To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Transition; reversal; reforms.
Journal articles on the topic 'Transition; reversal; reforms'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 30 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Transition; reversal; reforms.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Cook, María Lorena. "Labor Reform and Dual Transitions in Brazil and the Southern Cone." Latin American Politics and Society 44, no. 1 (2002): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2002.tb00195.x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe sequencing of transitions to democracy and to a market economy shaped the outcome of labor law reform and prospects for expanded labor rights in Argentina, Brazil, and Chile. Argentina and Brazil experienced democratic transitions before market economic reforms were consolidated in the 1990s. During the transition, unions obtained prolabor reforms and secured rights that were enshrined in labor law. In posttransition democratic governments, market reforms coincided with efforts to reverse earlier labor protections. Unable to block many harmful reforms, organized labor in Argentina and Brazil did conserve core interests linked to organizational survival and hence to future bargaining leverage. In Chile this sequence was reversed. Market economic policies and labor reform were consolidated under military dictatorship. During democratic transition, employers successfully resisted reforms that would expand labor rights. This produced a limited scope of organizational resources for Chilean unions and reduced prospects for future improvements.
2
Vakulenko, Veronika, Anatoli Bourmistrov, and Giuseppe Grossi. "Reverse decoupling: Ukrainian case of healthcare financing system reform." International Journal of Public Sector Management 33, no. 5 (April 10, 2020): 519–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-10-2019-0262.
Full textAbstract:
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore inter-organizational interactions that might result in prolonged decoupling between central governments' ideas and local governments' practices during the reform of an institutional field (i.e. healthcare).Design/methodology/approachThe paper is based on a qualitative study of the centrally directed reform of the healthcare financing system in Ukraine and focusses on practices and reform ideas from 1991 to 2016.FindingsThe findings show that, for more than 25 years, local governments, as providers of healthcare services, faced two major problems associated with drawbacks of the healthcare financial system: line-item budgeting and fragmentation of healthcare funds. Over 25 years, central government's attempts to reform the healthcare financing system did not comprehensively or systematically address the stated problems. The reformers' ideas seemed to focus on creating reform agendas and issuing new laws, instead of paying attention to challenges in local practices.Practical implicationsThis article has two main points that are relevant for practitioners. First, it calls for greater involvement from local actors during all stages of public sector reforms, in order to ensure the relevance of developed reform strategies. Second, it points to potential challenges that central governments may face when conducting healthcare financing system reforms in transitional economies.Originality/valueThe paper's contribution is twofold: it outlines reasons for problematic implementation of healthcare financing system reform in Ukraine and explains them through a “reverse decoupling” concept.
3
Merlevede, Bruno. "Reform reversals and output growth in transition economies*." Economics of Transition 11, no. 4 (December 2003): 649–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0967-0750.2003.00165.x.
Full text
4
Fatic, Aleksandar. "The influence of transitional and structural reforms on internal legitimacy and the structure of values." Medjunarodni problemi 62, no. 1 (2010): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1001065f.
Full textAbstract:
The paper explores the view of political transitions from the standpoint of capacity for collective action, and seeks to use a causal analysis of the motivation for collective action and its public articulation as a method of interpreting modern political systems that would be a feasible alternative to the traditional quantitative and comparative method that focuses on the specific aspects of transitions. The author argues that the capacity for collective action within a political system correlates directly to the degree of internal legitimacy of public policy. Such legitimacy is necessarily based on the dominant value system within the transitional process. In addition, the author stipulates that this capacity is reversely proportional to the degree of structural violence in society.
5
Cho, Sung-Jin, and Yoon Kyung Kim. "Tax Reform for the Energy Transition in Korea’s Power Generation Sector." Energies 13, no. 19 (October 8, 2020): 5233. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en13195233.
Full textAbstract:
The tax structure capable of achieving an energy transition in the power sector was analyzed by applying the Pigouvian tax on generation fuels. Under the 2018 Tax Act Amendment, the tax rate criteria for the excise tax on power generation fuels changed from the calorific value to environmental externalities of the fuel. However, to reverse the merit order of bituminous coal generation with liquefied natural gas (LNG) generation, reflecting only some external costs of the environment as a tax is not enough. In this paper, we established four tax reform scenarios for bituminous coal and LNG considering environmental externalities, and we analyzed the reversal of dispatch priority using the electricity system unit commitment and M-Core economic dispatch model. According to the analysis results, the share of bituminous coal generation will be reduced to 10–20% depending on the scenario, reflecting the relative tax rate equalizing the fuel costs of bituminous coal and LNG power. To achieve an energy transition by reversing the merit order of bituminous coal and LNG generation, the tax rate of bituminous coal must be more than twice that of LNG. Moreover, to achieve an eco-friendly generation mix through tax reform, the external costs of the environment by fuel source should be accurately estimated and efficient taxation that can adequately reflect these external costs of the environment while considering tax fairness, neutrality and simplicity should be established.
