Journal articles: 'Translation in Sanskrit'

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Dodson, Michael S. "Translating Science, Translating Empire: The Power of Language in Colonial North India." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 4 (September 8, 2005): 809–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505000368.

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Translation has often been characterized as a ‘central act' of European colonialism and imperialism. For example, it has been argued that translation had been utilized to make available legal-cultural information for the administration and rule of the non-West, but perhaps more importantly, translation has been identified as important for the resources it provided in the construction of representations of the colonized as Europe's ‘civilizational other.' In the context of British imperialism in South Asia, Bernard Cohn has persuasively demonstrated the first point, namely, that the codification of South Asian languages in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries served to convert ‘indigenous' forms of textualized knowledge into ‘instruments of colonial rule.' Translational technology, in the form of language grammars and dictionaries, Cohn argues, enabled information gathering and the effective communication of commands, as well as the (at least partial) displacement of European dependence upon interlocutors of perceived dubious reliability. Most recent discussions of translation in this context, however, have focused rather more upon the act of translation as a strategic means for representing ‘otherness' to primarily domestic British reading audiences. In this case, the act of linguistic translation is more clearly being enumerated as a practice of cultural translation. English translations of the ‘ancient' Sanskrit texts of India, for example, have been analyzed for the rhetorical work that the text performs in certain contexts. On the one hand, European-produced translations of these texts might serve to reinforce the dominance of a European aesthetic sensibility through a process of ‘naturalization,' in which the culturally-specific is ‘sanitized,' subordinated to a European norm, thereby inherently limiting the ‘artistic achievement' of the colonized. The orientalist William Jones' erasure of the motif of sweat as an indication of sexual interest and arousal in his translation of Kālidāsa's fourth- or fifth-century Sanskrit play Śakuntala is a case in point. On the other hand, literary translations from Sanskrit might also foreground the ‘otherness' of Indian texts and cultural norms through a strategy of ‘foreignization'; that is, by registering for the European reader differences in language and cultural content. For example, European translations from Sanskrit might include anthropological notations which explain the cultural relevance of the text, or might instead adopt an overly literal rendering of prose, thereby foregrounding differences in syntax, vocabulary, symbol, or motif. Both such rhetorical devices, it can be argued, leave the reader tripping over the text, giving him pause to consider the very strangeness of its appearance and contents.

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Italia, Maddalena. "Eastern Poetry by Western Poets: Powys Mathers’ ‘Translations’ of Sanskrit Erotic Lyrics." Comparative Critical Studies 17, no. 2 (June 2020): 205–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2020.0359.

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This essay focuses on a pivotal (if understudied) moment in the history of the translation and reception of Sanskrit erotic poetry in the West – a moment which sees the percolation of this classical poetry from the scholarly sphere to that of non-specialist literature. I argue that a crucial agent in the dissemination and inclusion of Sanskrit erotic poems in the canon of Western lyric poetry was the English poet Edward Powys Mathers (1892–1939), a self-professed second-hand translator of ‘Eastern’ literature, as well as the author of original verses, which he smuggled as translations. Using Black Marigolds (a 1919 English version of the Caurapañcāśikā) as a case study, I show how Powys Mathers’ renderings – which combined the practices of second-hand and pseudo-translation – are intertextually dense poems. On the one hand, Black Marigolds shows in watermark the intermediary French translation; on the other, it functions as a hall of mirrors which reflects, magnifies and distorts the emotional and aesthetic dimensions of both the classical/Eastern and modern/Western literary world. What does the transformation of the Caurapañcāśikā into a successful piece of modern(ist) lyric poetry tell us about the relationship that Western readers wished (and often still wish) to have with ‘Eastern’ poetry? Furthermore, which conceptual tools can we mobilize to ‘make sense’ of these non-scholarly translations of classical Sanskrit poems and ‘take seriously’ their many layers of textual and contextual meaning?

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Mishra, Vimal, and R. B. Mishra. "Handling of Infinitives in English to Sanskrit Machine Translation." International Journal of Artificial Life Research 1, no. 3 (July 2010): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jalr.2010070101.

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The development of Machine Translation (MT) system for ancient language like Sanskrit is a fascinating and challenging task. In this paper, the authors handle the infinitive type of English sentences in the English to Sanskrit machine translation (EST) system. The EST system is an integrated model of a rule-based approach of machine translation with Artificial Neural Network (ANN) model that translates an English sentence (source sentence) into the equivalent Sanskrit sentence (target sentence). The authors use feed forward ANN for the selection of Sanskrit words, such as nouns, verbs, objects, and adjectives, from English to Sanskrit User Data Vector (UDV). Due to morphological richness of Sanskrit, this system uses only morphological markings to identify Subject, Object, Verb, Preposition, Adjective, Adverb, Conjunctive and as well as an infinitive types of sentence. The performance evaluations of our EST system with different methods of MT evaluations are shown using a table.

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Yangutov, Leonid E., and Marina V. Orbodoeva. "On Early Translations of Buddhist Sutras in China in the Era the Three Kingdoms: 220–280." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2019): 331–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2019-2-331-343.

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The paper discusses the early days of translation in China which began with the translation of Buddhist texts from Sanskrit into Chinese. The article addresses one of the most difficult and dramatic periods in the history of translation activities, the era of Three Kingdoms (220-280). First efforts of the Buddhist missionaries in translating the Buddhist texts from Sanskrit into Chinese are poorly studied in the Russian science. The article aims to fill the gap. This goal sets the following tasks: (1) to analyze the translation activities in the kingdoms of Wei (220–265) and Wu (222–280) during Three Kingdoms period; (2) to show the place and role of the translators of these kingdoms in the development of the translation tradition in China; (3) to consider the quality of the Buddhist texts translations and their contribution to the development of Buddhism in China. The study shows that Buddhist missionaries who came to China from India and the countries of Central Asia during the Three Kingdoms period played an important role in the spreading of Buddhism. Their search for methods and tools to give the sense of Sanskrit texts in Chinese, which experience had had no experience of assimilation before Buddhism, prepared a fertile ground for the emergence in China of such translations of Buddhist literature that were able to convey the exact meaning of Buddhist teachings. The activities of the Three Kingdoms Buddhist texts translators reflected the rise of Indian Mahayana Buddhism and its texts formation. The article draws on bibliographic works of medieval authors: Hui Jiao’s “Gao Sen Zhuan” (“Biography of worthy monks”), Sen Yu’s “Chu San Zang Ji Ji” (“Collection of Translation Information about Tripitaka”), Fei Changfang’s “Li Dai San Bao Ji” (“Information about the three treasuries [during] historical epochs”), which figure prominently in Buddhist historiography. Also the authors draw on the latest Chinese research summarized in the monograph: Lai Yonghai (ed.). “Zhongguo fojiao tongshi” [General History of Chinese Buddhism]. Nanjing, 2006.

