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Journal articles on the topic 'Transitions to democracy'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 9 February 2022

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1

McFaul, Michael. "The Fourth Wave of DemocracyandDictatorship: Noncooperative Transitions in the Postcommunist World." World Politics 54, no. 2 (2002): 212–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2002.0004.

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The transition from communism in Europe and the former Soviet Union has only sometimes produced a transition to democracy. Since the crumbling of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, most of the twenty-eight new states have abandoned communism, but only nine of these have entered the ranks of liberal democracies. The remaining majority of new postcommunist states are various shades of dictatorships or unconsolidated “transitional regimes.” This article seeks to explain why some states abandoned communism for democracy while others turned to authoritarian rule.

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Levine, Daniel H. "Paradigm Lost: Dependence to Democracy." World Politics 40, no. 3 (1988): 377–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010218.

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AbstractAnalysis of transitions to democracy is marked empirically by democracy's own resurgent vigor, and theoretically by shifts away from focus on global political economy to concern with such political variables as organization or leadership, and study of their expression within national arenas. Contributors to Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Prospects for Democracy (edited by Guillermo O'Donnell, Phillippe Schmitter, and Laurence Whitehead) explore these issues with special emphasis on how regime transitions begin and on possibilities for social, cultural, and economic democratizatio

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Munck, Gerardo L. "Building Democracy . . . Which Democracy? Ideology and Models of Democracy in Post-Transition Latin America." Government and Opposition 50, no. 3 (2015): 364–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.2.

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Politics in Latin America continued to be about democracy after the democratic transitions in Latin America in the 1980s and 1990s. An old concern – securing the minimal standard of democracy that had served as the goal of democratic transitions – remained relevant. But a new concern – the attainment of more than a minimal democracy – transformed politics about democracy. Actors who supported and opposed neoliberalism – the key axis of ideological conflict – advocated and resisted political changes in the name of different models of democracy. And the conflict overwhichmodel of democracy would

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Linz, Juan J. "Transitions to Democracy." Washington Quarterly 13, no. 3 (1990): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609009445400.

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Inkeles, Alex. "Transitions to democracy." Society 28, no. 4 (1991): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02695611.

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SHARE, DONALD. "Transitions to Democracy and Transition through Transaction." Comparative Political Studies 19, no. 4 (1987): 525–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414087019004004.

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Democratization from authoritarian rule has been an important focus of scholarly interest in the 1980s. However, no typology of democratic transitions currently exists. This article introduces a typology of transitions from authoritarianism to democracy with four major types: incremental democratization, transition through rupture, transition through protracted revolutionary struggle, and transition through transaction. The remainder of the article discusses the conditions for one type of democratic transition, transition through transaction, in Spain (1975-1978). As the Spanish case suggests,

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Burkett, Paul. "Democracy and Economic Transitions." Studies in Political Economy 52, no. 1 (1997): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.1997.11675323.

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8

Bayer, Reşat. "Peaceful transitions and democracy." Journal of Peace Research 47, no. 5 (2010): 535–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343310370102.

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9

Springborg, Robert. "Negotiated transitions to democracy." Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies 3, no. 5 (1994): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10669929408720053.

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10

Braumann, Céline. "Transitional justice in postwar Austria." International Journal of Law in Context 15, no. 4 (2019): 390–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552319000375.

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AbstractAustria's post-World War II transition from two consecutive, abusive regimes (the Austro-fascist and the Nazi regime) to a functioning democracy has not yet been thoroughly assessed through the lens of transitional justice. An evaluation of what could now be dubbed transitional-justice measures shows that Austria was reluctant in accepting its collective responsibility vis-à-vis the victims of World War II. Another defining factor of Austria's transition is that it never encouraged the surviving victims of the Nazi regime to return. An appraisal of Austria's transition in light of the

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11

Bates, Robert H. "The Economics of Transitions Democracy." PS: Political Science & Politics 24, no. 01 (1991): 24–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500052860.

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12

Taylor-Robinson, Michelle M. "Transitions to Democracy. Lisa Anderson." Journal of Politics 63, no. 1 (2001): 342–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jop.63.1.2691927.

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ZHANG, BAOHUI. "Corporatism, Totalitarianism, and Transitions to Democracy." Comparative Political Studies 27, no. 1 (1994): 108–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414094027001004.

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Recent studies of democratization generally emphasize the role of elites and political pacts in transitions to democracy. They usually give little attention to the institutional conditions for elite's successful pact making. This article argues that although choices by elites are important, pact making does require certain institutional conditions. By examining the democratization experiences of Spain, Brazil, the Soviet Union, and China in 1989, this article argues that only some types of authoritarian regimes have the historical possibility of following a pacted transition. Specifically, the

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Jiménez, Luis F. "The Dictatorship Game: Simulating a Transition to Democracy." PS: Political Science & Politics 48, no. 02 (2015): 353–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096514002108.

