Journal articles on the topic 'Translations from Ethiopian'

This essay offers the first English-language translations of Amharic poetry written by Ethiopian immigrants to the United States. Following an introduction to the Amharic language and the central place of poetry in Ethiopian literature and cultural life, the author discusses the work of four poets. The poems of Tewodros Abebe, Amha Asfaw, Alemayehu Gebrehiwot, and Alemtsehay Wedajo make creative use of Ethiopian verbal constructions reminiscent of traditional war songs and verbal interrogations used in legal contexts. Many of the poems speak eloquently of the personal losses Ethiopians have suffered as a result of their departure from their homeland. The essay includes biographical and ethnographic details about the individual poets and various influences on their compositions. (April 2009)

The author analyses translation equivalents of the names referring to black people (Gr. Αἰθίοψ, Νίγερ, Lat. Aethiops, Niger) in old Polish translations of the New Testament. He has excerpted translations based on Greek sources as well as on the Latin Vulgate, diversifi ed according to the translation method and religious denomination. The number of the excerpted Polish equivalents (transferred words: ‘Niger’, adopted words: ‘Murzyn’ (Negro), and its derivatives, ethnonyms: ‘Etiopczyk’, ‘Etyjopianin’ (Ethiopian), native words: ‘Czarny’ (Black)) have been confronted with the terms accepted in etymological dictionaries and history books. The author concludes that the translators from the Middle Polish period used the translation equivalents referring to black inhabitants of Africa quite freely. The reason for that was that the names ‘Murzyn’ and ‘Czarny’ were not burdened with such a stylistic and pragmatic load in the Old Polish language as they are in Modern Polish.

The Federal Ministry of Health, Ethiopia, recognised the potential of the Practical Approach to Care Kit (PACK) programme to promote integrated, comprehensive and evidence-informed primary care as a means to achieving universal health coverage. Localisation of the PACK guide to become the ‘Ethiopian Primary Health Care Clinical Guidelines’ (PHCG) was spearheaded by a core team of Ethiopian policy and technical experts, mentored by the Knowledge Translation Unit, University of Cape Town. A research collaboration, ASSET (heAlth Systems StrEngThening in sub-Saharan Africa), has brought together policy-makers from the Ministry of Health and health systems researchers from Ethiopia (Addis Ababa University) and overseas partners for the PACK localisation process, and will develop, implement and evaluate health systems strengthening interventions needed for a successful scale-up of the Ethiopian PHCG. Localisation of PACK for Ethiopia included expanding the guide to include a wider range of infectious diseases and an expanded age range (from 5 to 15 years). Early feedback from front-line primary healthcare (PHC) workers is positive: the guide gives them greater confidence and is easy to understand and use. A training cascade has been initiated, with a view to implementing in 400 PHC facilities in phase 1, followed by scale-up to all 3724 health centres in Ethiopia during 2019. Monitoring and evaluation of the Ministry of Health implementation at scale will be complemented by indepth evaluation by ASSET in demonstration districts. Anticipated challenges include availability of essential medications and laboratory investigations and the need for additional training and supervisory support to deliver care for non-communicable diseases and mental health. The strong leadership from the Ministry of Health of Ethiopia combined with a productive collaboration with health systems research partners can help to ensure that Ethiopian PHCG achieves standardisation of clinical practice at the primary care level and quality healthcare for all.

Despite his important political and literary activities, Blatta Gäbrä Egzi'-abehēr is almost unknown to scholars of Menilek's Ethiopia. This historical period is not particularly well researched, and the author stands out as one of the few Ethiopian intellectuals to have written such an important number of literary works focused on nationalistic and anti-Italian feelings. The Amharic/Ge'ez text under discussion, his letter to Menilek written in 1899, is a remarkable document from this point of view because it reveals a strong opposition to colonialism and the Italian occupation of Eritrea. This document is one of the first Ethiopian sources to testify to the growing nationalism and the growth of concepts of unity and independence. It allows us to consider more carefully the beginning of an Ethiopian secular ideology of the modern state. And such an ideology must be placed in the colonial context. The letter to Menilek raises some important questions regarding the new source material in the late nineteenth century available to historians of modern Ethiopia. A translation of the text is given as well as a comment on its historical significance.