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Sadana, Neha. "COMPARISON OF SANSKRIT MACHINE TRANSLATION SYSTEMS." International Journal of Advanced Research in Computer Science 8, no. 8 (August 30, 2017): 223–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.26483/ijarcs.v8i8.4622.

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Misra, Anuj. "Persian Astronomy in Sanskrit." History of Science in South Asia 9 (January 15, 2021): 30–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.18732/hssa64.

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Starting from the late medieval period of Indian history, Islamicate and Sanskrit astral sciences exchanged ideas in complex discourses shaped by the power struggles of language, culture, and identity. The practice of translation played a vital role in transporting science across the physical and mental realms of an ever-changing society. The present study begins by looking at the culture of translating astronomy in late-medieval and early-modern India. This provides the historical context to then examine the language with which Nityānanda, a seventeenth-century Hindu astronomer at the Mughal court of Emperor Shāh Jahān, translated into Sanskrit the Persian astronomical text of his Muslim colleague Mullā Farīd. Nityānanda's work is an example of how secular innovation and sacred tradition expressed themselves in Sanskrit astral sciences. This article includes a comparative description of the contents in the second discourse of Mullā Farīd's Zīj-i Shāh Jahānī (c. 1629/30) and the second part of Nityānanda's Siddhantasindhu (c. early 1630s), along with a critical examination of the sixth chapter from both these works. The chapter-titles and the contents of the sixth chapter in Persian and Sanskrit are edited and translated into English for the very first time. The focus of this study is to highlight the linguistic (syntactic, semantic, and communicative) aspects in Nityānanda's Sanskrit translation of Mullā Farīd's Persian text. The mathematics of the chapter is discussed in a forthcoming publication. An indexed glossary of technical terms from the edited Persian and Sanskrit text is appended at the end of the work.

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DODSON, MICHAEL S. "CONTESTING TRANSLATIONS: ORIENTALISM AND THE INTERPRETATION OF THE VEDAS." Modern Intellectual History 4, no. 1 (March 8, 2007): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924430600103x.

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This essay examines the contested grounds of authorization for one important orientalist project in India during the nineteenth century – the translation of the ancient Sanskrit Ṛg Veda, with a view to highlighting the ultimately ambiguous nature of the orientalist enterprise. It is argued that Europeans initially sought to validate their translations by adhering to Indian scholarly practices and, in later decades, to a more “scientific” orientalist–philological practice. Indian Sanskrit scholars, however, rather than accepting such translations of the Veda, and the cultural characterizations they contained, instead engaged critically with them, reproducing a distinctive vision of Indian civilization through their own translations into English. Moreover, by examining the diverse ways in which key concepts, such as the “fidelity” of a translation, were negotiated by Europeans and Indians, this essay also suggests that intellectual histories of the colonial encounter in South Asia should move beyond debates about colonial knowledge to more explicitly examine the contexts of knowledgeable practices.

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Nair, Shankar. "Sufism as Medium and Method of Translation." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 43, no. 3 (September 2014): 390–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429814538228.

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During the height of the Mughal Empire in pre-colonial South Asia (16th–17th century CE), Muslim nobles facilitated the translation of numerous Hindu Sanskrit texts into the Persian language. While this “translation movement” (Ernst, 2003: 173) had long been attributed to the reputedly liberal, tolerant, and enlightened personal inclinations of the Mughal emperors, scholars in recent decades have begun to re-evaluate the phenomenon, arguing instead that practical socio-political considerations and quotidian cultural processes best explain the nature of the translation movement. What such analyses lack, however, is a sustained consideration of how the Islamic – and, in particular, Sufi – worldview(s) of the nobles in question shaped the inner workings of, and motivations behind, the movement. In this essay, I take up one such translation from the Mughal period – Mir Findiriski’s Muntakhab-i Jug Basisht, a translation of the Sanskrit Laghu-Yoga-Vasistha – examining not only its content in relation to the Sanskrit original, but also the manner in which Sufi thought and metaphysics informed the very process of translation itself.

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Akeyipapornchai, Manasicha. "Translation in a Multilingual Context: The Mixture of Sanskrit and Tamil Languages in Medieval South Indian Śrīvaiṣṇava Religious Tradition." Journal of South Asian Intellectual History 2, no. 2 (November 25, 2020): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25425552-12340016.

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Abstract In this paper, I investigate South Asian multilinguality by focusing on the medieval South Indian Śrīvaiṣṇava religious tradition (originated in the tenth century CE), which employ Sanskrit, Tamil, and Maṇipravāḷa, a hybrid language comprising both Sanskrit and Tamil, in their composition. Through the lens of translation and hybridity, I propose to complicate the recent scholarship on the Sanskrit and vernacular languages (e.g., Pollock and interlocutors) and also respond to the scholarly call for research that addresses the distinctive history of South Asian multilinguality. In particular, it explores the use of multiple linguistic media by one of the most significant Śrīvaiṣṇava theologians, Vedāntadeśika (c. 1268–1369 CE), in his Rahasyatrayasāra. The Rahasyatrayasāra which deals with soteriological and ritual aspects of the Śrīvaiṣṇavas was composed in Maṇipravāḷa and furnished with Sanskrit and Tamil opening and concluding verses. Through the investigation of the Maṇipravāḷa content in relation to the verses in the Rahasyatrayasāra, I argue that Maṇipravāḷa can be considered translation as it brings the Sanskrit and Tamil streams of the tradition together into a single context that can accommodate both. For a multilingual community like the Śrīvaiṣṇavas, Maṇipravāḷa, which represents translation into a hybrid, makes possible the collective religious identity.