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ABSTRACTA central topic in the comparative-politics subdiscipline is the study of democratic transitions. Despite a growing role-playing literature, there are currently no simulations that illustrate the dynamics of democratic transitions. This article proposes a role-playing simulation that demonstrates to students why it is difficult for countries to transition to democracy and why protests are a necessary but not sufficient condition to topple a dictatorship. As surveys and teaching evaluations subsequently showed, this exercise succeeded in clarifying the more difficult theoretical concept

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Bates, Robert H. "The Economics of Transitions to Democracy." PS: Political Science and Politics 24, no. 1 (1991): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/419370.

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SARVASY, WENDY, and BIRTE SIIM. "Gender, Transitions to Democracy, and Citizenship." Social Politics 1, no. 3 (1994): 249–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/1.3.249.

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Ulfelder, Jay, and Michael Lustik. "Modelling Transitions To and From Democracy." Democratization 14, no. 3 (2007): 351–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340701303196.

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Jean-François, Bayart. "Anderson (Lisa), ed. Transitions to Democracy." Critique internationale 7, no. 2 (2000): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/crii.p2000.7n1.0076.

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ABRAMSON, SCOTT F., and SERGIO MONTERO. "Learning about Growth and Democracy." American Political Science Review 114, no. 4 (2020): 1195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000325.

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We develop and estimate a model of learning that accounts for the observed correlation between economic development and democracy and for the clustering of democratization events. In our model, countries’ own and neighbors’ past experiences shape elites’ beliefs about the effects of democracy on economic growth and their likelihood of retaining power. These beliefs influence the choice to transition into or out of democracy. We show that learning is crucial to explaining observed transitions since the mid-twentieth century. Moreover, our model predicts reversals to authoritarianism if the worl

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Arceneaux, Craig. "Eroding Military Influence in Brazil: Politicians Against Soldiers By Wendy Hunter. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997. 243p. $45.00 cloth, $19.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (2002): 241–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402374331.

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Writing at a time when the literature on transitions to democracy was fixated on the mode of transition, and when concepts such as authoritarian legacy, authoritarian enclave, or the shadow of the past dominated, Wendy Hunter's 1997 book, Eroding Military Influence in Brazil, went against the grain. In a direct attack on institutionalist approaches that emphasized the resiliency of military prerogatives in transitions from military regimes, Hunter argues that democracy itself would, over time, reduce the influence exerted by the armed forces. A solid theoretical orientation, rich casework, and

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Smith, Peter H., and Melissa R. Ziegler. "Liberal and Illiberal Democracy in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 50, no. 1 (2008): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2008.00003.x.

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AbstractThis article examines the incidence of liberal and “illiberal” democracy in Latin America from 1978 through 2004. It demonstrates, first, that illiberal democracy—which combines free and fair elections with systematic constraints on citizens’ rights—became the norm throughout the region. Second, it shows that regime transitions most often ended not in liberal democracy but in illiberal democracy. Third, rare events logit analysis reveals that two variables, hyperinflation and presidential elections, had significant impact on movement toward fuller democracy. As a form of short-term eco

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DAVIS, DIANE E., and VIVIANE BRACHET-MÁRQUEZ. "Rethinking Democracy: Mexico in Historical Perspective." Comparative Studies in Society and History 39, no. 1 (1997): 86–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417597000042.

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Since Robert Dahl's seminal writings on democracy more than two decades ago, interest in the topic has emerged again, especially among scholars analyzing democratic transitions. Great strides have been made in revealing the uncertain nature of these transitions (O'Donnell et al. 1986; Malloy and Seligson 1987; Diamond, Linz, and Lipset 1989; Hakim and Lowenthal 1991; O'Donnell 1994), in methodologically analyzing them as contested and “crafted” rather than spontaneous (Di Palma 1990), and in documenting the class and social forces that make democratic outcomes more likely (Rueschemeyer, Stephe

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23

Anderson, Lisa. "Political Pacts, Liberalism, and Democracy: The Tunisian National Pact of 1988." Government and Opposition 26, no. 2 (1991): 244–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01136.x.

