Academic literature on the topic 'Transitional diplomatic efforts'

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Journal articles on the topic "Transitional diplomatic efforts"

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Dempster, Lauren. "‘Quiet’ Transitional Justice: ‘Publicness’, Trust and Legitimacy in the Search for the ‘Disappeared’." Social & Legal Studies 29, no. 2 (2019): 246–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663919833027.

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There is a pragmatic value to developing Transitional Justice (TJ) processes quietly. At first glance, such ‘quietness’ may seem to contradict the principles often associated with TJ, such as ‘publicness’, openness and the leaving behind of secrecy and silence. However, I argue that behind-the-scenes efforts and processes are an often-overlooked part of more public-facing TJ mechanisms, and that their quiet nature raises questions that should be more fully understood, particularly around the notions of trust and legitimacy. This article introduces the notion of ‘quiet’ TJ, drawing on the examp
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Nyathi, Gugulethu Linda, and Helda Risman. "AFRICA’S SEARCH FOR PEACE AND STABILITY: DEFENSE DIPLOMACY AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO (DRC)." Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity 6, no. 2 (2020): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v6i2.720.

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<p>Several conflict interventions have been taken place in the DRC, including political and diplomatic efforts. In 1998, the South African Development Cooperation (SADC) intervened through a combination of military and mediation activities. There was a military intervention from three SADC countries - Angola, Namibia, and Zimbabwe, under the auspices of the SADC Allied Forces. Recovery from the conflict that occurred from 2003 up to 2019 has not been smooth. The main cause of the second war was politics. President Laurent Kabila was seeking to expel Rwanda from the government. Rwandan tr
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Ghufran, Nasreen. "Afghanistan in 2005: The Challenges of Reconstruction." Asian Survey 46, no. 1 (2006): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2006.46.1.85.

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In 2005, Afghanistan experienced parliamentary elections, the disarming of official militias, a budget that aims at improving the economic and fiscal sector, continuing counter-narcotic efforts, curbing of the neo-Taliban insurgency, integration of its displaced population, strengthened diplomatic ties with the U.S., and an improved diplomatic image. Afghanistan is building key institutions in this time of transition, although it faces grave challenges because the task of achieving political and economic stability is monumental.
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Manulak, Daniel. "“A marathon, not a sprint”: Canada and South African apartheid, 1987–1990." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 1 (2020): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020917179.

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In 2020, Canada does not maintain diplomatic ties with Iran or Saudi Arabia partly owing to their human rights violations—a choice which has eroded its capacity to act meaningfully in these countries. Thirty years ago, the Brian Mulroney government was faced with a similar decision: to sever relations with the white minority regime in South Africa or use its limited but real influence to contribute constructively to an end to apartheid. This article examines how Canada “punched above its weight” on an issue seemingly peripheral to its national interests from 1987 to 1990. It was during these o
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Adetiba, Toyin Cotties. "South Africa’s Military and Peacekeeping Efforts: A new paradigm shift in its foreign policy since 1994." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 9, no. 5 (2017): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v9i5.1920.

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One of the South Africa's great soft power attributes has been the attraction and power of its transition to inclusive democratic governance after a long period of apartheid rule. This gave South Africa a certain moral authority and prestige to play very significant roles in conflict resolution and mediation through peacekeeping operations. Every government in an ever-changing and dynamic geopolitical environment ensure that its defence force cum foreign policy conform to the international environment while aiming at the defence and protection of its national interests. Using interpretive appr
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Ong, Russel, and Argo Victoria Ong. "POLITICAL RELATION BETWEEN TAIWAN AND CHINA AFTER THE SELECTED OF THE NEW PRESIDENT." Jurnal Pembaharuan Hukum 5, no. 3 (2018): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jph.v5i3.3757.

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Tsai Ing-Wen (Tsai) was elected Taiwan's first female president after succeeding won the general election with 56.1% of votes. His victory is expected to push a new round of independence efforts Taiwan from China, and can lead to China's instability. Transition the politics that the two regions will pass into global political developments relating to economic and trade cooperation that has been carried out. Time ahead of China and Taiwan will be tested by peaceful means or hostility completely dependent on Tsai's own choice. Even though Indonesia is not intertwined diplomatic relations with Ta
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Bramsen, Isabel, and Anine Hagemann. "The missing sense of peace: diplomatic approachment and virtualization during the COVID-19 lockdown." International Affairs 97, no. 2 (2021): 539–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa229.