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KUBO, Tsugunari. "The Sanskrit Lotus Sutra and Kumarajiva's Translation." Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies (Indogaku Bukkyogaku Kenkyu) 59, no. 2 (2011): 947–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4259/ibk.59.2_947.

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K., Jaideepsinh, and Jatinderkumar R. "Sanskrit Machine Translation Systems: A Comparative Analysis." International Journal of Computer Applications 136, no. 1 (February 17, 2016): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.5120/ijca2016908290.

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Titlin, Lev I. "On the Question of the Translation of Some Philosophical Terms in the Article of G. Oberhammer “The Forgotten Secret of Human Love”." Voprosy Filosofii, no. 8 (2021): 185–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2021-8-185-196.

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The article deals with the problem of translation of some Sanskrit, English and German philosophical terms found in the article of Austrian indologist G. Oberhammer “The Forgotten Secret of Human Love. An Attempt of an Approach”, which is devoted to the phenomenon of human love in India of the ancient and medieval period in such texts as Kāmasūtra of Vātsyāyana, Sātvatasaṃhitā, Nyāyabhāṣya of Pakṣilasvāmin, Śaraṇāgatigadya of Rāmānuja, etc. (translation of the article is attached below). At the beginning of the article, brief information on Oberhammer and the study of his creative heritage in Russia is provided. In particular, such Sanskrit terms as “śṛṅgāra” (erotic mood), “kāma” (sexual desire), the English term “rest”, the German “Rest” are considered. The author poses the following questions: is it possible to translate the word “kāma” as “love”, “śṛṅgāra” (erotische Stimmungen) – as erotic mood, whether to translate the English “rest” as “peace”, or as “remainder”: and replies that, basing on contextual use, for “kāma” it is better to use the translation “desire” (“sexual desire”) or leave the Sanskrit term as it is, as Oberhammer does for the most part, “erotic mood”, to be more precise, means “erotic feeling”, not “mood” and the English “rest” clearly means “the remainder”, more specifically – the abandonment of oneself to God. The author concludes that for the correct translation of English terms in articles devoted to Indological problems, it is necessary to refer directly to Sanskrit terms, in the case of translated articles, we must also check the text against the original language, and for translation of Sanskrit terms we should use specialized dictionaries, referring to cases of contextual use of that terms.

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Jaini, Padmanabh S. "The Sanskrit fragments of Vinītadeva's Triṃśikā-ṭīkā." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 48, no. 3 (October 1985): 470–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00038441.

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Scholars conversant with the history of the Yogācāra/Vijñnavāda school are familiar with the names of Vasubandhu and his renowned commentator, Sthiramati; the Buddhist logicians Dignāga and Dharmakīrti, who are also associated with that school, are equally well known for their scholastic achievements. A later commentator important in both schools is Vinītadeva (c. 645–715), who has received a great deal of attention in recent years. No less than a dozen of his commentaries, most of them called ṭīkās, are preserved in Tibetan translation. Sylvain Levi's publication in 1925 of Sthiramati's Triṃśikāvijñaptibhāṣya first aroused scholarly interest in Vinītadeva's commentaries. The eminent buddhologist, Theodore Stcherbatsky, was probably the first scholar to study Vinītadeva's work in depth; Stcherbatsky utilized the Tibetan translation of Vinītadeva's Nyāyabinduṭīkā; in his pioneering translation of the Nyāyabindu which appeared in 1930 in his massive two-volume publication, Buddhist logic. The first complete translation of the Tibetan rendering of two of Vinītadeva's ṭīkās, namely, the Viṃśatikā-ṭikā and the Triṃśikā-ṭīkā. was undertaken by Yamaguchi Susumu and Nozawa Josho, respectively; this appeared in Japanese in 1953. More recently, in 1971, M. Gangopadhyaya published a Sanskrit reconstruction with English translation of Vinītadeva's Nyāyabindu-Ṡīkā. A still more recent work appears in the 1975 Ph.D. thesis of Dr. Leslie Kawamura of the University of Saskatchewan.

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Bhadwal, Neha, Prateek Agrawal, and Vishu Madaan. "A Machine Translation System from Hindi to Sanskrit Language using Rule based Approach." Scalable Computing: Practice and Experience 21, no. 3 (August 1, 2020): 543–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.12694/scpe.v21i3.1783.

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Machine Translation is an area of Natural Language Processing which can replace the laborious task of manual translation. Sanskrit language is among the ancient Indo-Aryan languages. There are numerous works of art and literature in Sanskrit. It has also been a medium for creating treatise of philosophical work as well as works on logic, astronomy and mathematics. On the other hand, Hindi is the most prominent language of India. Moreover,it is among the most widely spoken languages across the world. This paper is an effort to bridge the language barrier between Hindi and Sanskrit language such that any text in Hindi can be translated to Sanskrit. The technique used for achieving the aforesaid objective is rule-based machine translation. The salient linguistic features of the two languages are used to perform the translation. The results are produced in the form of two confusion matrices wherein a total of 50 random sentences and 100 tokens (Hindi words or phrases) were taken for system evaluation. The semantic evaluation of 100 tokens produce an accuracy of 94% while the pragmatic analysis of 50 sentences produce an accuracy of around 86%. Hence, the proposed system can be used to understand the whole translation process and can further be employed as a tool for learning as well as teaching. Further, this application can be embedded in local communication based assisting Internet of Things (IoT) devices like Alexa or Google Assistant.

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Kosykhin, Vitaly G., and Svetlana M. Malkina. "On the Influence of Translations of Religious and Philosophical Texts of Buddhism on the Literature and Art of Medieval China." RUDN Journal of Philosophy 24, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 601–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2302-2020-24-4-601-608.

