of the trends and thinking of urban planners and those who in charge of drawing the cities policies. Considering that the processing and transfer of the water system with all its components (stations – water tanks -transmission and distribution pipelines), it is one of the most important parts of the services systems in the city. It has become a key element of the arteries of the establishment of life, but for several considerations of most important ( like storage of water and supplied withconstant pressure that balanced without wobbling at the peak daytime hours with the necessary provision of water to fight fires , as well as secured it to the sectors of city n the maintenance time of the parts of the water system or the occurrence of a failure, with the need to confirm the save and generate energy factor in renewable way). For this in whole and others, the elevated water towers cornerstone of the pillars of the water system was made that can be indispensable in providing outsourcing and distribution network , and on the grounds that the case study concerning our capital Baghdad and its suffering of the water distribution and pressure intermittent problems, this research aims to clarify the idea of the elevated water tanks have become an important actor and is a part of the process and transport of the water in the city's system, and that its presence in a thoughtful siting and storage capacities and sufficient numbers will reduce the cost of the service system and its problems and provides continuously a constant pressure is to rescue the city from the overtaking problems on the network, while avoiding the problems experienced by interruptions in the water supply process, especially in the summer, which will make the water tanksas a necessary structures and essential elements of attractions for recreational activities and benchmarks functions within the city.

Collection, transfer and transport of municipal solid waste (MSW) is one of the most challenging tasks of local municipalities and occupies a significant portion of the municipal expenses. Appropriately planned transfer stations (TSs) can increase system performance and reduce costs. Therefore, this study aims to develop a spatial modelling approach for investigating the optimum siting and economic impacts of MSW TSs. A geographic information system-based land suitability analysis was conducted to identify potential TS sites followed by a scenario analysis to determine optimum TS sites and waste collection routes for various collection vehicle capacities through vehicle routing problem modelling. The approach was implemented in the southeastern region of İzmir where a new landfill is to be built to serve three district municipalities. The addition of a TS in the study area reduced the collection time and number of shifts by 9%. Similarly, collection with large vehicles decreased the collection time and number of shifts by 25% and 17%, respectively. However, the unit cost of the system increased from 17.52 to 18.60 US$ metric tonnes−1 waste with the TS addition because of the additional costs of the TS. The results indicated that TS addition is not economically feasible in the study area because of the small collection vehicle fleet (eight collection vehicles), proximity of landfill to areas with high waste density and district level collection. On the other hand, TS addition resulted in lower fuel consumption which may help reduce fuel-induced air pollution.

More than seven million people rely on the metro system daily in Seoul, South Korea. The metro system plays a vital role in connecting passengers to desired locations with the advantage of allowing for travel reliability and relative safety, all the while being an environmentally friendly alternative to other transport systems. Despite the benefits mentioned above, crowding on the metro can contribute significantly to deterioration of the individual’s travel experience and necessitates its proper evaluation, so that user experience may be improved. To achieve this, this study quantifies the level of crowding by deriving estimates for route choice models with crowding as one of the main attributes for metro passenger decisions. The data used in the model are obtained through a stated preference survey, which was conducted at five major transfer stations in Seoul to estimate factors such as travel time, transfers, travel cost, and crowding level. These attributes are then analyzed using homogeneity and heterogeneity models of different trip purposes. Furthermore, crowding multipliers (CMs) for Seoul are estimated and compared with those of other cities around the world. Estimation results pinpoint crowding as one of the main factors in route choice for passengers for all types of trips, with multiplier values reaching the highest of all cities around the world for sitting CM and standing CM at 2.15 and 3.22, respectively. Our results indicate that Seoul metro passengers are more sensitive to crowding than any of the passengers analyzed in 18 major city metros around the world.

Участие железнодорожной отрасли в международных перевозках заключается в том, что она представляет основной вид магистрального транспорта, и основная часть грузооборота приходится на ее долю. Это актуализирует необходимость развития и реализации экспортного потенциала России на основе консолидации собственно железнодорожного транспорта с иными участниками транспортной производственной системы и интеграции его в международные транспортно логистические системы. В статье рассматривается проблема реализации экспортных и транзитных возможностей России в пространстве международных перевозок. Основное внимание уделено поиску нового пути эффективного развития железнодорожной транспортной системы в сегменте рынка международных грузовых перевозок, идея, которой заключается в консолидации высокотехнологических информационных систем как будущих, так и действующих участников перевозочного процесса, железнодорожной и других транспортных инфраструктур. Авторами статьи разработана и предложена к внедрению автоматизированная система информирования грузовладельцев о приближении срока окончания действия фитосанитарного сертификата. Данная система, повышает эффективность эксплуатационной работы путем исключения длительных простоев подвижного состава на пограничных железнодорожных станциях, в результате чего повышается их пропускная способность, автоматизирует процесс обработки и передачи информации о состоянии груза и перевозочных документов от участников транспортно обеспечивающих функций до потребителя транспортных услуг. ailway carriage is the main type of long-haul traffic in international carriage, thus, the key part of cargo turnover accounts for railway traffic. This makes it relevant to develop and actualize the Russian export potential by means of consolidating railway traffic and other participants of the transport production system and integrating it with international transport AND logistics systems. The article considers cargo export and transit issues in Russia in the framework of international cargo carriage. Particular attention is paid to the search of a new way of the efficient development of the railway transport system in the market sector of international cargo carriage. The key idea is to consolidate high-technology information systems of both the future and existing carriage participants from the railway and other transport infrastructures. The authors developed and suggested introducing an automated system of informing cargo owners on the expiring certificate of fumigation. Such system improves the operational efficiency by means of avoiding long periods of rolling stock downtime at border railway stations. This provides for their better capacity, automated processing and transfer of the information on the cargo condition and carriage documents from the transporting agents to the transport service consumers.