Abstract A majority of the sources on medieval Ethiopia are written in the Gǝ‘ǝz language in the “genre” of history. However, some texts written in Arabic remain equally important. Among such texts the missive addressed by a ruler of Ethiopia to the Mamluk Sultan Baybars (known as al-Malik al-Ẓāhir) in AH 673 / AD 1274-75 is of considerable interest. The Ethiopian ruler can be identified as the founder of the Ethiopian Solomonic dynasty Yǝkunno Amlak. The text of this missive survived in three Arabic versions: in the Islamic “encyclopaedias” by al-Nuwayrī and al-Qalqashadī (resp. AH 730 / AD 1330 and AH 814 / AD 1412) and in the dhayl (continuation) to the Universal history by al-Makīn, compiled by the Coptic author al-Mufaḍḍal b. Abī’l-Faḍā’il in AH 759 / AD 1358. All three versions are almost identical, however, the version by al-Nuwayrī is the longest one and the closest to the original. The detailed analysis of this version supplied by the full translation into English made for the first time by the present author clearly shows that the person who wrote it was the amīr (commander) of the Amhara and not yet the king of Ethiopia. However, he had an intention to become himself with his people a subject of Baybars to obtain help from him against the Zagwe dynasty. As a consequence, the Ethiopian Christians would have been under the Muslim power. However, the Mamluk Sultan was less interested in that affair.

The discovery of an Amharic document written by a church scholar from the monastery of Dimā Giyorgis in Eastern Goǧǧām (Ethiopia) throws fresh light on the circumstances and disputes behind the composition of the Life of the Ethiopian twin brother kings ʾAbrǝhā and ʾAṣbǝḥa, as well as on the Dǝrsāna ʿUrāʾel (‘Homily of Uriel’). The legendary characters of the Life and the events it narrates, along with its manuscript tradition, are analysed in detail. The Amharic ‘Dimā Document’ together with a royal letter concerning the Dǝrsāna ʿUrāʾel is edited with an annotated English translation.

The second volume of Haile Sellassie's autobiography had scarcely been out a few months when it fell into oblivion with the emperor's deposition in September 1974. For Ethiopia Haile Sellassie's removal was a defining event, and the accompanying tattoo sought to characterize the emperor's reign, indeed all prior history, as a failure. As Haile Sellassie became an unperson in the Ethiopia of the 1970s and 1980s, his policies remained unstudied as the background to the unfolding political events. There was much that confused me: it was obvious that life had been more satisfactory in Ethiopia during his regime than later, and that educated Ethiopians during the last fifteen years of the emperor's reign had talked optimistically about the future, a quality lost in the mayhem of the period from 1974 to 1978. As Mengistu Haile Mariam lurched from crisis to crisis without solving the country's many problems, I concluded that thoughtful people would want to know why and how Haile Sellassie had been able to keep the country relatively peaceful, while providing a statesmanlike leadership that had been creative and reassuring. This certainty led me to undertake a biography of the emperor.

Abstract Objectives Despite much nutrition research conducted in Ethiopia, none has described existing opportunities for synergy or possible missed opportunities to use research to inform policy and program decisions to foster accelerated progress. The study aimed to describe prevailing processes on evidence use in formulating nutrition policy and program decisions and identify potential barriers and opportunities for evidence-based decision-making for nutrition for Ethiopia's context. Methods In 2017, 29 purposively selected key informants (KIs) were interviewed. They were identified using a consultative stakeholder mapping workshop and represented National Nutrition Program coordinators, key actors in government sectors, program coordinators from selected local and international NGOs, local and international universities and research institutes involved in nutrition research and key actors in policy decision-making. A framework analysis including identifying themes, coding, indexing, charting, mapping and interpretation was used. A validation workshop discussed findings and added perspectives to interpretation. Results The KIs perceived that demand for evidence from the Ethiopian government had been increasing over time. Majority referred to poor research quality as a barrier for using research in decision-making processes. Other challenges identified included limited cross-linkage, coordination gaps between researchers and decision makers, and inadequate translation of research evidence into meaningful information for policy makers. Availability of different forums, research dissemination conferences and suitable institutional structures that enable research and evidence dissemination were considered to be opportunities that should be leveraged to inform policy making. Conclusions The quality of research, and of collaborative engagement between those who produce evidence and decision makers who formulate policies need to be strengthened. Regular evidence dissemination events and publication of action oriented easy to read briefs could increase use of evidence among nutrition policy makers. Funding Sources Ethiopian Public Health Institute and Evidence-informed Decision-making in Health and Nutrition Network.