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The era of the Tang dynasty (618-907) was a period of great flourishing of all aspects of Chinese culture, when changes covered the most diverse spheres of philosophy, art and literature. The article examines the role played in this cultural transformation by translations from Sanskrit into Chinese of the religious and philosophical texts of Indian Buddhism. The specificity of the Chinese approach to the translation of Indian texts is demonstrated, when, at the initial stage, many works were translated in a rather free style due to the lack of precisely established correspondences between Sanskrit and Chinese philosophical terms. The authors identify two additional factors that influenced the nature of the translations. Firstly, this is the requirement of compliance with the norms of public, mainly Confucian, morality. Secondly, the adaptation of the Indian philosophical context to the Chinese cultural and worldview traditions, which led to the emergence of new schools of religious and philosophical thought that were not known in India itself, such as Tiantai, Jingtu or Chan, each of which in its own way influenced the art of the Medieval China. Special attention is paid to the activities of the legendary translator, Xuanzang, whose travel to India gave a huge impetus to the development of Chinese philosophy in subsequent centuries, as well as to the contribution to Chinese culture and art, which was made by the translation activities of the three great teachers of the Tang era Shubhakarasimha, Vajrabodhi and Amoghavajra.

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Mirzaeva, Saglara V., and Aisa O. Doleyeva. "Об ойратской рукописи «Coqtu zandan» из фонда Российской национальной библиотеки." Бюллетень Калмыцкого научного центра Российской академии наук 16, no. 4 (November 27, 2020): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2587-6503-2020-4-55-78.

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The article introduces the Oirat handwritten text “Coqtu Zandan” (‘Shining Sandalwood’) from the collections of the Russian National Library. The text “Coqtu Zandan” is a translation of the prayer of repentance common in the Tibetan-Mongolian buddhist tradition, which is read out during the ritual of restoring the sojong vows. This prayer is mentioned under no. 23 (as “bodhi sadv-yin unal namančilaxui kemekü sudur”) in the list of translations of Zaya Pandita Namkhaijamts. The Tibetan original of this work, researchers call the text “Ltung Bshags” or one of the versions of the “Sutra of the Three Piles” (tib. phung po gsum pa’i mdo), included in the collection of the terma-works “Rinchen Terdzo”. The Sanskrit text of the Sutra “Aryatriskandha sūtram” has also reached our time, a digital copy of which is available on the website of the Digital Sanskrit Buddhist Canon Input Project. The publication of parallel Sanskrit and Tibetan Sutra texts within the framework of this article is also very relevant.

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Mirzaeva, Saglara V., and Aisa O. Doleyeva. "Об ойратской рукописи «Coqtu zandan» из фонда Российской национальной библиотеки." Бюллетень Калмыцкого научного центра Российской академии наук 16, no. 4 (November 27, 2020): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2587-6503-2020-4-16-55-78.

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The article introduces the Oirat handwritten text “Coqtu Zandan” (‘Shining Sandalwood’) from the collections of the Russian National Library. The text “Coqtu Zandan” is a translation of the prayer of repentance common in the Tibetan-Mongolian buddhist tradition, which is read out during the ritual of restoring the sojong vows. This prayer is mentioned under no. 23 (as “bodhi sadv-yin unal namančilaxui kemekü sudur”) in the list of translations of Zaya Pandita Namkhaijamts. The Tibetan original of this work, researchers call the text “Ltung Bshags” or one of the versions of the “Sutra of the Three Piles” (tib. phung po gsum pa’i mdo), included in the collection of the terma-works “Rinchen Terdzo”. The Sanskrit text of the Sutra “Aryatriskandha sūtram” has also reached our time, a digital copy of which is available on the website of the Digital Sanskrit Buddhist Canon Input Project. The publication of parallel Sanskrit and Tibetan Sutra texts within the framework of this article is also very relevant.

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Huarte Cuéllar, Renato. "Dharma y yoga: dos aspectos de la traducción de la Bhagavadgītā al latín de August Wilhelm von Schlegel." Interpretatio. Revista de Hermenéutica, no. 6-1 (March 9, 2021): 191–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.it.2021.6.1.24872.

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August Wilhelm von Schlegel was one of those scholars who learnt Sanskrit as a way of understanding other languages and cultures in the first decades of the 19th Century. He was especially attracted to Oriental languages, since he had a Humanistic or Classic education that included Latin among other subjects. In 1823 Schlegel translated the Bhagavadgītā from Sanskrit to Latin. What were the intentions of doing such translation? What can be thought around his work? This paper tries to give some answers through an approach to the concepts dharma and yoga in two passages of the translation.

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RIBEIRO, FERNANDO ROSA. "Malay and Sanskrit." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 1 (July 15, 2015): 385–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000699.

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Collins’ book presents a comprehensive, if necessarily concise, approach to the issue of the relations between Sanskrit—very broadly conceived, including various South Asian languages and writing systems—and Malay, equally broadly conceived, as his work contains forays into other Austronesian languages such as Tagalog, Batak, Rejang, and so on. Collins is not a Sanskrit specialist. Besides, in such a comprehensive and succinct work, covering so many fields, it is inevitable that the author will occasionally fall short here and there, although this in no way detracts from the value of his book. In particular, there is a complex interlocution that the author weaves throughout his text with his intended audience (see below for details). Collins has in fact made a name for himself in Malay linguistics, and perhaps his best known work (extant both in English and Indonesian translation) isMalay, World Language: A Short History. In the book reviewed here, Collins largely taps into over a quarter of a century of his own research and publications in English, Malay, and Indonesian, as well as a plethora of centuries-old colonial works related to Nusantara, originally published in Spanish, Dutch, English, French, and German (he can apparently read in all these languages, bar perhaps Spanish). It is a very informative and delightful work, and it should be translated into English and made more widely known.

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Mishra, Vimal, and R. B. Mishra. "Study of Example Based English to Sanskrit Machine Translation." Polibits 37 (June 30, 2008): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17562/pb-37-5.

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Mishra, Vimal, and R. B. Mishra. "Performance evaluation of English to Sanskrit machine translation system." International Journal of Computer Aided Engineering and Technology 4, no. 4 (2012): 340. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijcaet.2012.047815.