Climate change mitigation and the search for alternative energy are spurring a growing interest in repurposing decommissioned coal power plants into sites for small modular nuclear reactors (SMRs) which produce minimal greenhouse gas emissions. With power ranging between 10- to 300-megawatt electric, SMRs take up a fraction of the size and have approximately one-third of the generating capacity of a conventional large-scale nuclear reactor. Saskatchewan plans to locate its first SMR on the site of a combined coal-fired power station near Estevan, and it is inevitable that SMRs will eventually be proposed for Alberta. These small reactors offer greater efficiency, safety and flexibility of deployment compared to large nuclear plants; however, uncertainty surrounds the regulatory framework that must be in place before any proposals are made to site SMRs in Alberta. Both the provincial and federal governments have jurisdiction over coal-to-nuclear transition projects and given the current lack of a nuclear regulatory framework in Alberta, this paper discusses the rules, regulations and procedures that will be required for approvals. Instead of building from scratch, repurposing of decommissioned coal-fired power plants using the existing infrastructure — water storage systems, desalination plants and wastewater treatment systems — and improved technology, offers a way to streamline the approval process. Any SMR proposal would first require an impact assessment which would consider the project’s social, environmental and economic effects as well as waste management, safety and other factors, culminating in the question of whether the project would be in the public interest. Coal plant owners and the owners of extant infrastructure such as transmission lines would need to be consulted, along with Indigenous people and other area residents. Among the regulatory agencies tasked with various stages of the approval process are the Canadian Nuclear Safety Commission and the Impact Assessment Agency of Canada at the federal level and Alberta Environment and Protected Areas and the Alberta Utilities Commission at the provincial level. Given the inevitable complexities inherent in a lengthy approvals process, this paper argues that, despite the fact no coal-to-nuclear transitions are on the Alberta horizon, a regulatory framework for nuclear energy generation must urgently be established in the province. Best practices can be gleaned from the processes Ontario and New Brunswick used to collaborate with the federal government on their proposed nuclear reactor sites and strategies for Alberta can be developed from lessons learned in those provinces. Proceeding with a coal-to-nuclear transition means that harmonizing the key regulatory players and their respective processes — including public participation and determinations as to the public interest — is a priority. Laying the groundwork for nuclear energy generation in Alberta can begin now by preparing a detailed scoping of potential coal-fired power plant sites, including an inventory of the technical infrastructure that can be repurposed for SMRs. Power plant owners and owners of infrastructure such as transmission lines will need to be consulted about siting nuclear power plants on their properties with regard to future environmental and decommissioning liabilities, licence transfers and site closures, because those processes would likely be carried out by a different owner/operator. With potential sites located, a regulatory framework in place and a streamlined approvals process, Alberta would stand ready to benefit from nuclear energy’s ability to mitigate the effects of climate change and provide a stable, affordable supply of energy.

Introduction The 2022 video games Signalis and Citizen Sleeper invite players into artificial bodies and worlds. In both, gameplay prompts reflection on how artificiality induces integration between self and world, while also illuminating experiential awareness through features of gameplay and game environment that show the player and game as part of an ongoing process of mutual construction of self. This article first discusses how incorporation into artificiality has gradually become a central focus in video game studies as a condition of intellectual reflection, emotional response, and the pleasures of play. It then examines how recursive features of bodies and worlds in Signalis and Citizen Sleeper draw attention to the simultaneous and reciprocal constructedness of the player’s experience and the game’s artificiality. These illuminate intersubjective encounters with artificiality from which player experience emerges. The games reiterate that self-discovery in play comes from deep engagement with artificiality. Embodied in the Artificial: Immersion, Presence, Incorporation Signalis is a science fiction survival horror in which the player controls a marionette-style avatar of a “biomechanical person” called a “replika”. The player wakes on a crashed spaceship, progresses through the built environments outside of the ship, and then moves through otherworldly repetitions of environments she previously explored. She explores and fends off replikas that have degenerated from a malfunction in which illusions of memories of living beings, called “gestalts”, emerge in their minds. As the player moves with Elster (the player’s character) through increasingly horrifying environments, she picks up clues that seem to lead to the story of a love she shared with a woman named Ariane on the ship prior to its crash. Citizen Sleeper is a 2022 science fiction survival game in which the player wakes up in an artificial “sleeper” body and learns that the consciousness they inhabit was “emulated” from a scanned human mind. The rights to this mind were sold to the Essen-Arp corporation. The body attached to this organic mind is in a state of cryo-sleep at the corporation but the mind’s cognition now controls the elaborate frame of the sleeper, which must be sustained throughout the game on a “stabilizer” provided only by the corporation. Gordon Calleja has termed the artificiality through which bodies materialise in video game play as “incorporation”. He discusses incorporation as “an intensification of internalised involvement” in a game (169-170). Incorporation captures the mode of player involvement in artificial bodies and simulated worlds in games like Signalis and Citizen Sleeper. Calleja’s thesis on video game embodiment develops out of limitations of concepts of “immersion” and “presence” and he dispels notions of games moving towards fuller emulation of reality. The limitations of immersion—referring to an all-encompassing reality imagined in encounters with media—highlight how presence instead lays the phenomenological foundations of the involvement of players in a game. Presence is