6
Hulsey, John. "Institutions and the Reversal of State Capture." Southeastern Europe 42, no. 1 (April 9, 2018): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04201002.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines explanations for corruption and state capture in Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to evaluate the importance of regional factors related to the transition from communism to liberal democracy and country-specific factors related to the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper shows that the overall level of state capture is best explained by regional factors, while the specific structure of corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina is closely related to the way the war was fought and the peace treaty that brought it to an end. Reform efforts face steep and powerful opposition in the form of political and economic elites who have shifted from a focus on extracting wealth from the state to using state resources in order to maintain control and stymy political competition.
7
Gordon, Leonid. "Russia at the Crossroads." Government and Opposition 30, no. 1 (January 1, 1995): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00429.x.
Full textAbstract:
THE CURRENT CRISIS IN RUSSIAN SOCIETY HAS BEEN THE SUBJECT of all manner of scholarly investigations, essays and editorials. But the clear economic reverses, distinctly felt by all, have caused analysis to focus almost exclusively on this aspect of the crisis. A more constructive approach to the problem might be to examine it as a process, as an objective result of all aspects of the country's development and contemporary civilization as a whole.This approach presupposes that the rejection of socialism in Russia and Eastern Europe, the major reforms in China and Vietnam, and the dead-end situation in Cuba are not chance, but form a pattern. In each case, the crisis is a function of the transition from one social system to another. This transitional crisis is all-encompassing; its economic component is no more important than the political, social, ethical, cultural, or that of daily life. A transitional crisis is the harbinger of a Time of Troubles when all of society — not just isolated elements — is thrown into turmoil.
8
Altiparmakov, Nikola. "Another look at causes and consequences of pension privatization reform reversals in Eastern Europe." Journal of European Social Policy 28, no. 3 (December 26, 2017): 224–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928717735053.
Full textAbstract:
In order for ‘carve-out’ pension privatization to improve long-term sustainability, the transition should not be predominantly debt financed, and private pension funds should deliver (net) rates of return tangibly higher than gross domestic product (GDP) growth. We show that none of the reforming countries in Eastern Europe was successful in fulfilling these two preconditions, even before the emergence of the global financial crisis. While existing literature mostly describes a recent wave of reform reversals as politically driven short-sighted policies that deteriorate long-term sustainability, we argue the contrary: that pension privatization structural deficiencies and disappointing performance allow reversals to improve the short-term stance without necessarily undermining long-term pension sustainability. We conclude that unless political consensus exists to support the multi-decade fiscal austerity required to finance pension privatization, reform adjustments and reversals can be a rational alternative to maintaining economically suboptimal or politically unstable pension systems in some Eastern European countries.
9
Montero, Alfred P. "A Reversal of Political Fortune: The Transitional Dynamics of Conservative Rule in the Brazilian Northeast." Latin American Politics and Society 54, no. 1 (2012): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2012.00141.x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis study explains the erosion of conservative rule and the rise of leftist opposition at the subnational level in the Northeast of Brazil in recent electoral cycles. Compared with explanations based on economic modernization, social spending, and fiscal reform, the data best support the hypothesis that the organizational and spatial dimensions of leftist mobilization in these states have shifted to the detriment of conservative machines. Specifically, urban mobilization of leftist supporters has determined the electoral success of these oppositions. The study also explains where conservatives maintain a floor of support based on the continuation of clientele networks.
10
Smith, William C. "State, Market and Neoliberalism in Post-Transition Argentina: The Menem Experiment." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 4 (1991): 45–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165879.
Full textAbstract:
Argentines Fervently hoped that the transition from authoritarianism to democracy would reverse decades of economic decline and return their country to the path of modernization. Raúl Alfonsín and his Radical party assumed office in December 1983 confident of reconciling democratization with rapid development and social justice. This optimism was soon shattered, the victim of a succession of failed stabilization plans. Finally, a catastrophic economic collapse led to a convincing victory by Peronist Carlos Menem in the May 1989 presidential contest.Carlos Menem assumed the presidency on 8 July 1989 in the midst of raging hyperinflation: from August 1988 through July 1989, consumer prices had risen 3,610% and wholesale prices had skyrocketed 5,062%. Menem responded with neoliberal, “free-market” reforms designed to restructure radically the beleaguered Argentine economy along the lines of the so-called “Washington Consensus.”
11
Smith, William C. "Democracy, Distributional Conflicts and Macroeconomic Policymaking in Argentina, 1983-89." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 32, no. 2 (1990): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166007.