Objective: To assess the oral health–related quality of life (OH-RQoL) using a translated standardized measure in an understudied population of Ethiopian children born with orofacial clefts (OFCs) and their parents. Methods: Using a descriptive study design, we assessed the OH-RQoL of 41 patients with OFCs between the ages of 8 and 17 years and their parents. Participants received multidisciplinary cleft care from 2008 to 2016. They completed an Amharic translation of the Child Oral Health Impact Profile (COHIP). Results: There was strong internal reliability with the translated COHIP for parents and patients. Parents’ COHIP scores ranged from 67 to 186, and patients’ scores were 78 to 190. The mean for patients and parents was 155, indicating good OH-RQoL. Conclusion: The Amharic translation of the COHIP appears appropriate for use with families in Ethiopia. Both parents and patients reported OH-RQoL at similar levels as other international populations.

Classical oriental literatures, especially in Syriac, Arabic and Coptic lan­guages, constitute extraordinary treasury for patristic studies. Apart from the texts written originally in their ecclesiastical ambient, the oriental ancient manuscripts include many documents completely disappeared or preserved in their Greek and Latin originals in defective form only. The same refers to the Ethiopian Christian literature. In this context so-called Qerəllos anthology occupies a particular place as one of the most important patristic writings. It contains Christological treaties and homilies by Cyril of Alexandria and other documents, essentially of the anti-nestorian and monophysite character, in the context of the Council of Ephesus (431). The core of the anthology was compiled in Alexandria and translated into Ge’ez language directly from Greek during the Aksumite period (V-VII century). Ethiopic homily by Eusebius of Heraclea (CPG 6143) is unique preserved ver­sion of this document, and also unique noted text of the bishop from V century. Besides the introduction to the Early Christian patristic literature and especially to the Qerəllos anthology, this paper offers a Polish translation of the Eusebius’s Homily with relative commentary.

Health management information systems (HMIS) are a crucial source of timely health statistics and have the potential to improve reporting in low-income countries. However, concerns about data quality have hampered their widespread adoption in research and policy decisions. This article presents results from a data verification study undertaken to gain insights into the quality of HMIS data in Ethiopia. We also provide recommendations for working with HMIS data for research and policy translation. We linked the HMIS to the 2016 Emergency Obstetric and Newborn Care Assessment, a national census of all health facilities that provided maternal and newborn health services in Ethiopia. We compared the number of visits for deliveries and caesarean sections (C-sections) reported in the HMIS in 2015 (January–December) to those found in source documents (paper-based labour and delivery and operating theatre registers) in 2425 facilities across Ethiopia. We found that two-thirds of facilities had ‘good’ HMIS reporting for deliveries (defined as reporting within 10% of source documents) and half had ‘very good’ reporting (within 5% of source documents). Results were similar for reporting on C-section deliveries. We found that good reporting was more common in urban areas (OR: 1.30, 95% CI 1.06 to 1.59), public facilities (OR: 2.95, 95% CI 1.38 to 6.29) and in hospitals compared with health centres (OR: 1.71, 95% CI 1.13 to 2.61). Facilities in the Somali and Afar regions had the lowest odds of good reporting compared with Addis Ababa and were more likely to over-report deliveries in the HMIS. Further work remains to address remaining discrepancies in the Ethiopian HMIS. Nonetheless, our findings corroborate previous data verification exercises in Ethiopia and support greater use and uptake of HMIS data for research and policy decisions (particularly, greater use of HMIS data elements (eg, absolute number of services provided each month) rather than coverage indicators). Increased use of these data, combined with feedback mechanisms, is necessary to maintain data quality.

AbstractFourteen Gurage lullabies from Ethiopia, in their Inor transcriptions and English translations, are briefly introduced and annotated. Inor belongs to the West Gurage group of languages; this set of lullabies complements those from Eža (another West Gurage language) published earlier by the author.