predicated on consciousness of the artificiality of media environments. Signalis and Citizen Sleeper are part of a number of new games that self-reflexively mark this artificiality by recursively returning to the game’s technologically constructed interface and manifold storylines. Writing on mobile gameplay interfaces of the early 2010s, Martti Lahti describes a teleological narrative of video game development “as a desire for a corporeal immersion with technology” (159). At a much earlier stage in the emergence of this desire, Frank Biocca stated in the 1990s that virtual reality would become so ubiquitous that users would eventually face a “cyborg’s dilemma” in which the human “body and mind adapts to … non-human interface” (24). Biocca predicted that virtual reality presented a “teleology to human-machine symbiosis” where “the mind becomes adapted to … an avatar, a simulation of the cyborg body” (24). In the case of games, Biocca stated that “total embodiment [in] forms of entertainment … [involving] the subjective experience of others is critical” (24). Biocca stated that the telos of this technos would be full “immersion” (24). As Seth Giddings has demonstrated, video games are not virtual spaces for interaction—that is, they are not cyberspaces “forming stages for the interaction of discrete bodies and objects” (428). Giddings explains that video game worlds are also more than mere simulations but instead best understood as “exemplars of the automaton-simulacrum” (428). Highlighting parallels with audience perception of illusion and verisimilitude in screen and media studies, Giddings returns to eighteenth-century French automata based on audience responses to “the technical apparatus of simulation” (427). Giddings references Fredric Jameson’s comments on Plato’s notion of the simulacrum to postulate that games consist of copies for which no original has ever existed (419). Video game worlds, Giddings writes, “simulate … themselves” (428). The pleasures of gameplay are thus the subjective experience of artificiality from within a simulation. In the process, the player is also produced as a simulacrum. Artificial features of video game worlds and bodies become instrumental in creating a common code shared between the player’s experience and the physical and cognitive constructs of the world of the game. Katie Salen and Eric Zimmerman have contested the idea that video game pleasures lie in the design and appear as a convincing reality, calling this assumption “immersive fallacy” (451-451). Rather than perceptions of reality leading to immersion, artificially induces integrated forms of presence in a mediated world. Video game design has increasingly engaged players through self-aware journeys into their surrogate selves. Lahti identified the early iterations of games of the early 2000s that integrated the body and mind of players. He wrote that “corporealization of the experience of playing” in these “games invite us to retheorize bodily experience through the corporeal coordinates of our subjectivity” (158). James Paul Gee points out the reciprocal nature of the simulation, writing that “video games, we play with life as if life were a toy” (261). Gee points out that being toy-like, or marked as artificial within a simulation, does not at all diminish our “desires, intentions, and goals”, but results in players projecting mental states into characters acting as “surrogate mind and body” (258). Much as toys mould themselves to users in shared simulated experiences, the Signalis and Citizen Sleeper establish bonds of surrogacy between artificiality and mind. Fostering self-realisations through play in mechanical bodies formed in relation to artificial worlds, Signalis and Citizen Sleeper exhibit that dreams of our future selves as cyborgs—Biocca’s “total embodiment”—still drive gaming pleasures. Yet, desires for symbiosis have been supplanted by a focus on the complexities of our simulated surrogates. More than a way to “retheorize bodily experience”, these recent games present incorporation into artificiality as a mirror held up to the player’s own subjective experiences, notions of self, and the construction of identity in worlds both in and beyond the game. Artificial Bodies in Artificial Worlds: The Game Body, Avatars, and Surrogates in Signalis and Citizen Sleeper Timothy Crick’s notion of the “game body” illuminates features of the game environment and interface of Citizen Sleeper and Signalis which engender player incorporation into artificial bodies and worlds. Crick develops the concept of the “game body” out of Vivian Sobchack’s description of the “film body” (263). Extrapolating from Sobchack’s description of the ways that “electronic ‘presence’” forms in the “fragmented … and dispersive” medium of cinema, Crick argues that “contemporary video games are phenomenologically experienced in a way that is as spatio-temporal, embodied, immersive … [as] animate as … the cinematic” (263). According to Sobchack, cinema reciprocally incorporates perceptions of spectators and perceptive apparatuses internal to film. Crick argues that such corporeality also is fundamentally interwoven into the video game experience: “through the player’s initial action of starting the game, its presence is made visible and thus available both intersubjectively and interactively through his or her interventions” (263). In Citizen Sleeper, the “initial action of starting the game” produces a choice of avatars: different “sleeper” frames linked to emulated consciousnesses. After this, the player wakes up to a series of scripted titles saying: “your self has spent many dark hours recalling what it felt like to be real … to be in a body that was indisputably yours”. Being “real” is a memory now distant from the “self”. Memory, as something common to machines and humans, is a bridge between the artificial and the natural in both Citizen Sleeper and Signalis. The titles continue as prompts: “Remember that body” or “Forget that body”. The titles end with a recursive exchange of intersubjectivity between the player’s body and the game’s avatar: “this is the moment to reach out, not curl inwards … even if it feels … like you traded one prison for another; smaller, colder”. The “prison” of the artificial body is the condition for the player to “reach out” into the universe. Signalis also begins with text on the screen that reads “wake up” and several alternate endings reinforce that the player’s involvement in gameplay was an extended dream state—a kind of fugue state—of an artificial being. After an animated cutscene of the artificial “replika” body of Elster, the player moves this avatar through a built environment of a spaceship that is quintessentially artificial. The spaceship consists of metallic walls and computer terminals. The character progresses through a story