Full textAbstract:
In December 1983, when Raúl Alfonsín and his Radical party assumed responsibility for Argentina's transition from authoritarian dictatorship to democracy, the economy was mired in deep crisis. Rather than a repetition of the familiar “stop-go” cycles of previous decades, the mid-1980s crisis was more structural in nature, stemming from a perverse logic deeply rooted in contemporary Argentine capitalism. Few Argentines, regardless of ideological persuasion, doubted that major reforms were imperative if the country's post-1930 model of import-substitution industrialization was to avoid total collapse. For Argentina's fledgling democracy, the task at hand could not have been more daunting — to reverse what Alfonsín himself had referred to as “50 years of decadence.”
12
Menaldo, Victor, and Daniel Yoo. "Democracy, Elite Bias, and Financial Development in Latin America." World Politics 67, no. 4 (August 3, 2015): 726–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887115000192.
Full textAbstract:
Does democracy induce financial development? There are good theoretical reasons to believe this to be the case, but the evidence adduced to support this claim has been mixed. In this article, the authors posit that only democracies that appeal to the median voter should experience financial development because those democracies have adopted their own constitution after transition, rather than having inherited one from an authoritarian predecessor. The authors empirically test this theory by focusing attention on Latin America, where there have been several reversals and improvements in financial outcomes and where many countries have cycled between regime types. They find robust support for it across different specifications. While popular democracies tend to reform their financial systems, have greater participation in the banking system, increase the supply of credit and reduce its price, and grow their stock markets, elite-biased democracies do not.
13
DE ALMEIDA, MARIA ANTÓNIA PIRES. "Landlords, Tenants and Agrarian Reform: Local Elites and Regime Transitions in Avis, Portugal, 1778–2011." Rural History 24, no. 2 (September 13, 2013): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793313000046.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract:In a small municipality in the Alentejo region of Portugal, the same group of families, defined by latifundia landownership or tenancy, dominated local political institutions for two centuries during which great changes occurred. Three revolutions resulted in regime transitions: the 1820 Liberal Revolution, the 1910 Republic and the 1926 Dictatorship, which led to Salazar's Estado Novo. Even though a few members of these families offered some resistance to each of these revolutions at an early stage, they all adapted their behaviour and kept local political control within their ranks. Local traditional institutions, such as the local council and mayor, charitable and welfare associations, and corporate institutions created in the 1930s and 1940s to direct economic activities, were all presided over and controlled by members of the same rural elite. This continued until 1974, when the Carnation Revolution and agrarian reform removed and replaced these old elites with new ones. The lords of the land remained lords of the village for as long as control over the main economic resource of the region was the major factor in the maintenance of political power. These land occupations were not permanent. The process was reversed as a result of political factors relating to Portugal's accession to the European Economic Community in 1986. Agrarian elites in Southern Portugal no longer control jobs or the economy and therefore they no longer control local politics as they had for several generations. The Carnation Revolution and agrarian reform removed the old elites and replaced them with new ones. Agriculture is no longer the main economic activity of the countryside. The rural environment has become a hiking ground or an all-terrain vehicles track. The future is elsewhere and the current economic situation and the absence of elites have transformed rural areas into depopulated regions.
14
Sumskiene, E. "Stigma as an Obstacle to Paradigm Change in Mental Health Care in Lithuania." European Psychiatry 41, S1 (April 2017): S619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2017.01.994.
Full textAbstract:
The paper is based on the data gathered during implementation of the “Project paradigm change of mental health and Well-being in Lithuania: towards empirically valid model”. This project is aimed to contribute to the paradigmatic change by scientific research and evaluation of efficacy of pharmaceutical and psychotherapeutical treatment to psychological and social functioning and to estimate economic burden of treatment and mental diseases. Aim of the research is to analyse stigma as an obstacle for transition from biomedical to bio-psycho-social paradigm. Objectives are as follows: to evaluate manifestations of stigma in mental health care from the point of view of different experts; to discuss influence of stigma on different levels of mental health care; to identify consequences of stigma to mental health care reform. A qualitative experts’ research was implemented in order to reveal professional discourse around stigmatization of mental health and consequences of this phenomenon to mental health care reform. Research data reveal the strong prevalence of stigma on all levels mental health care. Individuals with psychosocial disabilities tend to choose medication instead of psychotherapy. Under influence of stigma, they prefer rapid daily consumption of medication as a substitute to active participation in the process of treatment. Politicians are influenced by stigmatizing attitudes in the society towards individuals with psychosocial disabilities, the persisting pressure to isolate them in closed facilities. Under influence of stigma, the process of reform lingers or obtains a shape reverse to a modern transformation.Disclosure of interestThe author has not supplied his/her declaration of competing interest.