Enset is an essential plant for the Ethiopian Sidama system of agropastoralism. Sidama agropastoralism and the folk taxonomy of enset is presented here in ethnographic context. One of several societies of Ethiopia’s enset complex, the highland Sidama are among the most wholly reliant on enset and maintain more enset varieties in their gardens than other groups. Sidama agro-pastoral systems revolve around human-enset-cattle interaction: Sidama eat low-protein parts of enset; cattle eat high-protein parts of enset; Sidama get protein from dairy; Sidama fertilize enset with cattle manure. In the Sidama language, enset offers an example of Hunn’s generic elevation within the framework of Berlinian perceptual-taxonomic theory. Weesho (enset) may serve both as a folk generic taxon and a life-form taxon depending on the frame of reference. Such expansion allows for an intermediate taxa translating to “male” or “female” ensets, followed by generic and specific taxa for kinds or “breeds” of enset. Generic elevation offers descriptive magnification of nomenclature for enset, a most salient species among Sidama people.

Ethiopic literary tradition numbers hagiographical and magical texts centred on the legendary figure of St. Cyprian the magician, but no Ethiopic version of St. Cyprian’s (bishop of Carthage, † 258 A.D.) works has so far been registered in the current literature. This contribution is devoted to the edition, translation, and philological analysis of the only authentically cyprianic text preserved in Ethiopic: Epistula 70. This «synodal epistle» (254 or 255 A.D.) originates from 3rd century baptismal controversies: Cyprian maintains that it is necessary that all who come from heresy must receive full baptism. Besides the Latin original text, Epistula 70 is preserved in a Greek translation (inserted in Zonara’s and Balsamon’s canonical collections), but no oriental version exists, except for the Ethiopic one. Epistula 70 is preserved in 5 mss. of the Ethiopic Sēnodos: EMML 1843, ff. 58rb–60rb; EMML 2430, ff. 42rc–43rb; BN Zotenberg 121 [Éth. 95], ff. 78va–79va; BAV, Borgiano etiopico 2, ff. 173rb–174vb; Uppsala, University library, O Etiop. 39, ff. 121ra–122rc; the 5 mss. can be classified according to a clear stemma codicum and all of them have been used in the present edition. J.M. Wansleben identified Epistula 70 in 1671, but his discovery has remained neglected till now. Concerning the Vorlage of the Ethiopic translation, there are some clues to a direct dependence on a Greek version, which could be older than that preserved in the byzantine canonical collections.

The paper deals with the facets of work by the Croatian architect and urban planner Branko Petrović in Addis Ababa, where he served as the chief architect in the Ethiopian Ministry of Public Works and Communications from 1962 to 1969. Translation of the expertise stemming from the domicile practice and adaptation to a specific construction momentum in the city are thereby being considered. The modalities of technical cooperation are simultaneously examined as a form of international knowledge exchange in the field of architecture.

ABSTRACTPrimarily aiming to highlight and exemplify how a technology can be socially and culturally appropriated, this article draws attention to the role of mobile phone communication in straining relations between married couples on the basis of material from Ethiopia. The findings show that mobile phone-mediated interactions between spouses are filled with monitoring and controlling activities, expressed in such forms as checking call logs, text messages, making casual calls, and switching-off phones, leading to highly strained relations that may result in the marital relation as a whole falling apart. These findings show how a technology can actively shape or influence interactions, and reveal interactions that might otherwise be concealed.

In an article published un Vol. XLIII (1980) of BSOAS I reported the identification of the Ethiopic version of the Lives of Ezekiel and Daniel, and I there presented the text and an annotated translation of these two short pieces, which belong in the pseudepigraphic work known as the Lives of the Prophets. A substantial further portion of the Ethiopic version of this work was subsequently identified by MR. Roger Cowley in a manuscript in the Bibliothèque Nationale, and he very kindly drew this to my attention. My purpose in this article is to publish the text and a translation of this new material. Mr. Cowley has also identified a fragmentary Ethiopic text containing a Life of Job and the beginning of a Life of Moses. I hope to consider this text on a future occasion and would merely obserce here that its contents are different in character from those of the work that is conventionally known as the Lives of the Prophets. I would like to record here my very grateful thanks to Mr. Cowley for his kindness in informing me of the existence of both these texts.