that first appears linear, in which the player ostensibly looks for the human pilot of the spaceship they were assigned to as a service unit. As they search beyond the ship, players encounter built environments that look highly artificial. These include the mining outpost Sierpinski Unit. The name is a reference to the Sierpiński triangle, a fractal pattern of triangles within triangles that is infinitely recursive. This is the first clue that the linearity of the story will split apart in forms of recursivity pointing back to artificiality as the site of the player’s presence in the game. The diegesis of the two games is foregrounded by the physical degradation of the bodies of avatars—the sleeper gradually dies without stabiliser injections and the contagious source of decay may infect Elster. The artificial bodies of Signalis and Citizen Sleeper produce what Rune Klevjer describes as an “avatar … a kind of proxy self that enables us to engage with electronic environments from the inside with a re-centred frame of reference”. He specifies this effect is strongest when avatars are “embodied extensions rather than disembodied personas or identities” (19). This feeling of extension and mutual imbrication leads Klevjer to call avatars “cybernetic toys”, “small totalities or organisms”, “engaged with from the outside” (118). The proleptic sense that the avatar bodies of the games will disintegrate instigates fear that is also attachment—creating forms of embodied reciprocity between the avatar and player. Both games' interfaces recall Ewan Kirkland’s description of “hypermediacy”, a heightened sense of mediation, through which the player cedes control of gameplay over to the subjective viewpoint of the game as a reminder of forms of subjectivity internal to the game. In these moments, what Gee calls “surrogacy” has flipped, and the desires and goals of the game are now projected into the mind of the player (258). In Citizen Sleeper, the avatar’s presence remains invisible but felt as materialised within the frame of the interface after the first menu screen. From this point on, the player floats through and above a three-dimensional rendering of the station. Kirkland suggests the map screen in survival horror games as a central example of hypermediacy. This is an effect and genre to which Signalis self-reflexively pays homage with a slightly convex monitor-like display. Kirkland writes that these augment hypermediacy by appearing as “a nondiegetic digital image” (121). Drawing further attention to this hypermediacy in Signalis, the player picks up a book detailing the functions of their avatar, essentially this is the instruction manual for both avatar and player. In one ending of Citizen Sleeper, hypermediacy is a channel for representing the mutual construction and absorption of the player and the game body. The sleeper enters “the cloud”, an area previously hidden from view, through an in-game “interface” that is described as “the tool of their emulation” (fig. 1). With the interface, the player can enter the cloud and there the player meets with a forgotten relic of an AI program called “Gardener”, created when the station was built to manage the station’s agricultural production. Gardener presents the option for the game to end with the emulated mind of the sleeper transferring into a “chorus”—an integrated mass of interfaces with neural properties that grow from electronic seeds planted by Gardener (fig. 2). The sequence, and game, end by synthesising the experiential in-game world of the player with that of the player experiencing the interface of the game. The player sees a scripted sequence in which they are told that after a “crossing” they are sitting in a chair and have “rich and detailed sensorium”. This is followed by a final title that tells them that they “wake up”. The “crossing” at the end of this branching storyline is the player joining their own mirror image in the game and merging with the intersubjective presence that is their counterpart in the game body. Fig. 1: The avatar given the interface that created their artificial self. Fig. 2: The game ends with the sleeper as part of the game body. As Elster searches for gestalt beings in Signalis, and cutscenes show lost memories or scenes of forgotten relationships that lead her into mysteries of her self and the game, recursive markers of artificiality absorb players into a horrifying version of the game body. The game environment rapidly deteriorates from metal and electronics environments into passages and walls of flesh (figs. 3-4). In this fleshy game environment, the player’s presence is glimpsed within Crick’s game body in a visible and material form. The digitised shapes of pulsing raw flesh call attention to the player’s perception that they are present in a boundary space between natural and artificial bodies that has suddenly split open—as well as the fact that incorporation in video gameplay comes from the ongoing mutual construction of natural and artificial. Figs. 3 & 4: The “game body” revealed in passages of pulsing flesh. Explaining the game body as intersubjectivity formed between the player and the artificial world of the game, Crick transforms the notion of presence from its earlier applications into a way of describing a conscious integration of consciousness into the mediated environment. Crick details the idea of game body as “presence … intersubjectivity … as a structure of engagement with the behavior of ‘other body-objects from which we recognize what it objectively feels like to be subjective’ [as cited in Sobchack, 2004, p. 316])” (Crick 263). The absorption of sleeper and Elster into the game body exhibits this self-recognition of the formation of in-game subjectivity between bodies and “body-objects”. Forms of mutually constructed subjectivity reroute video game players’ subjectivity through artificial constructs and bring to light new dimensions of subjectivity in the player. This effect, fundamental to video game incorporation, is discussed by Calleja through the notion of the “gestalt” described by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson. Calleja explains “gestalt” as past experience combined into composite experiential phenomena that will be applied to future situations (168). Calleja writes that games are constituted by the “experiential gestalts that inform being in everyday life” (168) and that “our awareness of the game world … [is] an absorption into our mind of external stimuli that are organized according to existing experiential gestalts” (167). Signalis develops the replicated artificial being that is the player’s avatar as both contrast and counterpart to the human player out of the same theories of language and experience that Calleja draws upon. The game reflects upon these theories of experientiality as existence by using “gestalt” in place of “natural” or “human”. “Gestalt” is defined in a dictionary found in the game as “a person that is not a … Replika”. Embedded in this tautology is a recursivity in which all gameplay returns the player to the site of their creation within the game—every feature of the game world will be a reexperiencing of their nature within the game as a replication of experience founded upon a split form the experiential gestalt of everyday life. The End: Of Memory and Experience in Artificiality As traces of the natural, the artificial, the body, the mind, experience, and copy, memory is the ultimate meeting point of player and game in Citizen Sleeper and Signalis. Through memory, the games signal commonalities between lived experience and technological forms of preservation. The loss and formation of memories are the starting points of the player’s artificial existence in the games. In one of the most memorable of the storylines of Citizen Sleeper, the Sleeper enters a world of the ruins of servers managed by previous administrators of the station when it was a hub where thousands resided. The sleeper accidentally uncovers a sentient being hidden in a broken vending machine. The character, who is later revealed to be an interstellar navigator with a beautifully translucent body, relays through the machine: “found this vessel. had to reduce memory to fit. amputate self. but survived”. The sleeper aids the navigator in finding a hard drive to transfer his partial consciousness onto and in, escaping the rogue agents hunting him in the station’s AI networks. The navigator’s plight is particularly haunting because it reminds the player that existence in the game and in the world comes down to the precarity of memory as medium. A leitmotif connecting birds, words, and madness in Signalis connects the game back to genre precedents in Edgar Allan Poe’s “The Raven” and the birds of Daphne du Maurier and Alfred Hitchcock. This leitmotif also parallels the cognitive decline of (all-female) replika units, suggesting that the game can also be viewed as a work within the lineage of female writers whose “ironic disturbance” of “mimesis-mimcry” prompted Luce Irigaray to critique Plato’s position of hysteria as an intrinsically female form of mimicry opposed to male-oriented mimesis (Diamond 65). The name of the character’s avatar, Elster, is German for magpie, and Elster’s unit type frequently appears with the Chinese character for this bird. The use of Chinese characters throughout the game exemplifies the many levels of the game's simulacra., specifically echoing Fredric Jameson’s idea that in late capital, signifiers—and specifically signifiers of “China”—only function as “connotation”, as repetition becomes a substitute for historical reference (17-18). Magpies possess an avian intelligence paralleling human intelligence. Here mimicry doubles as a questioning of the originality of intelligence and calls up ironic disturbances hysteria in which chains of endlessly repeat signifiers are indistinguishable from dream or memory. The centrality of memory to the conjoined life of player and character also entails that loss of memory (or of a memory) is a total loss—an ending more profound than that of mind or body. A devastating moment in one ending of Signalis fully captures this as Elster finally finds her beloved gestalt, Ariane, just awoken from a stasis that she is put into due to terminal cancer. Elster says to her, “It’s me, Elster” (fig. 5); to this Ariane slowly replies, “I’m sorry, but I don’t remember”, simultaneously signifying the end of memory, character, and game. Fig. 5: Elster speaks to Ariane who has lost her memory. References Biocca, Frank. “The Cyborg's Dilemma: Progressive Embodiment in Virtual Environments.” Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 3.2 (1997). Calleja, Gordon. In-Game: From Immersion to Incorporation. MIT P, 2011. Crick, Timothy. “The Game Body: Toward a Phenomenology of Contemporary Video Gaming.” Games and Culture 6.3 (2011): 259–269. Diamond, Elin. “Mimesis, Mimicry, and the ‘True-Real’.” Modern Drama 32.1 (1989): 58–72. Gee, James Paul. “Video Games and Embodiment.” Games and Culture 3.3–4 (2008): 253–263. Giddings, Seth. “Dionysiac Machines: Videogames and the Triumph of the Simulacra.” Convergence 13.4 (2007): 417–431. Jameson, Fredric. Postmodernism, or, the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism. Routledge, 2016. Kirkland, Ewan. “Resident Evil's Typewriter: Survival Horror and Its Remediations.” Games and Culture 4.2 (2009): 115–126. Klevjer, Rune. What Is the Avatar? Fiction and Embodiment in Avatar-Based Singleplayer Computer Games. Transcript, 2022. ———. “In Defense of Cutscenes.” Computer Games and Digital Cultures Conference Proceedings, ed. Frans Mäyrä. 2002. 191-202. Lahti, Martti. “As We Become Machines: Corporealized Pleasures in Video Games.” The Video Game Theory Reader, eds. Mark J.P. Wolf and Bernard Perron. Routledge, 2003. 157-170. Salen, Katie, and Eric Zimmerman. Rules of Play: Game Design Fundamentals. MIT P, 2003.

Image 1: A Little Free Library. Image credit: Nadine Kozak.IntroductionLittle Free Libraries give people a reason to stop and exchange things they love: books. It seemed like a really good way to build a sense of community.Dannette Lank, Little Free Library steward, Whitefish Bay, Wisconsin, 2013 (Rumage)Against a backdrop of stagnant literacy rates and enduring perceptions of urban decay and the decline of communities in cities (NCES, “Average Literacy”; NCES, “Average Prose”; Putnam 25; Skogan 8), legions of Little Free Libraries (LFLs) have sprung up across the United States between 2009 and the present. LFLs are small, often homemade structures housing books and other physical media for passersby to choose a book to take or leave a book to share with others. People have installed the structures in front of homes, schools, libraries, churches, fire and police stations, community gardens, and in public parks. There are currently 50,000 LFLs around the world, most of which are in the continental United States (Aldrich, “Big”). LFLs encompass building in multiple senses of the term; LFLs are literally tiny buildings to house books and people use the structures for building neighbourhood social capital. The organisation behind the movement cites “building community” as one of its three core missions (Little Free Library). Rowan Moore, theorising humans’ reasons for building, argues desire and emotion are central (16). The LFL movement provides evidence for this claim: stewards erect LFLs based on hope for increased literacy and a desire to build community through their altruistic actions. This article investigates how LFLs build urban community and explores barriers to the endeavour, specifically municipal building and right of way ordinances used in