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R.Warhade, Sandeep, Suhas H. Patil, and Prakash R. Devale. "English-to-Sanskrit Statistical Machine Translation with Ubiquitous Application." International Journal of Computer Applications 51, no. 1 (August 30, 2012): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5120/8009-1374.

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Snuviškis, Tadas. "Indian Philosophy in China." Dialogue and Universalism 30, no. 3 (2020): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du202030336.

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Daśapadārthī is a text of Indian philosophy and the Vaiśeṣika school only preserved in the Chinese translation made by Xuánzàng 玄奘 in 648 BC. The translation was included in the catalogs of East Asian Buddhist texts and subsequently in the East Asian Buddhist Canons (Dàzàngjīng 大藏經) despite clearly being not a Buddhist text. Daśapadārthī is almost unquestionably assumed to be written by a Vaiśeṣika 勝者 Huiyue 慧月 in Sanskrit reconstructed as Candramati or Maticandra. But is that the case? The author argues that the original Sanskrit text was compiled by the Buddhists based on previously existing Vaiśeṣika texts for an exclusively Buddhist purpose and was not used by the followers of Vaiśeṣika. That would explain Xuanzang’s choice for the translation as well as the non-circulation of the text among Vaiśeṣikas.

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Verdon, Noémi, and Michio Yano. "Al-Bīrūnī’s India, Chapter 14." History of Science in South Asia 8 (May 14, 2020): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18732/hssa.v8i.54.

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This article provides an English translation of Chapter 14 of al-Bīrūnī's Kitāb taḥqīq mā li-l-Hind. The whole book was translated by E. Sachau (as Alberuni's India) more tha 100 years ago. Thanks to the recent works by David Pingree, especially the Census of the Exact Sciences in Sanskrit, we can offer many improvements and additions to Sachau's translation. We focused our attention to Chapter 14 of the same book where we find much interesting information about the history of Indian astronomy and mathematics. In the Appendix we have compared the table of contents of the Brāhmasphutasiddhānta as reported by al-Bīrūnī (in Arabic) and those given in Dvivedin's Sanskrit text.

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Montelle, Clemency, and Kim Plofker. "The Karaṇakesari of Bhāskara: a 17th-century Table Text for Computing Eclipses." History of Science in South Asia 2, no. 1 (June 7, 2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18732/h2cc7f.

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Silk, Jonathan A., and Péter-Dániel Szántó. "Trans-Sectual Identity." Indo-Iranian Journal 62, no. 2 (June 12, 2019): 103–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15728536-06202001.

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Abstract The Praśnottararatnamālikā is a small tract containing 62 questions, paired with their answers. It is extraordinary that this text has been transmitted within Hindu, Jaina and Buddhist traditions, in Sanskrit, Prakrit and Tibetan, variously attributed to different authors. The present study examines what is known of the text, which from early on drew the attention of modern scholars, and presents editions of its Sanskrit and Tibetan versions, along with a translation and annotations.

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Lundysheva, Olga. "Tocharian B Manuscripts in the Berezovsky Collection (2): Five More Fragments." Written Monuments of the Orient 5, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 49–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/wmo25893-.

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This article is a full edition of five Tocharian B manuscripts kept in the Berezovsky sub-collection of the Serindia Collection of the IOM, RAS: two Sanskrit-Tocharian В Bilingual Udānavarga fragments (Uv. 1.26b1.34a, Uv. 4.23b4.34c); a Sanskrit-Tocharian В Bilingual Karmavācanā (Upasaṃpadā) fragment, one fragment of a jātaka and one fragment of a stotra previously erroneously identified as Udānastotra. The article contains a transliteration, transcription, tentative translation as well as a commentary on the text of the fragments.

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Rogers, David E. "The influence of Pānini on Leonard Bloomfield." Historiographia Linguistica 14, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1987): 89–138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.14.1-2.11rog.

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Summary Leonard Bloomfield’s synchronic grammatical works were heavily nfluenced by the sixth century B.C. Indian grammarian Pānini. Word for-mation, compounds, suppletion, zero, form-classes, and generality and specificity in Bloomfield’s Language, Eastern Ojibwa, and The Menomini Language are correlated with their counterparts in Pānini’s grammar of Sanskrit. Selections from a manuscript of Bloomfield’s translation and annotation of the Kasika, a traditional Sanskrit work on Pānini’s grammar, provide concrete evidence for the influence of Panini on Bloomfield.

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Singh, Muskaan, Ravinder Kumar, and Inderveer Chana. "Corpus based Machine Translation System with Deep Neural Network for Sanskrit to Hindi Translation." Procedia Computer Science 167 (2020): 2534–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.procs.2020.03.306.

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Truschke, Audrey. "A Padshah like Manu: Political Advice for Akbar in the Persian Mahābhārata." Philological Encounters 5, no. 2 (April 8, 2020): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519197-12340065.

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Abstract In the late sixteenth century, the Mughal Emperor Akbar sponsored the translation of more than one dozen Sanskrit texts into Persian, chief among them the Mahābhārata. The epic was retitled the Razmnāma (Book of War) in Persian and rapidly became a seminal work of Mughal imperial culture. Within the Razmnāma, the Mughal translators devoted particular attention to sections on political advice. They rendered book twelve (out of eighteen books), the Śānti Parvan (Book of Peace), into Persian at disproportionate length to the rest of the text and singled out parts of this section to adorn with quotations of Persian poetry. Book twelve also underwent significant transformations in terms of its content as Mughal thinkers reframed the Mahābhārata’s views on ethics and sovereignty in light of their own imperial interests. I analyze this section of the Razmnāma in comparison to the original Sanskrit epic and argue that the Mughal translators reformulated parts of the Mahābhārata’s political advice in both style and substance in order to speak directly to Emperor Akbar. The type of advice that emerged offers substantial insight into the political values that Mughal elites sought to cultivate through translating a Sanskrit work on kingship.

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Young, Richard Fox. "Was the Sanskrit Bible the ‘English Bible-in-Disguise’?" International Journal of Asian Christianity 1, no. 2 (September 11, 2018): 177–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-00102002.

