Relevant bibliographies by topics / Translations from Babylonian

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Academic literature on the topic 'Translations from Babylonian'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 25 July 2024
Last updated: 19 July 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "Translations from Babylonian"

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Pettem, Michael. "Matthew 2:7: The Danger of Assuming the Wrong Background." Evangelical Quarterly 93, no. 3 (2022): 216–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-bja10001.

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Abstract Most English translations of the story of the Star of Bethlehem either say explicitly or seem to imply that Herod learns from the magi the point in time at which the star appeared. This translation reflects an unusual understanding of two words in the Greek text, as well as raising the question why he killed children aged over a range of two years if he knew the exact age of the baby. These problems have been raised in the critical literature, yet many modern versions continue to offer a grammatically and logically strange interpretation. This article will argue that this interpretati
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Cavigneaux, Antoine, and Emmert Clevenstine. "On the Periphery of the Clerical Community of Old Babylonian Ur." Altorientalische Forschungen 50, no. 1 (2023): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2023-0005.

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Abstract We offer transliterations, translations, and autograph copies of three Old Babylonian tablets held by the Musée d’Art et d’Histoire (MAH) in Geneva. MAH 15899 adds a new name to the roster of temple administrators in Ur, and leads us to propose a new interpretation of the year-name Rīm-Sîn IIa. MAH 16042 concerns a second son of the Uqqû first recognized in MAH 15896. MAH 15953 extends the family tree of the well-known Balamunamḫe of Larsa and connects the family with the religious life of the city. It probably postdates Samsu-iluna’s reconquest of Ur (Si 10) but it is difficult to sa
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Rosen, Baruch, та Amir Gorzalczany. "Reinterpreting the Obscure Biblical Hebrew Lexeme צעה (Ẓo‘e) in Arad Ostracon 16". Jerusalem Journal of Archaeology 6 (2024): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.52486/01.00006.2.

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This article deals with an obscure Biblical Hebrew (BH) wine-associated lexeme, ẓo'e ( צעה ). The lexeme appears five times as metaphors in the biblical Books of Isaiah and Jeremiah, reflecting consistency in the contemporary Judahite vernacular. The translations of these occurrences vary greatly, suggesting that the idiom may have fallen out of use after the Babylonian conquest in 586 BCE. The lexeme also appears on Arad Ostracon 16 (AO 16), which derives from the late Iron Age fortress of the same name. It was recently discovered thanks to the application of advanced technologies to the ostr
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Lasair, Simon. "Theorizing in the Absence of a Theory:The Case of the Aramaic Targums to the Pentateuch." TranscUlturAl: A Journal of Translation and Cultural Studies 1, no. 2 (2009): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.21992/t9np7q.

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Targums are a kind of ancient Jewish translation literature that may have played an important role in synagogues, private devotion, and education. The reason scholars adduce such widespread use for the targums is because they translate the Hebrew Bible from Hebrew into Aramaic, another ancient Semitic language widely used by Palestinian and Babylonian Jews. Despite their supposed popularity, there are no sustained discussions in ancient Jewish literature concerning how to produce a targum, or what makes a quality targum. This is in direct contrast to some of the early theoretical discussions t
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Aleksandrov, Boris E. "On the meaning of the logogram LÚ(.MEŠ)MAŠ.EN.KAK in Hittite cuneiform." Shagi / Steps 10, no. 2 (2024): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2412-9410-2024-10-2-54-71.

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The article is devoted to the use of the logogram LÚ(.MEŠ)MAŠ.EN.KAK in Hittite texts. This logogram was borrowed from Mesopotamian cuneiform, in which it rendered the Akkadian word muškēnum (lit. ‘the one who bows down, performs proskynesis’). In 1950 E. Laroche showed that the logogram should be read as ašiwant- ‘poor’ in Hittite. However, subsequently several scholars have pointed out that this meaning did not fit well into many contexts. Therefore it was suggested that LÚ(.MEŠ)MAŠ.EN.KAK was rather a social term referring to a certain group of Hittite population dependent of the state (‘pa
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Stadel, Christian. "Probing the Sources of the Scroll of Antiochus : The Case for the Syriac Version of 1 Maccabees." Jewish Quarterly Review 115, no. 2 (2025): 165–77. https://doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2025.a959926.