15
Randma-Liiv, Tiina, and Wolfgang Drechsler. "Three decades, four phases." International Journal of Public Sector Management 30, no. 6-7 (August 14, 2017): 595–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-06-2017-0175.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide a comprehensive overview of the public administration (PA) development in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) from an ex post perspective covering the past three decades. Design/methodology/approach The paper reviews prior literature on CEE and PA paradigms. The authors propose to distinguish between four main phases of public sector development in new democracies: post-communist transition, EU accession, post-accession fine-tuning, and e-governance. Findings There were many common features in the polities and PAs of the CEE countries at the beginning of the 1990s because of their common communist legacy, and also during the EU accession period, stemming from the “administrative capacity” requirement by the EU. However, domestic decisions of individual CEE governments following accession have moved them apart from each other. While some CEE countries face reversals of democratic public governance reforms, others are leading e-government initiatives – the current phase of public sector development. Research limitations/implications The choice of countries is limited to the new member states of the European Union. Originality/value The paper shows that it is increasingly difficult to generalize findings, let alone to offer recommendations, that apply to all CEE countries. This is likely to lead to an end of a specific CEE administrative tradition as previously conceptualized in academic literature.
16
Blake, M. L. "Human evolution in space and time, with reference to the niches of librarianship and information processing." Journal of Information Science 11, no. 3 (September 1985): 125–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016555158501100304.
Full textAbstract:
Darwinian evolution of species entails competition for space and consequent evolution through geological time. Recent hu man activity shows that humans have themselves evolved a second form of evolution which is the converse of the Darwinian process: cultural evolution in space through competition for time. Fitness for this reverse-Darwinian evolution depends chiefly on advanced, high-speed information technology. The transition in biology founded on fixed species to that founded on changing ecological niches is reviewed. Dynamic niches, e.g. fast-flowing rivers, can support more species than correspond ing static niches. It is suggested that cerebral asymmetry, which is specifically human, represents a recent evolution of two cerebral centres for controlling high-level and competitively advantageous information processing, the spatial processing in the right side and, resulting from more marked evolution, the temporal processing in the left side of the brain. Within the library-information niche libraries show dominance of spatial adaptations while information processing shows dominance of temporal adaptations. Advantages of the latter, e.g. time-shared online access, are discussed alongside their side-effects. Infor mation technology (IT) is classified according to increasing temporal component, from high-density storage, through tele communication, to advanced space-independent systems for innovation in IT. The category with the highest temporal component is available only to the information-rich yet is the least taxed. Taxation of space according to its use has a long history of reform; fiscal reform in the social applications of new technologies is now advocated.
17
Khalaf, Hamsa Qahtan. "The democratic political process in Iraq between reform and empowerment and comprehensive review after the elections of 2018." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 16 (July 2, 2019): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i16.139.
Full textAbstract:
The research has been tackled about the emerging democratic political process in Iraq since 2003 , especially it has not received much attention from specialists in political, social and legal reform. So the Iraq’s situation has been subjected to various successive crises which matched with too much differences as well as the continuation of the administration of governance in accordance with the theory of power-sharing between the three presidencies, had brought it to all positions by the responsibility which witnessed a big suspicions; because of the political corruption in both administrative and financial sides .The invitations for procuring the comprehensive reform and empowerment within democracy needed to be the latest phenomena as a part of the policy that declined in previous period, which took place the democratic political process until we found it unable to renew itself and revive its contents from inside owing to the condition of the reliance on the consensus and political quotas by their sectarian, national, ethnic components in the political society . Furthermore , the process of re-revision in order to implement the reform and empowerment in democracy’s process became an urgent need to re - model the experience with a real and effective measures for the experience that can overcome the past and present to looking forward the future, and among these requirements and needs of several trying to be consistent with them according to the requirements of this stage in light of the trend to assess the overall political situation , and others to achieve a specific comprehensive review that does not harm the democratic political process consequently . So that , every country couldn’t get into the political reform without a hierarchical way to re-build the condition of democratic empowerment , although the power-holders make the right choices to secure their presence in the authority by ensuring their electoral supremacy in the democratic political process constitutionally and legally alike .The rules of participatory democratic political action; and the continuation of formal political reforms are considered a cause of crisis with the option of stumbling path reform in the final outcome and this does not serve the whole political experience in Iraq . In spite of the effectiveness of the Iraqi society, which is characterized by effective social mobility and even political at the popular levels, especially in the levels of The middle class itself and others, which began to do so in general, by stimulating the choice between the alternatives offered , to overcome this general problems by the political reform movement that is going on at the level of the ruling political class (National settlement options) or so – called The National Historic distressed under a state of political stagnation which suffered by the most of the partisan forces that relied just on their method visions . That change does not happen on its own, but through the behavior of individuals and their actions that based on the condition of a admixture between the theory of change and actual practice overlapping ultimately the incentives , to move effectively toward the transition into the best , and between the various structural factors contribute to the conditions of overall revision , which requires attaching aspirations to fulfillment action through reformist movements and to rebuild the national peace , stable and continuous pattern of change that starts from the bottom up to the top and not vice versa. Because the recent (reverse) reform structure may lead to abrupt and unexpected results as well as the state of decline in the institutional structure of society .