attempts to eradicate the structures. It also examines local responses to these municipal actions and potential challenges to traditional public libraries brought about by LFLs, primarily the decrease of visits to public libraries and the use of LFLs to argue for defunding of publicly provided library services. The work argues that LFLs build community in some places but may threaten other community services. This article employs qualitative content analysis of 261 stewards’ comments about their registered LFLs on the organisation’s website drawn from the two largest cities in a Midwestern state and an interview with an LFL steward in a village in the same state to analyse how LFLs build community. The two cities, located in the state where the LFL movement began, provide a cross section of innovators, early adopters, and late adopters of the book exchanges, determined by their registered charter numbers. Press coverage and municipal documents from six cities across the US gathered through a snowball sample provide data about municipal challenges to LFLs. Blog posts penned by practising librarians furnish some opinions about the movement. This research, while not a representative sample, identifies common themes and issues around LFLs and provides a basis for future research.The act of building and curating an LFL is a representation of shared beliefs about literacy, community, and altruism. Establishing an LFL is an act of civic participation. As Nico Carpentier notes, while some civic participation is macro, carried out at the level of the nation, other participation is micro, conducted in “the spheres of school, family, workplace, church, and community” (17). Ruth H. Landman investigates voluntary activities in the city, including community gardening, and community bakeries, and argues that the people associated with these projects find themselves in a “denser web of relations” than previously (2). Gretchen M. Herrmann argues that neighbourhood garage sales, although fleeting events, build an enduring sense of community amongst participants (189). Ray Oldenburg contends that people create associational webs in what he calls “great good places”; third spaces separate from home and work (20-21). Little Free Libraries and Community BuildingEmotion plays a central role in the decision to become an LFL steward, the person who establishes and maintains the LFL. People recount their desire to build a sense of community and share their love of reading with neighbours (Charter 4684; Charter 8212; Charter 9437; Charter 9705; Charter 16561). One steward in the study reported, “I love books and I want to be able to help foster that love in our neighbourhood as well” (Charter 4369). Image 2: A Little Free Library, bench, water fountain, and dog’s water bowl for passersby to enjoy. Image credit: Nadine Kozak.Relationships and emotional ties are central to some people’s decisions to have an LFL. The LFL website catalogues many instances of memorial LFLs, tributes to librarians, teachers, and avid readers. Indeed, the first Little Free Library, built by Todd Bol in 2009, was a tribute to his late mother, a teacher who loved reading (“Our History”). In the two city study area, ten LFLs are memorials, allowing bereaved families to pass on a loved one’s penchant for sharing books and reading (Charter 1235; Charter 1309; Charter 4604; Charter 6219; Charter 6542; Charter 6954; Charter 10326; Charter 16734; Charter 24481; Charter 30369). In some cases, urban neighbours come together to build, erect, and stock LFLs. One steward wrote: “Those of us who live in this friendly neighborhood collaborated to design[,] build and paint a bungalow themed library” to match the houses in the neighbourhood (Charter 2532). Another noted: “Our neighbor across the street is a skilled woodworker, and offered to build the library for us if we would install it in our yard and maintain it. What a deal!” (Charter 18677). Community organisations also install and maintain LFLs, including 21 in the study population (e.g. Charter 31822; Charter 27155).Stewards report increased communication with neighbours due to their LFLs. A steward noted: “We celebrated the library’s launch on a Saturday morning with neighbors of all ages. We love sitting on our front porch and catching up with the people who stop to check out the books” (Charter 9673). Another exclaimed:within 24 hours, before I had time to paint it, my Little Free Library took on a life of its own. All of a sudden there were lots of books in it and people stopping by. I wondered where these books came from as I had not put any in there. Little kids in the neighborhood are all excited about it and I have met neighbors that I had never seen before. This is going to be fun! (Charter 15981)LFLs build community through social interaction and collaboration. This occurs when neighbours come together to build, install, and fill the structures. The structures also open avenues for conversation between neighbours who had no connection previously. Like Herrmann’s neighbourhood garage sales, LFLs create and maintain social ties between neighbours and link them by the books they share. Additionally, when neighbours gather and communicate at the LFL structure, they create a transitory third space for “informal public life”, where people can casually interact at a nearby location (Oldenburg 14, 288).Building Barriers, Creating CommunityThe erection of an LFL in an urban neighbourhood is not, however, always a welcome sight. The news analysis found that LFLs most often come to the attention of municipal authorities via citizen complaints, which lead to investigations and enforcement of ordinances. In Kansas, a neighbour called an LFL an “eyesore” and an “illegal detached structure” (Tapper). In Wisconsin, well-meaning future stewards contacted their village authorities to ask about rules, inadvertently setting off a six-month ban on LFLs (Stingl; Rumage). Resulting from complaints and inquiries, municipalities regulated, and in one case banned, LFLs, thus building barriers to citizens’ desires to foster community and share books with neighbours.Municipal governments use two major areas of established code to remove or prohibit LFLs: ordinances banning unapproved structures in residents’ yards and those concerned with obstructions to right of ways when stewards locate the LFLs between the public sidewalk and street.In the first instance, municipal ordinances prohibit either front yard or detached structures. Controversies over these ordinances and LFLs erupted in Whitefish Bay, Wisconsin, in 2012; Leawood, Kansas, in 2014; Shreveport, Louisiana, in 2015; and Dallas, Texas, in 2015. The Village of Whitefish Bay banned LFLs due to an ordinance prohibiting “front yard structures,” including mailboxes (Sanburn; Stingl). In Leawood, the city council argued that