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Abstract: The Scroll of Antiochus purports to be a contemporaneous account of the revolt of the Hasmonaeans and the miracle of the oil. It is written in a kind of literary Aramaic that imitates the biblical and targumic Aramaic dialects and was probably composed in gaonic Babylonia as an etiology for the festival of Hanukkah. Since the text relates details of the revolt that have not been preserved in rabbinic writings, it is usually assumed that its author relied on Greek sources such as 1 Maccabees or Josephus’s writings. But knowledge of Greek was not common among Babylonian Jews. Based on
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Bal, Mieke, and Michelle Williams Gamaker. "Towards a Babel ontology." European Journal of Women's Studies 18, no. 4 (2011): 439–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506811415591.

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This article presents a few issues in the making of our film A Long History of Madness that pertain to the ‘Babylonic’. Spoken in 12 languages, ranging across six centuries, and shot in five countries, the film possesses an inherent Babylonism. It makes a case for a multilingual mode of communicating. Yet, beyond the obvious need for verbal communication, for which subtitles are necessary but insufficient, the film presents other reasons for extending the concept of translation. The knot of potential confusion and the need for ‘translation’ are the ontological uncertainties surrounding ‘madnes
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Stolper, Matthew W. "Late Achaemenid Texts from Dilbat." Iraq 54 (1992): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900002540.

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Writing in 1931, Eckhard Unger observed that published Neo-Babylonian texts written at or referring to Dilbat and dated by the Neo-Babylonian kings were scarce; those dated by the early Achaemenid kings, up to the end of the reign of Darius I, were more numerous; the latest unequivocally dated text from Dilbat was VAS 6, 331, dated by Bēl-šimânni, one of the Babylonian rebels against Xerxes; Seleucid and Parthian texts from Dilbat were unknown. In 1976 these observations still held, and Joachim Oelsner contemplated the possibility that the dearth of later texts from Dilbat was connected with X
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Al-Rawi, F. N. H. "Texts from Tell Haddad and elsewhere." Iraq 56 (1994): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900002795.

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This article presents a number of short, but important, inscriptions found on objects excavated at Tell Haddad and elsewhere. Texts nos. 1–6 are from Tell Haddad or the neighbouring site of Tell al-Sib, no. 7 is from Sippar and nos. 8–10 are of unknown provenance.1. Inscription of Arīm-Līm of Mê-Turan. IM 124744; Haddad 577 (Figs. 1–2)This inscription, written on a stone foundation tablet re-used as a door socket (overall dimensions 36 × 22 × 13·8 cm), was excavated at Tell Haddad, out of context near the Neo-Assyrian buildings in Area 3, Level 1, but derives originally from the early Old Baby
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Worthington, Martin. "Of Sumerian Songs and Spells." Altorientalische Forschungen 46, no. 2 (2019): 270–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2019-0018.

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Abstract The paper explores the uses of the Sumerian expression ser3-ku3, with a view to clarifying its sense.The paper arises from my study of Babylonian šerkugû, which I argue to have the meaning ‘incantation’ (see fn. 16). This is a loan from Sumerian *ser3-ku3-ga. The form with -ga (arising from the addition of the ‘adjectival a’ to ku3.g ‘holy, pure’) is not currently attested in Sumerian. (I thank Pascal Attinger, pers. comm., for the observation that apparent attestations of ser3-ku3-ga, e.g. in Martu A 58, are in fact locatives in -a). It does however occur in spellings of Babylonian š
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Books on the topic "Translations from Babylonian"

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1933-, Gardner John, Maier John R, and Henshaw Richard A. 1921-, eds. Gilgamesh: Translated from the Sīn-leqi-unninnī version. Vintage Books, 1985.