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MOST OF WHAT WE KNOW ABOUT THE ROLE OF POLITICAL pacts and pact-making in developing democracy is based on transitions from exclusionary authoritarian regimes in Europe and Latin American. This is not surprising; most political pacts have been concluded in Europe and Latin America, as political and economic elites have attempted to extricate themselves from the ruins of war or the reigns of tyrants. Increasingly, however, pacts have been used elsewhere as devices to mark political transitions of other kinds. In the Arab world, for example, the ultimately unhappy fate of Lebanon's 1943 National

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Mansfield, Edward D., and Jack Snyder. "Democratic Transitions, Institutional Strength, and War." International Organization 56, no. 2 (2002): 297–337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081802320005496.

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The relationship between democratization and war has recently sparked a lively debate. We find that transitions from autocracy that become stalled prior to the establishment of coherent democratic institutions are especially likely to precipitate the onset of war. This tendency is heightened in countries where political institutions are weak and national officials are vested with little authority. These results accord with our argument that elites often employ nationalist rhetoric to mobilize support in the populist rivalries of the poorly-institutionalized democratizing state but then get cau

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Demirel, Tanel. "Turkey's Troubled Democracy: Bringing the Socioeconomic Factors Back in." New Perspectives on Turkey 24 (2001): 105–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003514.

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The advent of democracy in Turkey has been far from tranquil. Since the transition to multiparty politics in 1946, democracy has been interrupted by three military interventions (in 1960, 1971, and 1980)- unless we count as the fourth intervention the more recent incident, euphemistically labeled “the 28 February Process,” in which the military played a crucial role in forcing the resignation of the governing coalition led by the Islamist-oriented Welfare Party (WP). Not only has Turkish democracy followed a cyclical pattern in which breakdowns and transitions succeeded each other, the degree

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26

Bratton, Michael, and Nicolas van de Walle. "Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transitions in Africa." World Politics 46, no. 4 (1994): 453–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950715.

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This article proposes revisions to the theory of political transitions by analyzing patterns of recent popular challenges to neopatrimonial rule in Africa. The approach is explicitly comparative, based on contrasts between Africa and the rest of the world and among regimes within Africa itself. Arguing against the prevalent view that transitions unfold unpredictably according to the contingent interplay of key political actors, the authors contend that the structure of the preexisting regime shapes the dynamics and sometimes even the outcomes of political transitions. They find that in contras

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Acemoglu, Daron, and James A. Robinson. "A Theory of Political Transitions." American Economic Review 91, no. 4 (2001): 938–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.91.4.938.

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We develop a theory of political transitions inspired by the experiences of Western Europe and Latin America. Nondemocratic societies are controlled by a rich elite. The initially disenfranchised poor can contest power by threatening revolution, especially when the opportunity cost is low, for example, during recessions. The threat of revolution may force the elite to democratize. Democracy may not consolidate because it is redistributive, and so gives the elite an incentive to mount a coup. Highly unequal societies are less likely to consolidate democracy, and may end up oscillating between r

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Crisp, Brian F., and Daniel H. Levine. "Democratizing the Democracy? Crisis and Reform in Venezuela." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 2 (1998): 27–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166373.

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Venezuelan politics presents a puzzle to students of Latin America, and to anyone concerned with the comparative analysis of democratization and democracy. As the major countries of Latin America (and the majority of scholars) worked their way from authoritarianism through “transitions”to democracy and hopefully toward democracy’s consolidation, Venezuela moved in the opposite direction. After decades of political stability and social peace, beginning in 1987 Venezuela’s democratic order was shaken by widespread unrest and citizen disaffection, the decay of key parties and state institutions,

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Cavarozzi, Marcelo. "Beyond Transitions to Democracy in Latin America." Journal of Latin American Studies 24, no. 3 (1992): 665–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00024317.

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Transitions into democracy: convergence and distinct pathsIn mid-1982 Mexico's Minister of Finance, Jesús Silva Herzog, arrived in the United States and announced that his country was not going to continue paying its foreign debt. Silva Herzog's declaration was soon followed by debt defaults in many other Latin American countries, marking the beginning of the region's most serious economic crisis in this century. This crisis involved the partial breakdown of Latin America's financial and trade linkages to the world economy; the cessation of new credit money paralleled an interruption in the fl

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Houle, Christian. "Inequality and Democracy: Why Inequality Harms Consolidation but Does Not Affect Democratization." World Politics 61, no. 4 (2009): 589–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887109990074.

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Under what conditions do democracies emerge and consolidate? Recent theories suggest that inequality is among the leading determinants of both democratization and consolidation. By contrast, this article argues that inequality harms consolidation but has no net effect on democratization. The author shows that the existing theories that link inequality to democratization suffer from serious limitations: (1) they are useful only for understanding transitions from below and thus do not apply to many other transitions (that is, those from above); (2) even for democratization from below, their pred

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Mainwaring, Scott. "The Transition to Democracy in Brazil." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 1 (1986): 149–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165739.