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The essay explores Bible translation in early nineteenth-century India as a comprehensive and under-appreciated site for intercultural and interreligious interactions involving Christians and Hindus in a complex context of asymmetrical colonial relations. Postcolonial theorists are interrogated for theory-driven approaches that lopsidedly rely on English-language resources without taking into account the actual Indian-language artefacts of translation projects that came into being. Using a philological approach, the essay treats the Dharmapustaka, the Sanskrit Bible translated at the Serampore Baptist Mission, as a case study in ‘transculturation’—a multidimensional process catalyzed by an English missionary, William Carey, on the edges between India and Europe.

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von Criegern, Oliver. "Presentist Projections in a Hermeneutic’s Heaven." Indo-Iranian Journal 58, no. 2 (2015): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15728536-05800010.

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The book under review is the first translation of the Sarvatathāgatādhiṣṭhānasattvāvalokanabuddhakṣetrasaṃdarśanavyūha, a Mahāyānasūtra of mainly ritualistic content, preserved in Sanskrit in two Gilgit manuscripts. The translation is based on the edition prepared by the same author. The review deals with both the edition and the translation. It tries to show that especially the translation is rather problematic with regard to many passages and generally in its complete lack of explaining notes. The translation is accompanied by an interpretative essay, which is not conducive to a better understanding of the sūtra.

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Shukla, Pragya, and Akanksha Shukla. "English Speech to Sanskrit Speech (ESSS) using Rule based Translation." International Journal of Computer Applications 92, no. 10 (April 18, 2014): 37–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5120/16047-5251.

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Mishra, Vimal, and R. B. Mishra. "English to Sanskrit machine translation system: a rule-based approach." International Journal of Advanced Intelligence Paradigms 4, no. 2 (2012): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijaip.2012.048144.

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Acharya, Eka Ratna. "Ranjana Numeral System: A Brief Information." Journal of the Institute of Engineering 13, no. 1 (June 22, 2018): 221–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jie.v13i1.20370.

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The Ranjana script, which is also known as Kutila or Lantsa, is one of the many alphabets derived from the Brahmi script. This numesmetic inscription was developed 2216 years ago, so its time period was along the 199 BC and it was popular from 11th century AD and was used until the mid-20th century in Nepal and India. It is popularly used by Nepali in the Newari language. This script also known as Lantsa, for writing the Sanskrit titles of books which have been translated from Sanskrit to Tibetan for decoration in temples and mandalas. There were few texts printed with alternating lines in Sanskrit in the Lantsa script followed by a Tibetan translation. There were many original Sanskrit manuscripts written in Lantsa preserved in Newar community in Nepal. Others were destroyed lack of its preservation. In addition, the Ranjana script was used mainly for decoration by Buddhists.Journal of the Institute of Engineering, 2017, 13(1): 221-224

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Androsov, V. P. "Russian language as a means of interpreting Buddhist cultural heritage: creating target-orientated vocabulary." Orientalistica 2, no. 4 (January 16, 2020): 807–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2019-2-4-807-816.

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Russian Buddhist scholars face the daunting task of translating into Russian the main works of Buddhist heritage currently preserved in the languages of India (P ali, Sanskrit, Prakrit, the hybrid Sanskrit), in Chinese, Tibetan, Japanese, Korean, Mongolian and other languages of East and South Asia. Scholars of no country have so far coped with this task. With regard to the Russian Foederation, Buddhism is the historical religion of several peoples who live there and occupies the minds of literally millions of Russian speakers. Regardless of the fact, that translation of the Buddhist heritage into Russian has been conducted for the last 200 years, one can say that the scholars who deal with this task are still only going through a stage of preparation. Nevertheless, the task of translating into Russian main works of Buddhist heritage was set at the Conference of Buddhist Text Translators, which was held at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Moscow) in November 2018 during the celebration of the 200th anniversary of the Institute (November 6–9, 2018).

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Yang, Xiaodong, and Zhen LI. "Xuan Zang’s Five Transliterations Revisited: A Corpus Linguistic Study of Vimalakīrti Nirdeśa Sūtra." International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation 4, no. 5 (May 30, 2021): 226–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijllt.2021.4.5.25.

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This paper examines the early translation theory of the Five Transliterations, which has been considered to be proposed by Xuan Zang back to 1300 years before, through corpus linguistic methods. The statistics based on our Sanskrit-Chinese Parallel corpus of Vimalakīrti Nirdeśa Sūtra reveals that there exists very weak linguistic evidence that Xuan Zang proposed such a translation theory. The tension between historically recorded translation theories and practice is also discussed based on our findings. It is recommended that a corpus linguistic study may play a significant role in analyzing historical translation documents.

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Keshavmurthy, Prashant. "Translating Rāma as a Proto-Muḥammadan Prophet: Masīḥ’s Mas̱navī-i Rām va Sītā." Numen 65, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341486.

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AbstractHow have religious communities imagined the scriptures of other communities? In answering this question, this article aims to nuance our understanding of pre-colonial and self-consciously Islamic translations into Persian of Indic language texts understood to be Hindu by considering Masīḥ’s early 17th-century Mas̱navī-i Rām va Sītā, a Persian translation of Vālmīki’s Sanskrit epic, the Rāmāyaṇa (circa 2nd century bce). It opens by remarking on a shift in the study of the relations between poetics and politics in Persian translations of Indic texts. Then, attempting to refine our understanding of this relation, it takes issue with prior studies of this poem before answering the following questions these studies fail to pose: how does the prophetological metaphysics of the prefatory chapters relate to the poetics of emotion in the main body of the tale? And what does this relation let us infer of Masīḥ’s theological conception of translation?

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Ruegg, D. Seyfort. "Textual and philosophical problems in the translation and transmission of tathāgatagarbha texts:." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 78, no. 2 (June 2015): 317–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x15000257.

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AbstractThis article examines philological problems relating to descriptions defining the tathāgatagarbha, or “buddha-nature”, in Sanskrit sūtras and exegetical literature, together with the variant Tibetan translations of these descriptions in the bKa’ ’gyur and bsTan ’gyur. Attention is called also to some possible philosophical implications of these variant descriptions.