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Piotr, Michalowski, and Reiner Erica 1926-, eds. Letters from early Mesopotamia. Scholars Press, 1993.

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Lutz, Henry F. Early Babylonian Letters from Larsa (Ancient Texts and Translations). Wipf & Stock Publishers, 2005.

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From distant days: Myths, tales, and poetry ofancient Mesopotamia. CDL Press, 1995.

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Wisdom from the late Bronze Age. Society of Biblical Literature, 2013.

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6

The Assyrian eponym canon: Containing translations of the documents, and an account of the evidence, on the comparative chronology of the Assyrian and Jewish kingdoms, from the death of Solomon to Nebuchadnezzar. Samuel Bagster, 1986.

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7

The Epic of Gilgamesh : Selected Readings from its Original Early Arabic Language: Including a New Translation of the Flood Story. Blautopf Publishing, 2016.

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8

el-Amarna Correspondence: A New Edition of the Cuneiform Letters from the Site of el-Amarna Based on Collations of All Extant Tablets. BRILL, 2014.

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Cochavi-Rainey, Zipora, William M. Schniedewind, and Anson F. Rainey. el-Amarna Correspondence: A New Edition of the Cuneiform Letters from the Site of el-Amarna Based on Collations of All Extant Tablets. BRILL, 2015.

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10

Babylonian Magic and Sorcery: Being the Prayers of the Lifting of the Hand, the Cuneiform Texts of a Group of Babylonian and Assyrian Incantations and Magical Formulae Edited with Transliterations, Translations and Full Vocabulary from Tablets of the K. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2022.

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Book chapters on the topic "Translations from Babylonian"

1

Ben-Eliyahu, Eyal, Yehudah Cohn, and Fergus Millar. "Talmudic Texts." In Handbook of Jewish Literature from Late Antiquity, 135–700 CE. British Academy, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265222.003.0002.

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This chapter describes the following Talmudic texts: the Mishnah; the Tosefta; the Talmud Yerushalmi/Palestinian Talmud; the Talmud Bavli/Babylonian Talmud; Minor Tractates; and external tractates (Tractate Derekh Erets Zuta and Pereq HaShalom, Tractate Derekh Erets Rabbah, Tractate Kallah, Kallah Rabbati, Tractate Soferim, Tractate Semaṭot, Avot DeRabbi Natan and (Sefer) HaMaasim). For each of these texts, details on the contents, dating, language, printed editions, translations, commentaries, bibliography, electronic resources and manuscripts are provided.
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Roebuck, Thomas. "‘Ancient Rabbis Inspired by God’." In The Mishnaic Moment. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192898906.003.0009.

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The edition of Mishnah tractate Joma published in 1648 by Robert Sheringham (1602–1678) was an exceptional achievement, albeit a strange one. Taking its cue from translations and editions of Mishnah tractates that had been produced in the Netherlands, Sheringham’s book was the first of its kind to be published in England. Sheringham’s book was also, however, an outlier among English Mishnaic scholarship, and has seemed to evince an unusual degree of sympathy for Hebraic traditions. This chapter places this strange work into context through an analysis of Sheringham’s practice as a reader of the Mishnah and his sources (especially the Babylonian Talmud and Maimonides’ commentary on the Mishnah). It demonstrates that Sheringham saw the Mishnah as a key with which to unlock the centrality of Jewish traditions within the culture of the ancient world, an approach which drew mixed reactions from Sheringham’s contemporaries.
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Bodor, Attila. "“We Were Like Dreamers”: Exploring the Symbolism of Dream in Psalm 126." In More Majestic than the Waves of the Sea: Theological Studies. Verbum, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.52258/stthtr.sup.02.01.