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On January 15,1985, Brazil elected a new president, 74 year-old Tancredo Neves, a moderate career politician who had been one of the important leaders of the opposition to the military regime which took power in 1964. Tancredo died before assuming office, but the elected Vice-president elect, José Sarney, took over the Executive Office on March 15,1985, bringing to an end 21 years of military rule. Arguably, the transition in Brazil is the most important of the recent transitions in South America (Argentina, Uruguay, Peru, Ecuador, and Bolivia), given the country's size, population, and influe

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Granadino, Alan. "Possibilities and Limits of Southern European Socialism in the Iberian Peninsula: French, Portuguese and Spanish Socialists in the mid-1970s." Contemporary European History 28, no. 3 (2019): 390–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000067.

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AbstractThis article discusses the relations between the French, Portuguese and Spanish socialist parties during the transitions to democracy in the Iberian Peninsula (1974–7). It focuses on the attempt of these parties to establish a distinctive ideological trend, Southern European socialism. The main argument is that the French socialists attempted to promote their ideological line – and predominantly the union between socialists and communists – in the Iberian Peninsula during the transitions to democracy. The Portuguese Socialist Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers Party initially cons

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Scranton, Margaret E. "Panama’s Democratic Transition." American Review of Politics 13 (April 1, 1992): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1992.13.0.107-128.

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Panama’s transition from military dictatorship to civilian government is considered in terms of stages of the democratization process. During the decline of the dictatorship (stage one), four transitions -- two electoral, and two negotiations for an elite settlement -- were attempted but failed. Consequently, Panama did not experience a normal second, transitional stage. Instead Panama’s transition was abrupt and unexpected: civilian government was installed during a U.S. invasion. Challenges and progress in consolidating democracy (the third stage) are assessed with special attention to resto

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Curry, Jane L. "The Rational Politician: Exploiting the Media in New Democracies. By Andrew K. Milton. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2000. 195p. $64.95." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (2001): 503–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540165202x.

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The media have always been major players in transitions from authoritarian rule toward democracy. For all the dis- cussion of the media as actors in these transitions and as the objects of political tug-of-wars, little has actually been said about how the media work or how they have been managed. The Rational Politician is the first look at the media in the East European transitions from communism to democracy.

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Huyse, Luc. "Justice after Transition: On the Choices Successor Elites Make in Dealing with the Past." Law & Social Inquiry 20, no. 01 (1995): 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1995.tb00682.x.

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The author looks at one component of transitions to democracy: the strategies successor elites develop to deal with injustices committed by the previous, authoritarian regime. He compares post-transition justice in Belgium, France, and The Netherlands after World War II and in Eastem Europe after the fall of communism. He discusses several factors that influence policy choices. Among the most influenrial are the legacy of the past regime, the internutwnal legal context at the time of the passage to democracy, and the mode of transition and its ensuing impact on the balance of power between the

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Ndegwa, Stephen N. "Citizenship and Ethnicity: An Examination of Two Transition Moments in Kenyan Politics." American Political Science Review 91, no. 3 (1997): 599–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952077.

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In some African countries, democratic openings have intensified ethnic competition and led to protracted transitions or outright conflict. In Kenya, I argue, the stalled transition reflects the effects ofrepublicancitizenship in ethnic political communities andliberalcitizenship in the national political community. This duality in citizenship engenders conflict over democracy—conceived as liberal majoritarian democracy—and results in ethnic coalitions disagreeing over which institutions are appropriate for a multiethnic state. I provide evidence from discourses over institutions from two trans

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Wright, Joseph, and Abel Escribà-Folch. "Authoritarian Institutions and Regime Survival: Transitions to Democracy and Subsequent Autocracy." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 2 (2011): 283–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123411000317.

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This article examines how authoritarian parties and legislatures affect regime survival. While authoritarian legislatures increase the stability of dictators, political parties – even when devised to quell internal threats – can destabilize dictators. The main argument is that authoritarian parties influence the distribution of power in a subsequent new democracy by helping to protect the interests of authoritarian elites. These institutions thus increase the likelihood of democratization. Using a dataset of authoritarian regimes in 108 countries from 1946 to 2002 and accounting for simultanei

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Celestino, Mauricio Rivera, and Kristian Skrede Gleditsch. "Fresh carnations or all thorn, no rose? Nonviolent campaigns and transitions in autocracies." Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 3 (2013): 385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312469979.