AbstractThis article presents a publication and translation (with linguistic and philological commentaries) of a recently discovered piece of Old Amharic poetry, possibly dating to the first half/middle of the seventeenth century. The published text bears the title Märgämä kəbr (“Condemnation of glory”), but its content differs from that of several other Old Amharic poems (not entirely independent from each other) known under the same title. It is only the general idea and the main topics that are shared by all Märgämä kəbr poems: transience of the earthly world, the inevitability of death and of God's judgement, and the necessity of leading a virtuous life. One can thus speak of Märgämä kəbr as a special genre of early Amharic literature, probably originally belonging to the domain of oral literature and used to address the Christian community with the aim of religious education and admonition of laymen.

Ethiopia has a vast renewable energy potential in the context of hydro, wind, solar, and geothermal energies. The unsustainable use of biomass coupled with drought has caused a paradigm shift towards wind, geothermal, and solar energies. There have been significant strides by the Government of Ethiopia to actualize these potentials in the context of developing massive projects in these aforementioned areas with the private business sector in the goal of jettisoning the industrial base of Ethiopia in conjunction with increasing the installed power capacity from 4,300 MW to 17,346 MW by 2020. The major challenge still lies in assessing the comprehensive renewable energy resource potential of Ethiopia including the lack of local content development in the context of establishing an industrial base. There have been notable initiatives by the Government of Ethiopia to adhere to the Paris Climate Accord in conjunction with the Green Growth framework and Sustainability Development Goals. However, the top down approach of grand targets to the various regions is not the pragmatic approach to solving the Achilles heel of energy poverty. A more plausible approach is from the bottom up, whereby energy frameworks and policies are generated by conducting a needs assessment of a specified region. The appropriate technology concept needs to be reflected in the innovation aspects of renewable energy technologies. There has to be a framework of translating invention to innovation by actualizing the tripartite structure of Government, Academia, and Industry.

The present index considers all the proper names and noteworthy terms occurring in the feudal acts published in 1901 by C. Conti Rossini from the Golden Gospel of Dabra Libānos (Šemazānā, Akkala Guzāy, Eritrea). The index is intended as a simple working tool for all those (historians, philologists, linguists, etc.) who may be interested in retrieving informations preserved in the oldest ‘archival’ documentary source of Ethiopia and Eritrea. It preludes to a new edition of the feudal acts furnished with translation and commentary.

IntroductionOur recent systematic review has indicated the lack of a patient-reported outcome (PRO) instrument to measure health-related quality of life (HRQOL) of children and adolescents with lower limb deformities. We are developing a PRO instrument which will be applicable internationally across various countries. This manuscript describes our approach to the development of a new PRO instrument for measuring HRQOL for children and adolescents with lower limb deformities.Methods and analysisThree phases in the development of this PRO instrument are as described: (1) This phase involves the development of a conceptual framework of HRQOL and item pool that is used to inform a set of preliminary scales. We have developed a preliminary conceptual framework of HRQOL based on our systematic review. Qualitative interviews are being conducted at five sites in Canada, Ethiopia, India and the USA. An item pool will be generated from this qualitative phase. The preliminary items and scales will be sent out to children at the five participating centres. Cognitive debriefing interviews will gather detailed feedback on the items from the children. Expert opinion will be sought from clinicians from the participating centres. (2) During this phase, an international field-test study will be conducted to refine the scales and examine their psychometric properties. (3) During this phase, tests of reliability, validity and responsiveness will be conducted. Phase 1 will also involve translations and cultural adaptations. At the end of this study, we expect to produce an internationally applicable PRO instrument which is scientifically sound and clinically relevant to the lower limb deformity population.Ethics and disseminationThis study is approved by Research Ethics Boards for each of the participating sites.Results of this study will be published in peer-reviewed journals and presented at national and international conferences. An integrated knowledge translation approach is applied to engage patients, families and clinicians from the start of the study.