an LFL, owned by a nine-year-old boy, violated an ordinance that forbade the construction of any detached structures without city council permission. In Shreveport, the stewards of an LFL received a cease and desist letter from city council for having an “accessory structure” in the front yard (LaCasse; Burris) and Dallas officials knocked on a steward’s front door, informing her of a similar breach (Kellogg).In the second instance, some urban municipalities argued that LFLs are obstructions that block right of ways. In Lincoln, Nebraska, the public works director noted that the city “uses the area between the sidewalk and the street for snow storage in the winter, light poles, mailboxes, things like that.” The director continued: “And I imagine these little libraries are meant to congregate people like a water cooler, but we don’t want people hanging around near the road by the curb” (Heady). Both Lincoln in 2014 and Los Angeles (LA), California, in 2015, cited LFLs for obstructions. In Lincoln, the city notified the Southminster United Methodist Church that their LFL, located between the public sidewalk and street, violated a municipal ordinance (Sanburn). In LA, the Bureau of Street Services notified actor Peter Cook that his LFL, situated in the right of way, was an “obstruction” that Cook had to remove or the city would levy a fine (Moss). The city agreed at a hearing to consider a “revocable permit” for Cook’s LFL, but later denied its issuance (Condes).Stewards who found themselves in violation of municipal ordinances were able to harness emotion and build outrage over limits to individuals’ ability to erect LFLs. In Kansas, the stewards created a Facebook page, Spencer’s Little Free Library, which received over 31,000 likes and messages of support. One comment left on the page reads: “The public outcry will force those lame city officials to change their minds about it. Leave it to the stupid government to rain on everybody’s parade” (“Good”). Children’s author Daniel Handler sent a letter to the nine-year-old steward, writing as Lemony Snicket, “fighting against librarians is immoral and useless in the face of brave and noble readers such as yourself” (Spencer’s). Indeed, the young steward gave a successful speech to city hall arguing that the body should allow the structures because “‘lots of people in the neighborhood used the library and the books were always changing. I think it’s good for Leawood’” (Bauman). Other local LFL supporters also attended council and spoke in favour of the structures (Harper). In LA, Cook’s neighbours started a petition that gathered over 100 signatures, where people left comments including, “No to bullies!” (Lopez). Additionally, neighbours gathered to discuss the issue (Dana). In Shreveport, neighbours left stacks of books in their front yards, without a structure housing them due to the code banning accessory structures. One noted, “I’m basically telling the [Metropolitan Planning Commission] to go sod off” (Friedersdorf; Moss). LFL proponents reacted with frustration and anger at the perceived over-reach of the government toward harmless LFLs. In addition to the actions of neighbours and supporters, the national and local press commented on the municipal constraints. The LFL movement has benefitted from a significant amount of positive press in its formative years, a press willing to publicise and criticise municipal actions to thwart LFL development. Stewards’ struggles against municipal bureaucracies building barriers to LFLs makes prime fodder for the news media. Herbert J. Gans argues an enduring value in American news is “the preservation of the freedom of the individual against the encroachments of nation and society” (50). The juxtaposition of well-meaning LFL stewards against municipal councils and committees provided a compelling opportunity to illustrate this value.National media outlets, including Time (Sanburn), Christian Science Monitor (LaCasse), and The Atlantic, drew attention to the issue. Writing in The Atlantic, Conor Friedersdorf critically noted:I wish I was writing this to merely extol this trend [of community building via LFLs]. Alas, a subset of Americans are determined to regulate every last aspect of community life. Due to selection bias, they are overrepresented among local politicians and bureaucrats. And so they have power, despite their small-mindedness, inflexibility, and lack of common sense so extreme that they’ve taken to cracking down on Little Free Libraries, of all things. (Friedersdorf, n.p.)Other columnists mirrored this sentiment. Writing in the LA Times, one commentator sarcastically wrote that city officials were “cracking down on one of the country’s biggest problems: small community libraries where residents share books” (Schaub). Journalists argued this was government overreach on non-issues rather than tackling larger community problems, such as income inequality, homelessness, and aging infrastructure (Solomon; Schaub). The protests and negative press coverage led to, in the case of the municipalities with front yard and detached structure ordinances, détente between stewards and councils as the latter passed amendments permitting and regulating LFLs. Whitefish Bay, Leawood, and Shreveport amended ordinances to allow for LFLs, but also to regulate them (Everson; Topil; Siegel). Ordinances about LFLs restricted their number on city blocks, placement on private property, size and height, as well as required registration with the municipality in some cases. Lincoln officials allowed the church to relocate the LFL from the right of way to church property and waived the $500 fine for the obstruction violation (Sanburn). In addition to the amendments, the protests also led to civic participation and community building including presentations to city council, a petition, and symbolic acts of defiance. Through this protest, neighbours create communities—networks of people working toward a common goal. This aspect of community building around LFLs was unintentional but it brought people together nevertheless.Building a Challenge to Traditional Libraries?LFL marketing and communication staff member Margaret Aldrich suggests in The Little Free Library Book that LFLs are successful because they are “gratifyingly doable” projects that can be accomplished by an individual (16). It is this ease of building, erecting, and maintaining LFLs that builds concern as their proliferation could challenge aspects of library service, such as public funding and patron visits. Some professional librarians are in favour of the LFLs and are stewards themselves (Charter 121; Charter 2608; Charter 9702; Charter 41074; Rumage). Others envision great opportunities for collaboration between traditional libraries and LFLs, including the library publicising LFLs and encouraging their construction