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The translation and interpretation of the opening verse of Psalm 126 (125) have long posed challenges for ancient translators and continue to fuel debates in contemporary biblical studies. The difficulty stems not only from deciphering the meaning of individual Hebrew terms but also from grappling with the grammatical structure of vv. 1a and 4a. These verses appear to allude to the end of the exile and Babylonian captivity, providing the foundation for hope for a joyful existence (vv. 2–3 and 5–6). The depiction of this pivotal moment in Israel’s history is illustrated by a striking comparison in verse 1b: “we were like dreamers.” This article aims to delve into the symbolism of the dream in Psalm 126 through the exploration of the following issues. Firstly, I will scrutinize the broader context of v. 1b, i.e., Psalm 126, focusing particularly on the translation of vv. 1a and 4a, as well as the structure of the psalm. Secondly, I will delve into the possible translations and interpretations of the unvocalized Hebrew text of verse 1b. Lastly, I will articulate an interpretation of the dreamer imagery in Psalm 126:1, contending that vv. 1a and 4a do not primarily signify the restoration of Zion’s fortunes, as commonly translated, but rather refer to YHWH’s return to those who have returned to Him in Zion. In this context, the reference to the dreamer conveys more than mere astonishment. As is common in biblical and Ancient Near Eastern literature, the dreamers denote persons who have received special revelation that certainly shows what future will come. This is the basis of the subsequent verses of the psalm, which describe the change from sorrow to joy.
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"6 Edition: The Old Babylonian Word List Izi from Nippur." In Translation as Scholarship. De Gruyter, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781501509810-006.

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Di Paolo, Silvana. "TRANSLATING IMAGES FROM TEXTS IN OLD BABYLONIAN KIŠ:." In Dieux, rois et capitales dans le Proche-Orient ancien. Peeters Publishers, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.3919379.45.

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"Transliteration and Translation of texts with comments." In Old Babylonian Texts from Dilbat, Sippar, and Other Places. Peeters Publishers, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.6988020.4.

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"Exempting Women from the Obligation to Eat in the Sukkah during the Jewish Festival of Sukkoth." In Women’s Religions in the Greco-Roman World, edited by Ross Shepard Kraemer. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195170658.003.0046.

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Abstract translation: Jacob Neusner, The Talmud of Babylonia: An American Translation, BJS (Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1984–94). work, text, and bibliography: See entry 36. A Women, slaves, and minors are exempt from the religious requirement of dwelling in a sukkah. A Minor who can take care of himself is liable to the religious requirement of dwelling in a sukkah. M’SH W: Shammai the Elder’s daughter-in-law gave birth, and he broke away some of the plaster and covered the hole with sukkah-roofing over her bed, on account of the infant.
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Ben-Eliyahu, Eyal, Yehudah Cohn, and Fergus Millar. "Historical Introduction." In Handbook of Jewish Literature from Late Antiquity, 135–700 CE. British Academy, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265222.003.0001.

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This chapter first sets out the aim of this book, which is to provide a guide on Jewish literature composed in the first millennium ce in Hebrew or Aramaic, either in Palestine under Roman rule or in Babylonia under the rule of the Sassanid kings of Persia. It offers essential information on the printed editions of each; their contents and likely date of redaction; translations into European languages; modern commentaries, whether in a European language or Hebrew; electronic texts, if available; and the manuscripts in which each is found. The discussions then turn to how to approach the Jewish literature of Late Antiquity and the character of Late Antique Jewish literature.
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Brody, Robert. "Sa’adyah, the Man of Halakhah." In Sa'adyah Gaon. Liverpool University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781904113881.003.0007.

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This chapter examines the variety of genres and structures that Sa'adyah Gaon employed, including their talmudic and halakhic contents. It reveals how Sa'adyah incorporated halakhic and aggadic elements drawn from the Talmud and midrash in different genres, particularly in his piyutim and biblical commentaries. It also talks about the writing of responsa, which was the only literary activity in which the Babylonian geonim before Sa'adyah's time engaged in. The chapter reviews many of Sa'adyah's responsa that were originally written in Arabic and Hebrew translation. It describes Sa'adyah's responsa, in which he conducts a systematic analysis of principles in order to arrive at a practical solution for the specific case under discussion.
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