Finally, The previous scenes we found were working in accordance with the current consensuses and alliances based on the profits and rewards, by exercising the authority without relying on the legitimacy of achievement and containment the whole components together. So in the next stage will be confronted a full of crises and with new challenges, which will undoubtedly be affected by failures of traditional parties or otherwise as long as they are part of the democratic political process, because the previous election experiences could not break the barriers and penetrate the equations of the reality within the current political assumptions, So that the limits of the authority itself would not have willing to seek the mission of rebuilding the nation-state or re-building into maintain its existence in a stable, orderly and balanced systematically , despite of the attempts of some leaders and renewal (senior) leaders to move somewhat away from the symbolic model of leadership and management alike .
All of that , it depends on the quality of reform and review to accomplish the empowerment in political democracy , and to overcome all the differences among political governing elites presently and for the future , by procuring an active democratic process consequently .
18
Pop-Eleches, Grigore. "Pre-Communist and Communist Developmental Legacies." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 2 (May 2015): 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414555761.
Full textAbstract:
This article discusses two distinctive approaches for thinking about historical legacies in the post-communist context. The first approach, which builds on the work of Ken Jowitt, emphasizes the distinctiveness of Leninist socioeconomic and political legacies, while the second approach, rooted in the writings of Andrew Janos, highlights the significant and resilient pre-communist, communist, and post-communist diversity of the countries of the former Soviet bloc. The empirical evidence reviewed in this paper suggests that both types of legacies continue to matter after a quarter-century of post-communist transitions. Thus, whereas we can still discern a distinctive and fairly uniform communist imprint in areas such as primary education and the importance of the state sector in the economy, in other areas of socioeconomic development, either communism was unable to reverse longer-term intraregional differences (e.g., with respect to GDP/capita or the size of the agrarian sector) or its initially distinctive developmental imprint has been fundamentally reshaped by post-communist economic reforms (as in the case of the massive increase in income inequality in a subset of ex-communist countries). In political terms, there is an interesting contrast between institutional trajectories (such as regime type), which largely follow pre-communist developmental differences, and individual political attitudes and behavior, where communist exceptionalism generally trumps post-communist diversity.
19
Buchholz, Sandra, Annika Rinklake, and Hans-Peter Blossfeld. "Reversing Early Retirement in GermanyA Longitudinal Analysis of the Effects of Recent Pension Reforms on the Timing of the Transition to Retirement and on Pension Incomes." Comparative Population Studies 38, no. 4 (December 19, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.12765/cpos-2013-23.
Full textAbstract:
This article investigates the effects and risks of recent pension reforms in Germany. While German pension policy systematically supported early retirement for many years in order to relieve the regulated labour market in times of economic stagnation, there has been a substantial change of the pension policy paradigm in the more recent past. Latest reforms expect older people to prolong working life. Using data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP) and applying micro-level longitudinal research methods, this contribution shows that the recent reversal of early retirement in Germany has been at the price of growing social inequalities in old age.
20
Torres, Teddy, and Jose Caraballo. "The Puerto Rican Economic Challenges and Alternatives: A Review of Recent Literature." Journal of Student Research 10, no. 1 (March 31, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.47611/jsrhs.v10i1.1311.
Full textAbstract:
The decline of Puerto Rico’s economy has been inextricably linked to the federal government’s phasing out and ultimate elimination of tax incentives that made it attractive for U.S. companies to establish operations on the island. One unsurprising consequence of these tax incentives is that they made the economy heavily dependent on both U.S. policies and the actions of U.S. companies. Thus, when the federal government repealed the incentives, including the well-known section 936, a major economic decline on the island was virtually inevitable, particularly in the absence of any alternative program to fill the vacuum left by the departure of U.S. firms. The consequence has been the creation of crippling debt, sky-rocketing unemployment, and the reversal of economic growth. The historical problems with the island’s fragile and outdated energy sector and power grid -- which are heavily dependent on expensive, imported fossil fuels, has been exacerbated by the economic decline. One viable solution in this critical sector is a transition to clean renewable energy, which would spur economic growth by increasing employment and enabling reduction of the debt. Execution of such a strategic option, however, is compromised by Puerto Rico’s status as a commonwealth rather than a U.S. state or independent sovereign state. Any long-term, meaningful reforms or programs for economic development are thus largely dependent on resolution of the status issue, which requires a decision by both the U.S. Congress and the people of Puerto Rico to determine on statehood or independence.
21
Win, Sandar, and Alexander Kofinas. "A historical institutionalist perspective on the persistence of state controls during financial sector reforms: the insightful case of Myanmar." Journal of Accounting in Emerging Economies ahead-of-print, ahead-of-print (September 23, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jaee-02-2019-0052.