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Whereas optimists see the so-called Arab Spring as similar to the revolutions of 1989, and likely to bring about democratic rule, skeptics fear that protest bringing down dictators may simply give way to new dictatorships, as in the Iranian revolution. Existing research on transitions has largely neglected the role of protest and direct action in destabilizing autocracies and promoting democracy. We argue that protest and direct action can promote transitions in autocracies, and that the mode of direct action, that is, whether violent or nonviolent, has a major impact on the prospects for auto

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Bradlow, Benjamin H. "Weapons of the Strong: Elite Resistance and the Neo-Apartheid City." City & Community 20, no. 3 (2021): 191–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1535684121994522.

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Transitions to democracy promise equal political power. But political ruptures carry no guarantee that democracy can overcome the accumulated inequalities of history. In South Africa, the transition to democracy shifted power from a racial minority in ways that suggested an unusually high probability of material change. This article analyzes the limits of public power after democratic transitions. Why has the post-Apartheid local state in Johannesburg been unable to achieve a spatially inclusive distribution of public goods despite a political imperative for both spatial and fiscal redistribut

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ELSTER, JON. "Transitional Justice in the French Restorations." European Journal of Sociology 44, no. 3 (2003): 459–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975603001358.

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The study of transitional justice—trials, purges and reparations after regime transitions—is emerging as a vital field of scholarship. Virtually all writings on the topic, however, are limited in two ways. First, they tend to focus on the twentieth century. Second, they usually limit themselves to transitions to democracy. In this article I transcend these limitations by considering transitional justice in the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy with an analytical framework for the study of transitional justice. I discuss the 1814 and 1815 restorations, with main emphasis on the political cons

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Friedman, Lawrence M., Douglas Greenberg, Stanley N. Katz, Melanie Beth Oliviero, and Steven C. Wheatley. "Constitutionalism and Democracy: Transitions in the Contemporary World." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 26, no. 2 (1995): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206614.

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Voltmer, Katrin. "the mass media and transitions to democracy: introduction." European Political Science 1, no. 1 (2001): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2001.3.

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Hersvik, Jarle, and Stein Ugelvik Larsen. "Democratic breakdown and transitions to democracy in Portugal." Portugese Journal of Social Sciences 2, no. 3 (2004): 165–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/pjss.2.3.165/1.

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DOORENSPLEET, RENSKE. "The structural context of recent transitions to democracy." European Journal of Political Research 43, no. 3 (2004): 309–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2004.00156.x.

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정태일 and 어넝. "A Study on Transitions to Democracy in Mongolia." Journal of Eurasian Studies 11, no. 4 (2014): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.31203/aepa.2014.11.4.006.

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Bwalya, John, and Owen B. Sichone. "Refractory Frontier: Intra-party Democracy in the Zambian Polity." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 6, no. 2 (2018): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v6i2.216.

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Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Indep

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Bjørnskov, Christian, and Martin Rode. "Democratic transitions and monetary policy: are democratic central banks different?" Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 35, no. 2 (2020): 163–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569119x15707795271163.

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Empirical studies have shown democracies to be more supportive of pro-market institutions than authoritarian regimes; however, to date, it is virtually unknown through which channel democracy might actually create institutional improvements. In addition, causality between democracy and economic institutions is anything but clear, as competing hypotheses highlight. In this article, we examine the possible association of democratisation and political instability with sound monetary policy and the independence of central banks, both of which can be considered central pillars of an economic policy

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Kamrava, Mehran. "The Middle East's Democracy Deficit in Comparative Perspective." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 189–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207720.

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AbstractThe Middle East's democracy deficit is a product of the patterns of political and economic development in the region. It is not because the region is predominantly Islamic or is somehow afflicted by purportedly undemocratic cultures. By itself, culture is not an impediment to transition to democracy as it is subject to influences from the larger polity, especially insofar as the economy and the initiatives of the state are concerned. Instead, transition to democracy is determined by the degree of society's autonomy from the state. This autonomy may result from the empowerment of societ

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Posner, Paul W. "Popular Representation and Political Dissatisfaction in Chile's New Democracy." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 41, no. 1 (1999): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166227.

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The constraints imposed on Chile’s democratic transition by the military regime, plus the impact of structural reform and the political renovation of the dominant parties of the center and left, have made the traditional party allies of the popular sectors unable or unwiIIing to represent those constituents in the political arena. This argument is substantiated through an overview of pacted democratic transitions, an analysis of the evolution of party-base relations in Chile, and a consideration of the institutional impediments to further democratic reform.

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Fukuyama, Francis. "Is There a Proper Sequence in Democratic Transitions?" Current History 110, no. 739 (2011): 308–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2011.110.739.308.

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