The knowledge of the reign of Yohannes II (r. May 10, 1769–October 15, 1769) is so far based on a brief account in Bruce’s book. This account, however, contains errors (that Yohannes II was poisoned to death). This paper brings to light an Ethiopian document (a brief contemporary chronicle) on the short-lived reign of this man. It is published with a translation and annotation.On the basis of a careful examination of the chronicle and the other fragmentary information we obtain from Salt, we conclude in this paper that firstly Yohannes was not poisoned to death (he rather died a natural death) and secondly the story of the amputation of his arm by Bekfa should at best be treated with caution because there is evidence that throws doubt on its veracity.

Tomopterna kachowskii and T. elegans from Ethiopia and Somalia, both currently synonyms of T. cryptotis, are resurrected based on morphological and molecular data. Tomopterna hieroglyphica is determined to be conspecific with T. kachowskii, with the latter taking precedence. Analysis of mitochondrial 12S rRNA, t-valine, 16S rRNA data reveals that these species differ from each other by 7.7%, differ from other described species of the genus by at least 3.0% and are only distantly related to T. cryptotis. A phylogeny of the genus is constructed, and the relationships among species are discussed. Discriminant function analysis was completed using 25 morphological measurements to determine if the seven clades identified in molecular analyses have concordant morphological difference. Translations of the original descriptions are provided, and a detailed redescription of T. elegans is included as the original description was made with only juvenile specimens. Tomopterna kachowskii and T. elegans are distinguished from other species of sand frogs by their visible tympana, presence of an outer metatarsal tubercle and moderate pedal webbing. Slightly more extensive webbing and variable presence of a discontinuous row of small glands beneath the tympanum distinguishes T. elegans from T. kachowskii.

More makes many references to the “Orient” in his writings. A consistent view of More’s “Orientalism”, which reveals a strong interest in the existence of Eastern Christians, can be obtained from examining the evidence of scattered references to “the East” in More’s Collected Works (mostly written after Utopia), particularly to “Ethiopia”, the “Men of Inde” and the “Land of Prester John”. These references indicate that even almost twenty years after Utopia was published, More was still referring to the Orient in essentially medieval terms: that far from being an exception, More’s geographical world view was essentially similar to that of his more educated contemporaries, and that the discovery of the America had only a very “blunted impact” on More’s geographical understanding. Further evidence of the More Circle’s interest in Eastern Christians is provided by John More’s 1533 Preface to his translation of Damião de Góis’s Legacy of Prester John.

Eritrea is a newly independent country whose performing arts history, based on the music and dance of her nine ethnic groups, is only just beginning to be systematically researched. Western-influenced drama was introduced to the country by the Italians in the early twentieth century, but Eritreans only began to use this form of theatre in the 1940s. The three-part series here inaugurated is the first attempt to piece together the history of Eritrean drama, beginning below with an outline of its history from the 1940s to national independence in 1991. The author explores the highly political role drama played from the outset in Eritrea's struggle towards independence and the effort to mould this alien performance form into a public voice at least for urban Eritreans. Later articles will look at the cultural troupes of the Eritrean liberation forces and at post-independence work on developing community-based theatre. The research took place as part of the continuing Eritrea Community Based Theatre Project, which is involved with practical theatre development as well as theatre research. Although this opening article is written by Jane Plastow, she wishes to stress that it is the upshot of a collaborative research exercise, for which Elias Lucas and Jonathan Stephanus were research trainees. Most of the information used here is the result of interviews they conducted and of translations of articles in Tigrinya or Amharic which they located. Training in interview techniques and collaboration over translation of material into English was conducted by the project research assistant, Paul Warwick. Jane Plastow is the director of the Eritrea Community Based Theatre Project and a lecturer at Leeds University. She initiated the project at the invitation of the Eritrean government, after working in theatre for some years in a number of African countries, notably Ethiopia. She supervised the research for this project, and used her experience of African theatre and of the politics and history of the region to draw the available material into its present state as a preliminary history of Eritrean drama.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine adoption of the balanced scorecard (BSC) by a large public-sector health organisation in an African country, Ethiopia as part of a programme to implement a unified sector-wide strategic planning and performance monitoring system. The study explains how this trans-organisational role of the BSC is constituted, and explores how it operates in practice at the sector-and organisation-levels. Design/methodology/approach The study employs the case-study method. Semi-structured interview data and documentary evidence are analysed by drawing on the concept of translation from actor-network theory. Findings The case-study organisation adopted the BSC as a part of broader public-sector reforms driven by political ideology. Through a centralised government decision, the BSC was framed as a sector-wide system aimed at: aligning the health sector’s strategic policy goals with strategic priorities and operational objectives of organisations in the sector; and unifying performance-monitoring of the sector’s organisations by enabling aggregation of performance information to a sector level in a timely manner to facilitate health sector policy implementation. While the political ideology facilitated BSC adoption for trans-organisational use, it provided little organisational discretion to integrate financial administration and human resource management practices to the BSC framework. Further, inadequate piloting of information system use for the anticipated BSC model, originating from the top-down approach followed in the BSC implementation, inhibited implementation of the BSC with a balanced emphasis between the planning and performance monitoring roles of the BSC. As a result, the BSC underwent a pragmatic shift in emphasis and was reconceptualised as a system of enhancing strategic alignment through integrated planning, compared to the balanced emphasis between the planning and performance monitoring roles initially anticipated. Originality/value The study provides a theory-based explanation of how politico-ideological contexts might facilitate the framing of novel roles for the BSC and how the roles translate into practice.