Full textAbstract:
PurposeMany transition economies are former socialist planned economies and have undergone market reforms of their financial sector to signal their transition towards democracy. However, governments in these countries have been reluctant to relinquish the pre-existing controls on economy and have adopted nuanced and sophisticated approaches to retain control. In such context, scholars may find it challenging to investigate the role played by the state in the success or failure of attempted market reforms. This work investigates the different forms of state-induced accounting controls that may preserve the status quo within the economy during transition, using Myanmar as an example.Design/methodology/approachThe authors adopted a longitudinal qualitative research method aiming to reveal the very processes and mechanisms used by the banks and their evolution over time. This method is in accordance with the historical institutionalist perspective that they have applied within this research.FindingsThe authors found that the Myanmar government embarked on the privatisation of their financial sector from 1990 to 2016 as a major public sector reform initiative. Under the guise of market reforms, it used both state-led and market-led controls to emulate and retain the socialist banking model where banks are used to fund the immediate government's budget deficits. This created a series of intended and unintended consequences, resulting in the ultimate failure of the government's market reforms.Research limitations/implicationsPreviously, research on public sector management accounting in emerging economies was not relying consistently on using theory. The relative limited theorisation led to gaps when attempting to understand and explain the opaque forms of state control mechanisms in transition economies. By applying historical institutionalist perspective, and a more theory-driven, reflective approach to the interpretation of the data collected, the authors have provided a deeper insight and understanding on how different forms of state controls can emerge, adapt and persist in transition economies such as Myanmar.Practical implicationsThe authors demonstrated that though the state may have implemented market reforms to signal regimes change, this does not necessarily mean that the government has relinquished their control on the economy. The state could take a more sophisticated, covert approach towards state controls leading to both intended and unintended consequences. Thus, even if the state's preferences change, the decisions cannot be easily reversed, as path-dependent state controls may have become pervasive affecting any further institutional and policy developments. Thus, the authors suggest that governments in both transition and developed economies should be cautious when enacting regulations on corporate control.Originality/valueIn this paper, the authors have applied a historical institutional perspective in their analysis instead of the more widely used sociological, institutionalist approach. This allowed authors to harness rich longitudinal data indicating that market reforms and their success or failure should be examined as an ongoing process rather than a completed action. This is especially important in transition economies where the state may be unwilling to renounce the existing controls on the industry and may resort to more opaque forms of state control, eventually obstructing the intended reforms.
22
Ward-Warmedinger, Melanie E., and Istvan P. Szekely. "Reform Reversal in Former Transition Economies (FTEs) of the European Union: Areas, Circumstances and Motivations." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3708211.
Full text
23
Szekely, Istvan P., and Melanie E. Ward-Warmedinger. "Reform Reversals in Former Transition Economies of the European Union: Areas, Circumstances and Motivations." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3407408.
Full text
24
Brauner, Jennifer. "Military Spending and Democratisation." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 18, no. 3 (December 13, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2012-0003.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract There is considerable evidence that authoritarian regimes have tended to spend more on the military than democracies. However, the direction of causality of this relationship has not been seriously investigated. The literature tends to assume that causality runs from regime type to military expenditure, but one might also expect military expenditure to influence regime type: history yields numerous examples of countries whose democratisation process was reversed by a powerful military unwilling to give up its privileged position in society. Successful democratisation, amongst other things, requires the reform of civil-military relations. In this paper, I build on the empirical literature on democratic transitions and examine whether lowering military expenditure in a democratising country increases the chances of successful democracy consolidation. I use a number of techniques, including two-way fixed effects model and a panel VAR to examine the linkages and pattern of Granger causality between measures of regime type, GDP and military expenditures.
25
Labonté, Ronald. "Neoliberalism 4.0: The Rise of Illiberal Capitalism Comment on "How Neoliberalism Is Shaping the Supply of Unhealthy Commodities and What This Means for NCD Prevention"." International Journal of Health Policy and Management, November 11, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15171/ijhpm.2019.111.
Full textAbstract:
Neoliberal logic and institutional lethargy may well explain part of the reason why governments pay little attention to how their economic and development policies negatively affect health outcomes associated with the global diffusion of unhealthy commodities. In calling attention to this the authors encourage health advocates to consider strategies other than just regulation to curb both the supply and demand for these commodities, by better understanding how neoliberal logic suffuses institutional regimes, and how it might be coopted to alternative ends. The argument is compelling as possible mid-level reform, but it omits the history of the development of neoliberalism, from its founding in liberal philosophy and ethics in the transition from feudalism to capitalism, to its hegemonic rise in global economics over the past four decades. This rise was as much due to elites (the 1% and now 0.001%) wanting to reverse the progressive compression in income and wealth distribution during the first three decades that followed World War Two. Through three phases of neoliberal policy (structural adjustment, financialization, austerity) wealth ceased trickling downwards, and spiralled upwards. Citizen discontent with stagnating or declining livelihoods became the fuel for illiberal leaders to take power in many countries, heralding a new, autocratic and nationalistic form of neoliberalism. With climate crises mounting and ecological limits rendering mid-level reform of coopting the neoliberal logic to incentivize production of healthier commodities, health advocates need to consider more profound idea of how to tame or erode (increasingly predatory) capitalism itself
26
Zhu, Min, Longmei Zhang, and Daoju Peng. "China’s Productivity Convergence and Growth Potential—A Stocktaking and Sectoral Approach." IMF Working Papers 2019, no. 263 (November 27, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781513515359.001.