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D’Avella, Victor B. "Recreating Daṇḍin’s Styles in Tamil." Cracow Indological Studies 22, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 17–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/cis.22.2020.02.02.

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In Sanskrit poetics, the defining characteristics of poetry, its very life breath, are the guṇas, ‘qualities’. They make up the phonetic and syntactic fabric of poetic language without which there would be nothing to further to ornament. Many of these intimate features are by necessity specific to the Sanskrit language and defined in terms of its peculiar grammar including phonology and morphology. In the present article, I will describe what happens to four of these guṇas when they are transferred to the Tamil language in the Taṇṭiyalaṅkāram, a close adaptation of Daṇḍin’s Kāvyādarśa. I wish to demonstrate that the Tamil Taṇṭi did not thoughtlessly accept the Sanskrit model but sought, in some cases, to redefine the qualities so that they are meaningful in the context of Tamil grammar and its poetological tradition. A partial translation of the Tamil text is included.

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Seung Suk Jung. "An Example of Misunderstanding Original Words in the Sanskrit-Chinese Translation." Journal of Indian Philosophy ll, no. 29 (August 2010): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.32761/kjip.2010..29.001.

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Nelson, Barbara. "Śāntideva'sBodhicaryāvatārain Translation: A Century of Interpretation of a Sanskrit Mahāyāna Text." Journal of Religious History 40, no. 3 (November 2, 2015): 405–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.12307.

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Kahl, Oliver. "On the Transmission of Indian Medical Texts to the Arabs in the Early Middle Ages." Arabica 66, no. 1-2 (March 11, 2019): 82–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341508.

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Abstract The transmission of Indian scientific and, notably, medical texts to the Arabs during the heyday of the Abbasid caliphate in Baghdad (ca 158/775-205/820) is still largely shrouded in myth; its investigation continues to be hampered not only by serious methodological problems but also by a lack of philological groundwork and a shortage of trained researchers. This article, which in essence is meant to serve as a rough guide into one prospective field of “Indo-Arabic” studies, focuses on a badly neglected though highly promising cluster of texts, namely those that relate to the translation and adaptation of certain Ayurvedic key works from Sanskrit into Arabic. A general assessment of the current state of research, of the factors that condition our knowledge and of the obstacles and limitations posed by the very nature of the subject, is followed by a bio-bibliographical survey of Ayurvedic texts which were subject to transmission; the article is rounded off by six Sanskrit-into-Arabic text samples, with English translations for both.

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Paribok, Andrey V. "On the article “Das vergessene Geheimnis der menschlichen Liebe. Versuch einer Annäherung” by Gerhard Oberhammer." Voprosy Filosofii, no. 7 (2021): 177–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2021-7-177-182.

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This article, based on the mentioned text, discusses the style of translation and philosophical research of an eminent Austrian indologist Gerhard Oberhammer. A number of impressive German equivalents of Sanskrit technical terms proposed by him is examined. 1. Sanskrit sañjñābelongs to general scholarly and philosophical vocabulary, but it is used by Brahmanist authors mainly in a semiotic sense, viz., “[technical] term” whereas their Buddhist opponents meant it’s mental counterpart “definite perception”. Indologists before Oberhammer were inclined to biased one sided translations. Oberhammers’ Sprachvorstellung (“linguistic perception”) unites both of them. 2. Smṛti (literally – “memory”) is rendered by Erinnern with a very appropriate connotation “Interiorisation”. 3. Bhāvanā is translated not by usual and vague “meditation”, but by Darstellung and Vergegenwärtigung. The main conclusion of the author is reformulated by me as follows: any project of an ultimate personal intimacy have as its prerequisite a variety of transcendence and is therefore realizable only within a spiritual path. I totally agree. The pertinence and profoundness of this statement is substantiated by the comparative historical facts and speculations of the Tibetan Buddhist tradition unknown to Oberhammer.

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Zieme, Peter. "Notes on Uighur Medicine, Especially on the Uighur Siddhasāra Tradition." Asian Medicine 3, no. 2 (October 16, 2007): 308–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157342008x307901.

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There are many primary sources that allow us to reconstruct Old Uighur medicine. This article considers those that demonstrate the following influences: folk medicine, Syriac medicine, Indian and Chinese medicine. The article includes general remarks on the Uighur translations of the Siddhasāra and its role in the history of Uighur medicine: the bilingual version, a list of the preserved parts of the monolingual Uighur version, medicinal plant names, and comments on general translation methods. The Uighur translation deviates considerably from the Sanskrit, but it exploits the medical knowledge it contains in interesting ways. A translation of such a medical compendium like the Siddhasāra was, nor is, an easy task. That we observe equivalents, substitutes and Turkic equivalents in the Uighur version is no wonder. Each of these has to be evaluated carefully. Much scholarly work has already been carried out by H. W. Bailey, R. Emmerick and D. Maue. In particular I would like to mention the contriburion of the first editor Reşid Rahmeti (Arat) [Rachmati] who read the texts first and translated them without knowledge of their real source. At that time he had already surmised that the model for the translation must have been a substantial work.

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Radich, Michael. "Tibetan Evidence for the Sources of Chapters of the Synoptic Suvar?a-prabh?sottama-s?tra T 664 Ascribed to Param?rtha." Buddhist Studies Review 32, no. 2 (February 24, 2016): 245–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsrv.v32i2.27084.

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Four chapters survive of a supposed translation of the Suvar?a-prabh?sottama-s?tra by Param?rtha (499–569). Versions of these chapters are also found in a later Chinese version of the s?tra by Yijing. In earlier work, I have argued that these chapters were most likely composed in China, basing my argument upon extensive verbatim correspondences between these chapters and a number of earlier Chinese texts. However, a significant obstacle still stands in the way of this thesis. A Tibetan version of the s?tra (here called 'Tib II') also includes the same chapters, and Tibetan tradition holds that this version is a translation from Sanskrit. Here, I examine evidence that suggests that these portions of Tib II might in fact be translations from Chinese, despite the reports of Tibetan bibliographers. In closing, I consider some broader implications of my findings.