Background: Whether growing pulses (low fat legumes rich in protein and micronutrients) translates to nutritional health benefits has not been well documented in Ethiopia. In pulse- and cereal-based agricultural communities, we compared the nutrition of mothers and children (<5y) through anthropometric and dietary assessment to document evidence of pulse agriculture translating to nutritional health benefits. We also explored contextual factors influencing nutritional status. Methods: Comparative study was conducted in purposively selected pulse- and cereal-growing Ethiopian communities, from rural Halaba and Zeway, with randomly selected individual participants of 413 and 217 mother-child dyads, respectively. Dietary diversity scores (DDS) and consumption indexes for selected food groups were assessed; median intakes of energy, protein, Fe, Zn, Ca were determined from a single-day weighed food records (in a subsample). Mother-child undernutrition was estimated using anthropometric assessments of weight, length/height and mid-upper-arm-circumference, MUAC. Results: Median energy and nutrient intakes for pulse-mothers, but not children, were significantly higher than cereal-mothers (p<0.01); Median DDS for mothers-children were three, out of nine food groups, in both communities; consumption index of pulses, although higher in the pulse-community (p<0.001), was generally low amounting to consumption of only 1-2/week; consumption from animal sources was minimal. Undernutrition in mothers was 22% in pulse and 14% in cereal. Child stunting, wasting and underweight were 53.5%, 10.4% and 36.5% in pulse and 41.8%, 4.1% and 21.6% in the cereal group, respectively. Gender-sensitive factors, such as access to own-land and work-burden predicted maternal-MUAC. Stunting, household size, land size, antenatal-clinic visits and frequency of dairy consumption also predicted maternal-MUAC. Child age, community (i.e., pulse- or cereal-growing), household size and land size predicted chid height-for-age z-score (HAZ). Pulses were mostly sold and women had limited control; mothers’ knowledge of the nutrition benefits of pulses was lower in pulse community (p<0.01). Conclusions: Poor DDS, pulse or animal-source food consumption and high levels of maternal and child undernutrition were found in both communities. The unexpected finding of greater undernutrition in the pulse-growing Halaba communities was of concern needing further investigation. The pulse-community could benefit from educational nutrition-intervention focusing on nutrition and other benefits of pulses.

Roads constructed along the mountainous terrains of Ethiopia are susceptible to landslides mostly during rainy season. Mekelle – Abi Adi road is one of the economically important road corridors that connects many towns with Mekelle city. However, the asphalt road segment is heavily affected by quasi-translational type of landslide which hinders traffic flow of the area. Vertical electrical sounding (VES) method was applied to investigate subsurface geology of the road failure along Mekelle – Abi-Adi asphalt road, northern Ethiopia. The geo-electric section result revealed that the shallow subsurface geology of the site is characterized by four distinct geological formations, from top to bottom are: shale, shale-limestone intercalation, limestone and shale-gypsum units. The subgrade of the failed road section is shale unit which is overlain by jointed sandstone unit. The sandstone unit serves as a recharge zone to the bottom shale layer by percolating water via sub-base fill materials which in turn blocks vertical percolation and promote seepage force to the overlying soil mass. Hence, the road failure in the study area seems to be caused due to the development of pore water pressure in the shale layer which soaked water during heavy rainfall. The recommended remedial method for the road failure is re-designing of the affected route from chainage 48 km+850 m to 49 km+250 m towards the northwest of the study area and excavates the top 6 m shale unit.