Full textAbstract:
China’s growth potential has become a hotly debated topic as the economy has reached an income level susceptible to the “middle-income trap” and financial vulnerabilities are mounting after years of rapid credit expansion. However, the existing literature has largely focused on macro level aggregates, which are ill suited to understanding China’s significant structural transformation and its impact on economic growth. To fill the gap, this paper takes a deep dive into China’s convergence progress in 38 industrial sectors and 11 services sectors, examines past sectoral transitions, and predicts future shifts. We find that China’s productivity convergence remains at an early stage, with the industrial sector more advanced than services. Large variations exist among subsectors, with high-tech industrial sectors, in particular the ICT sector, lagging low-tech sectors. Going forward, ample room remains for further convergence, but the shrinking distance to the frontier, the structural shift from industry to services, and demographic changes will put sustained downward pressure on growth, which could slow to 5 percent by 2025 and 4 percent by 2030. Digitalization, SOE reform, and services sector opening up could be three major forces boosting future growth, while the risks of a financial crisis and a reversal in global integration in trade and technology could slow the pace of convergence.
27
Williams, Byron C., Joshua J. Filter, Kristina A. Blake-Hodek, Brian E. Wadzinski, Nicholas J. Fuda, David Shalloway, and Michael L. Goldberg. "Greatwall-phosphorylated Endosulfine is both an inhibitor and a substrate of PP2A-B55 heterotrimers." eLife 3 (March 11, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.7554/elife.01695.
Full textAbstract:
During M phase, Endosulfine (Endos) family proteins are phosphorylated by Greatwall kinase (Gwl), and the resultant pEndos inhibits the phosphatase PP2A-B55, which would otherwise prematurely reverse many CDK-driven phosphorylations. We show here that PP2A-B55 is the enzyme responsible for dephosphorylating pEndos during M phase exit. The kinetic parameters for PP2A-B55’s action on pEndos are orders of magnitude lower than those for CDK-phosphorylated substrates, suggesting a simple model for PP2A-B55 regulation that we call inhibition by unfair competition. As the name suggests, during M phase PP2A-B55’s attention is diverted to pEndos, which binds much more avidly and is dephosphorylated more slowly than other substrates. When Gwl is inactivated during the M phase-to-interphase transition, the dynamic balance changes: pEndos dephosphorylated by PP2A-B55 cannot be replaced, so the phosphatase can refocus its attention on CDK-phosphorylated substrates. This mechanism explains simultaneously how PP2A-B55 and Gwl together regulate pEndos, and how pEndos controls PP2A-B55.
28
SveinbjöRnsson, Einar Ö., and Olof Engström. "Transformation of Gold in N-Type Silicon from a New Deep Level to the Gold Acceptor Level." MRS Proceedings 262 (1992). http://dx.doi.org/10.1557/proc-262-501.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTUsing deep level transient spectroscopy (DLTS) on gold-doped n-type Czochralski (CZ) and float zone (FZ) silicon we observe a new gold-related acceptor level (G) with an activation energy σn= 0.19 eV and an electron capture cross section On = 1–10-17 cm2. The center anneals out at a temperature of 250°C, simultaneously as the gold acceptor concentration increases. Annealing at temperatures below 250°C does not reverse this process. However, etching a few microns off the sample surface using HF:HNO3 based etch reforms the G center and the gold acceptor concentration decreases accordingly. From DLTS depth-profiling we determine that the new center is only found at depths less than 5 μm, and in the same region we observe neutralization of phosphorus dopants and a reduction in the gold acceptor concentration.We propose that in-diffusion of hydrogen during the etching process is responsible for the three observed transitions, i.e. neutralization of both phosphorus donors and gold acceptors and formation of the G center. We suggest that there are (at least) two possible Au-H complex centers, one which is electrically inactive and another which gives rise to an acceptor level (ΔE = 0.19 eV) in the bandgap of n-type silicon. The electrically active center anneals out at 250°C while the electrically inactive one is more stable and has been observed earlier in remote plasma hydrogenation experiments performed at 150–350°C.
29
"中国经济转轨的真实起源." Rural China 11, no. 2 (July 7, 2014): 244–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22136746-12341255.