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Abstract With the unprecedented COVID-lockdown in 2020, many peace diplomatic efforts turned virtual. This represented a temporary loss of many of the usual practices of peace diplomacy and provided an opportunity to examine micro-dynamics of both virtual diplomacy and face-to-face meetings. Based on interviews with parties and mediators involved in the Syrian and Yemeni peace processes we analyze the affordances of virtual and physical meetings respectively. We find that virtual meetings condition peace diplomacy by broadening accessibility, putting confidentiality at risk, allowing for highe
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Rimmer, Susan Harris. "Australian experiments in creative governance, regionalism, and plurilateralism." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 71, no. 4 (2016): 630–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702016686383.

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The previous Abbott government had prioritized a general attitude to foreign policy captured by the phrase “Jakarta not Geneva,” which signified a preference for bilateral or minilateral interactions with the region rather than United Nations-based multilateralism. With Julie Bishop MP as Australia’s first female foreign minister, the Coalition also prioritized economic diplomacy, as exemplified by the repeated refrain that Australia is “open for business.” This approach led to a preference for diplomatic venues and processes that focused on continuing investments in regional architecture, new
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Kohut, Zenon E. "Two Decades of Scholarship and Service: Report on the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies (1992-2012)." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 5, no. 1 (2018): 9–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus368.

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This essay provides an overview of the activity of the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies (CIUS) during the two decades when the author served as its director. During that time he and his CIUS colleagues pursued the goals of integrating and mainstreaming Ukrainian studies into North American and world scholarship and becoming the leading world research institution dedicated to the discovery, preservation, and dissemination of knowledge about Ukraine and Ukrainians. The CIUS did so by supporting research; publishing scholarly and educational materials; organizing seminars, lectures, and co
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Veres, Madalina Valeria. "Unravelling a Trans-Imperial Career: Michel Angelo de Blasco's Mapmaking Abilities in the Service of Vienna and Lisbon." Itinerario 38, no. 2 (2014): 75–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115314000369.

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During the eighteenth century, the global environment of imperial competition and cooperation encouraged the circulation of highly qualified mapmaking personnel from the service of one ruler to the other, thus contributing to the dissemination of cartographic knowledge. This article examines the career of military engineer and mapmaker Michel Angelo de Blasco (1697-1772), whose life in the service of the Habsburg Monarchy and the Portuguese Empire illustrates the importance of trans-imperial approaches to the history of cartography. As Vienna and Lisbon sponsored large mapmaking enterprises, i
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Transitional diplomatic efforts"

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Dlomo, Vuyelwa Maud. "South Africa’s post-conflict and transitional diplomatic efforts in the DRC lessons learnt : 1990 - 2009." Diss., 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28149.

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This study is about South Africa’s diplomatic initiatives in the DRC from 1990 to 2009. It concentrates on the implementation of the transitional phase to prepare for the elections in 2006 and the implementation of the post conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD) projects from 2006 onwards. The study argues that South Africa’s ability to facilitate peace which ended a full-scale war in the DRC should be highly commended as one of its diplomatic achievements. Its experience of negotiations and mediation to end apartheid has placed it in a favourable position amongst other global players.
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Book chapters on the topic "Transitional diplomatic efforts"

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Henke, Marina E. "Resisting Rebels in chad and the Central African Republic." In Constructing Allied Cooperation. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501739699.003.0007.

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This chapter explores how, in an effort to address the complex situation of the conflict in Chad and the Central African Republic (CAR), the European Union (EU) deployed EUFOR Chad–CAR. The key objective of the force was to protect civilians living in the refugee camps, facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid, and ensure the safety of humanitarian personnel operating in the conflict area. France initiated and politically orchestrated the deployment of EUFOR Chad–CAR. France worked relentlessly at the UN to pass a UN resolution that would authorize the EU mission and plan for the EU–UN transition. France introduced the issue at the EU Council and lobbied EU member states to support the proposal. Most EU members, however, did not share France's urgency to deploy an EU operation to Chad–CAR. As such, it was up to France to cajole these countries to contribute forces to the coalition. In this process, France instrumentalized diplomatic embeddedness. The chapter then looks at the deployment decisions of the three largest troop-contributing countries: Ireland, Poland, and Sweden; Austria, a deeply embedded state with France; and Russia, a less embedded state with France.
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