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Titlin, Lev I. "The Polemics with Jainism on Ātman in “Tattvasaṃgraha” of Śāntarakṣita with the Commentary “Pañjikā” of Kamalaśīla." History of Philosophy 25, no. 2 (2020): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2074-5869-2020-25-2-121-138.

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The subject of the study is the polemics between the philosophical school of Jainism (the Digambara current) and Buddhism on ātman (spiritual subject, self) as it is given in the chapter “The Study of the Ātman, as it is set with the Digambars” of the section “Ātmaparīkshā” (lit. “The Study of the Ātman”) of “Tattvasaṃgraha” of Śāntarakṣita (8th century) with the commentary “Pañjikā” of his direct disciple Kamalaśīla (8th century). The article provides brief information about the authors of the text, on Jainism, its philosophical statements. The article is accompanied by the first translation of the chapter from Sanskrit into Russian. The study is based on author’s own translation from Sanskrit, based on the publication of S.D. Shastri, as well as the only available translation of the text into English by G. Jha. The main conclusion is the assumption that the Buddhists in the text in question are trying to proceed from generally accepted logic, from the law of non-contradiction, while the Jains, obviously, are guided by other philosophical logic in which such a law does not apply.

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Suastika, I. Made. "The Dialogues between Kresna and Arjuna Concerning the Swadarma of a Ksatriya in the Bhagavad Gita of the Ancient Javanese Bhisma Parwa." Malay Literature 29, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37052/ml.29(2)no1.

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The Bhagavad Gita is usually called the fifth veda ( pancama veda ), together with the four Sanskrit Vedas, namely the Rig Veda , Atharwa Veda , Sama Veda and Yajur Veda . The Balinese are familiar with the five vedas, and know the Bhagavad Gita as the sixth book of the ancient Javanese version of the Mahabharata epic. The Bhagavad Gita that features as a part of the ancient Javanese version of the Bhisma Parwa is ascribed to King Teguh Dharmawangsa Anantavikrama Uttunggadewa of the Kediri Kingdom in the 10th century CE. He is credited to have been responsible for ordering the translation of the Mahabharata (known in Bali as Asta Dasar Parwa —the 18 parwas). This translation effort from Sanskrit into the ancient Javanese language was dubbed mangjawaken Byasamata (translating into Javanese the works of the sage Byasa). The ancient Javanese version of the Bhagavad Gita contains the dialogues between Kresna and Arjuna about the swadarma (holy obligations and responsibilities) of a ksatriya (warrior) according to his wangsa (social class). A ksatriya was deemed responsible for defending his country, fighting against the enemy, as well as for upholding truth, satya wacana (truthfulness), lascarya (sincerity) and sradha bhakti (devotional service). Keywords: Bhagavad Gita, Asta Dasa Parwa , satya wacana , lascarya , bhakti Abstrak Bhagavad Gita sering disebut veda yang kelima (pancama veda) disamping empat veda yang ada, iaitu Rig Veda, Atharwa Veda, Sama Veda dan Yajur Veda berbahasa Sanskrit. Di Bali kelima-lima veda itu, termasuk Bhagavad Gita yang terdapat pada teks Bhisma Parwa, buku ke-6 daripada Mahabharata versi Jawa kuno. Empat veda dan Bhagavad Gita telah dibaca oleh masyarakat Bali dalam rangka mendapatkan ajaran tuhan untuk memperkuat nilai etika dan moral. Episod Bhagavad Gita berbahasa Jawa kuno terdapat dalam Bhisma Parwa digubah oleh Raja Teguh Darmawangsa Anantavikrama Uttunggadewa pada abad ke-10 Kerajaan Kediri. Raja Dharmawangsa Teguh menjadi manggala dalam penciptaan Mahabharata (di Bali disebut Asta Dasa Parwa atau 18 Parwa) memerintahkan rakawi untuk menyadurnya. Program alih bahasa yang disebut Mangjawaken Byasamata (mengalihbahasakan ajaran Begawan Byasa) yang sumbernya berbahasa Sanskrit kepada bahasa Jawa kuno. Bhagavad Gita Jawa kuno berisi dialog antara Krisna dan Arjuna tentang fungsi seorang kesateria dalam melaksanakan swadharma, iaitu tugas atau kewajiban suci seorang kesateria berdasarkan kelahirannya (wangsa). Tugas seorang kesateria adalah untuk membela negara dan mempertahankan negara, berperang melawan musuh, membela kebenaran, membela ucapan (satya wacana) dengan tulus ikhlas (lascarya) dan pengabdian (sradha bhakti). Kata kunci: Bhagavad Gita, Asta Dasa Parwa, satya wacana, lascarya, bhakti

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Kusuba, Takanori. "An Arabic Commentary on Al-Tūsū’S Al-Tadhkira and its Sanskrit Translation." Highlights of Astronomy 11, no. 2 (1998): 701–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1539299600018505.

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Na๣īr al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī (1201-1274) composed his Tadhkira at Marāgha in 1261 and altered it with his students and produced his “final version” at Baghdad in 1274. The Baghdad version with all its differences from the Marāgha version was published by Ragep [1993]. That the Tadhkira was considered important by astronomers writing in Arabic is amply attested to by the fact that Ragep [1993] can list fourteen commentaries and supercommentaries as well as refer to numerous other derivative texts.

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Panda, Aditya Kumar. "Translation as a Part of School Curriculum in Learning English Language." Language Circle: Journal of Language and Literature 12, no. 2 (April 24, 2018): 137–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/lc.v12i2.14182.

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In India, the students, who are from mother-tongue medium schools, are well-acquainted with translation which has been a part in the language subjects. It has been an integral element of subject English and also for other language subjects like Hindi, Sanskrit at school. It has been used as an effective tool in learning English, though it has been in debate for the last decades for its use in some countries. This paper will discuss translation as a part of school curriculum in learning English, its limitation, challenges and current research on the same.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Translation in Sanskrit'

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