as well as using LFLs to serve areas without, or far from, a public library (Svehla; Shumaker). While lauding efforts to build community, some professional librarians question the nomenclature used by the movement. They argue the phrase Little Free Libraries is inaccurate as libraries are much more than random collections of books. Instead, critics contend, the LFL structures are closer to book swaps and exchanges than actual libraries, which offer a range of services such as Internet access, digital materials, community meeting spaces, and workshops and programming on a variety of topics (American Library Association; Annoyed Librarian). One university reference and instruction librarian worries about “the general public’s perception and lumping together of little free libraries and actual ‘real’ public libraries” (Hardenbrook). By way of illustration, he imagines someone asking, “‘why do we need our tax money to go to something that can be done for FREE?’” (Hardenbrook). Librarians holding this perspective fear the movement might add to a trend of neoliberalism, limiting or ending public funding for libraries, as politicians believe that the localised, individual solutions can replace publicly funded library services. This is a trend toward what James Ferguson calls “responsibilized” citizens, those “deployed to produce governmentalized results that do not depend on direct state intervention” (172). In other countries, this shift has already begun. In the United Kingdom (UK), governments are devolving formerly public services onto community groups and volunteers. Lindsay Findlay-King, Geoff Nichols, Deborah Forbes, and Gordon Macfadyen trace the impacts of the 2012 Localism Act in the UK, which caused “sport and library asset transfers” (12) to community and volunteer groups who were then responsible for service provision and, potentially, facility maintenance as well. Rather than being in charge of a “doable” LFL, community groups and volunteers become the operators of much larger facilities. Recent efforts in the US to privatise library services as governments attempt to cut budgets and streamline services (Streitfeld) ground this fear. Image 3: “Take a Book, Share a Book,” a Little Free Library motto. Image credit: Nadine Kozak. LFLs might have real consequences for public libraries. Another potential unintended consequence of the LFLs is decreasing visits to public libraries, which could provide officials seeking to defund them with evidence that they are no longer relevant or necessary. One LFL steward and avid reader remarked that she had not used her local public library since 2014 because “I was using the Little Free Libraries” (Steward). Academics and librarians must conduct more research to determine what impact, if any, LFLs are having on visits to traditional public libraries. ConclusionLittle Free Libraries across the United States, and increasingly in other countries, have generated discussion, promoted collaboration between neighbours, and led to sharing. In other words, they have built communities. This was the intended consequence of the LFL movement. There, however, has also been unplanned community building in response to municipal threats to the structures due to right of way, safety, and planning ordinances. The more threatening concern is not the municipal ordinances used to block LFL development, but rather the trend of privatisation of publicly provided services. While people are celebrating the community built by the LFLs, caution must be exercised lest central institutions of the public and community, traditional public libraries, be lost. Academics and communities ought to consider not just impact on their local community at the street level, but also wider structural concerns so that communities can foster many “great good places”—the Little Free Libraries and traditional public libraries as well.ReferencesAldrich, Margaret. “Big Milestone for Little Free Library: 50,000 Libraries Worldwide.” Little Free Library. 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Minneapolis, MN: Coffee House Press, 2015.Annoyed Librarian. “How to Protect Little Free Libraries.” Library Journal Blog 9 Jul. 2015. 26 Mar. 2017 <http://lj.libraryjournal.com/blogs/annoyedlibrarian/2015/07/09/how-to-protect-little-free-libraries/>.American Library Association. “Public Library Use.” State of America’s Libraries: A Report from the American Library Association (2015). 25 Feb. 2017 <http://www.ala.org/tools/libfactsheets/alalibraryfactsheet06>.Bauman, Caroline. “‘Little Free Libraries’ Legal in Leawood Thanks to 9-year-old Spencer Collins.” The Kansas City Star 7 Jul. 2014. 25 Feb. 2017 <http://www.kansascity.com/news/politics-government/article687562.html>.Burris, Alexandria. “First Amendment Issues Surface in Little Free Library Case.” Shreveport Times 5 Feb. 2015. 25 Feb. 2017 <http://www.shreveporttimes.com/story/news/local/2015/02/05/expert-use-zoning-law-clashes-first-amendment/22922371/>.Carpentier, Nico. 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Deciding What’s News: A Study of CBS Evening News, NBC Nightly News, Newsweek, and Time. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 2004.“Good Luck Spencer.” Spencer’s Little Free Library Facebook Page 25 Jun. 2014. 26 Mar. 2017 <https://www.facebook.com/Spencerslittlefreelibrary/photos/pcb.527531327376433/527531260709773/?type=3>.Hardenbrook, Joe. “A Little Rant on Little Free Libraries (AKA Probably an Unpopular Post).” Mr. Library Dude (9 Apr. 2014). 25 Feb. 2017 <https://mrlibrarydude.wordpress.com/2014/04/09/a-little-rant-on-little-free-libraries-aka-probably-an-unpopular-post/>.Harper, Deb. “Minutes.” The Leawood City Council 7 Jul. 2014. <http://www.leawood.org/pdf/cc/min/07-07-14.pdf>. Heady, Chris. “City Wants Church to Move Little Library.” Lincoln Journal Star 9 Jul. 2014. 25 Feb. 2017 <http://journalstar.com/news/local/city-wants-church-to-move-little-library/article_7753901a-42cd-5b52-9674-fc54a4d51f47.html>. Herrmann, Gretchen M. “Garage Sales Make Good Neighbors: Building Community through Neighborhood Sales.” Human Organization 62.2 (2006): 181-191.Kellogg, Carolyn. “Officials Threaten to Destroy a Little Free Library in Texas.” Los Angeles Times (1 Oct. 2015). 25 Feb. 2017 <http://www.latimes.com/books/jacketcopy/la-et-jc-little-free-library-texas-20150930-story.html>.LaCasse, Alexander. “Why Are Some Cities Cracking Down on Little Free Libraries.” Christian Science Monitor (5 Feb. 2015). 25 Feb. 2017 <http://www.csmonitor.com/Books/chapter-and-verse/2015/0205/Why-are-some-cities-cracking-down-on-little-free-libraries>.Landman, Ruth H. Creating the Community in the City: Cooperatives and Community Gardens in Washington, DC Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey, 1993. Little Free Library. 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