Full textAbstract:
In the early 1950s China adopted the Stalinist strategy and transferred a vast amount of farm surplus into investment in state-owned heavy industry. This created a typical dual economy with heavy industry on one side, and agriculture and its vast surplus labor on the other side, and a vacuum of light industry in between. Around 1980, a rise in the state purchasing price of farm products made farm surplus flow from the state to peasants. This brought both capital and investment goods to the surplus labor and induced a sudden expansion in rural industrialization to fill the development gaps in light industry. Hence it was this reverse flow of farm surplus that launched China’s economic take-off by changing the unbalanced economic structure to a balanced one. The essence of this reverse flow was that China’s pre-reform source of investment (33% of GDP) was largely redistributed by the same system of the pre-reform era to transfer farm surplus from peasants to the state. It shows that China’s economic reform was a model involving macroeconomic changes in which the pre-reform resources were redistributed by the planned system, while Lin Yifu et al. (1994) have reversed history by emphasizing supposed microeconomic changes in which newly added resources were allocated by the market system to the labor intensive sector. It also shows that China started to give up the Stalinist strategy when the majority of its population was still rural. Thus, its economic transition could begin with a rapid expansion in rural industrialization, but the Eastern European countries could not because when they abandoned the Stalinist strategy, the majority of their population were already urban and industrialized.This article is in Chinese.中国在上世纪五十年代选择了斯大林发展战略，将全国的农业剩余集中到国家财政再转化为国家投资，制造出一个投资集中在重工业、大量剩余劳动力集中在农业和中间是轻工业投资及消费品空缺的二元经济结构。从1979年开始的提高国家农产品收购价格使农业剩余从国家财政向农村剩余劳动力反向回流，使他们得到了购买重工业投资品的资金，从而使乡镇工业的就业和产值规模迅猛扩张去填补轻工业的发展空白，所以是农业剩余的反向回流在把改革前的不平衡经济结构扭转向平衡时引发了中国的经济起飞。这一反向回流的实质是中国改革前的投资来源（占GDP的33%） 被改革前转移农业剩余的计划体制渠道进行了大规模的宏观再配置。它说明中国的改革是宏观起步的存量改革，而林毅夫等人主观臆想的“微观起步，增量改革和市场把增量资源配置到劳动密集型产业的中国转轨模式”颠倒了历史。它也说明中国是在其人口仍旧以农村人口为主时就放弃了斯大林发展战略，所以中国的经济转轨能从一场迅猛的农村工业化浪潮开始。但这种浪潮不会在前苏联和东欧国家出现， 因为它们的人口主体在它们开始放弃斯大林发展战略时已经城市化和工业化了。
30
"2016 External Sector Report." Policy Papers 2016, no. 5 (January 7, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781498345545.007.
Full textAbstract:
After narrowing in the aftermath of the global financial crisis and remaining broadly unchanged in recent years, global imbalances increased moderately in 2015, amid a reconfiguration of current accounts and exchange rates. Shifts in 2015 were driven primarily by the uneven strength of the recovery in advanced economies, the redistributive effects of the sharp fall in commodity prices, and tighter external financing conditions for emerging markets (EMs). A relatively stronger U.S. outlook led to a further appreciation of the USD and a depreciation of the yen and the euro. The sharp decline in commodity prices, reflecting both supply shocks and concerns about rebalancing and growth in China, brought about a significant redistribution of income from commodity exporters to importers, and a weakening of commodity exporters’ currencies. Meanwhile, heightened global risk aversion, contributed to softer capital inflows and depreciation pressures in many EMs. This moderate widening of current account imbalances was largely driven by systemic economies. Surpluses in Japan, the euro area and China grew, supported by improved terms of trade and currency depreciation, while the current account deficit in the U.S. widened amid the steep appreciation of the USD. These widening imbalances were only partially offset by narrowing surpluses in large oil exporters and smaller deficits in vulnerable EMs and some euro area debtor countries. Similarly, excess imbalances expanded in 2015. External positions in the U.S. and Japan moved from being broadly in line with fundamentals to being “moderately weaker” and “moderately stronger”, respectively. This was partly offset by a further narrowing of excess deficits in vulnerable EMs and euro area debtor countries. Meanwhile, excess surpluses persisted among the larger surplus countries, some of which remain “substantially stronger” than fundamentals (Germany, Korea). Currency movements since end-2015 helped to partially reverse the trends observed last year, although market volatility following the result of the U.K. referendum to leave the European Union have led to a strengthening of the USD and yen along with a weakening of the sterling, euro, and EM currencies. The implications for external assessments going forward, especially for the U.K. and the euro area, remains uncertain and will likely depend on how the transition is managed and on what new arrangements are adopted. With output below potential in most countries, and limited policy space in many, balancing internal and external objectives will require careful policy calibration. In general, a more balanced policy mix that avoids excessive reliance on policies with significant demanddiverting effects is necessary, with greater emphasis on demand-supportive measures and structural reforms. Surplus countries with fiscal space have a greater role to play in supporting global demand while reducing external imbalances. Global collective policy action, especially if downside risks materialize, would also help address global demand weakness while mitigating its effects on external imbalances.