Father Jerónimo Lobo SJ was on a mission to Ethiopia between 1624 and 1634, during which he travelled on foot through parts of Abyssinia and Eritrea. After a troubled period of life in India, he returned to Lisbon in 1657, where died in 1678. In Lisbon Lobo wrote one of his most important works, “Discurso das Palmeiras”, published in 1669 in an English translation by the Royal Society of London. In this work, Lobo described the morphology and uses of eight important palm trees. Two of these – “macomeira” (Hyphaene) and “trafolim” (Borassus) – were novelties to European botanists. An analysis of published works from this period, including lists of plants cultivated in botanical and private European gardens, indicates that when “Discurso” was published, printed descriptions of only some of the palms that Lobo described were available. At that period few palms were cultivated in British and Dutch gardens. The botanical novelties in Lobo's “Discurso” were most probably the reason for interest shown by the Royal Society. This remarkable seventeenth-century botanical account reflected Lobo's ability to observe nature (perhaps enhanced by academic training in Jesuit schools) during his walks through the Abyssinian empire.

For the primary health worker in a low/middle-income country (LMIC) setting, delivering quality primary care is challenging. This is often complicated by clinical guidance that is out of date, inconsistent and informed by evidence from high-income countries that ignores LMIC resource constraints and burden of disease. The Knowledge Translation Unit (KTU) of the University of Cape Town Lung Institute has developed, implemented and evaluated a health systems intervention in South Africa, and localised it to Botswana, Nigeria, Ethiopia and Brazil, that simplifies and standardises the care delivered by primary health workers while strengthening the system in which they work. At the core of this intervention, called Practical Approach to Care Kit (PACK), is a clinical decision support tool, the PACK guide. This paper describes the development of the guide over an 18-year period and explains the design features that have addressed what the patient, the clinician and the health system need from clinical guidance, and have made it, in the words of a South African primary care nurse, ‘A tool for every day for every patient’. It describes the lessons learnt during the development process that the KTU now applies to further development, maintenance and in-country localisation of the guide: develop clinical decision support in context first, involve local stakeholders in all stages, leverage others’ evidence databases to remain up to date and ensure content development, updating and localisation articulate with implementation.

The Mäṣḥafä fälasfa ṭäbiban (The Book of the Wise Philosophers) is the only literary work in Gǝʿǝz which can be reckoned among philosophical literature in the strict sense of the word. It is a translation of a Christian Arabic gnomologium, entitled Kitāb al-Bustān, which dates from the 16th century CE. The present article discusses previous studies in the Mäṣḥafä fälasfa ṭäbiban and deals with the lines of tradition of Arabic collections of sayings going back to Greek gnomologia. The Arabic original of the Mäṣḥafä fälasfa ṭäbiban was compiled about the end of the 10th century CE and contains besides sayings of Greek and Persian origin also doxographical material. The view concerning the central role of Ḥunain ibn Isḥāq’s Nawādir al-falāsifa in the tradition of sayings in the Kitāb al-Bustān, must be revised. An edition and a detailed comparison of the Kitāb al-Bustān with other Arabic and Greek gnomologia are still to be expected, and the question how the Christian gnomologium and thus the Ethiopic Mäṣḥafä fälasfa ṭäbiban are to be placed in the Hellenistic tradition of gnomologia, is still to be established.

The contribution is a new version of the paper "From Mesopotamia to Greece: to the Origin of Semitic and Greek Star Names" once written by a Sumerologist (L.Bobrova) and etymologist (A. Militarev), and recently revised, updated and corrected in most part by a historian of the Mesopotamian astronomy (G. Kurtik). The present paper analyzes Sumerian and Akkadian (Babylonian) names of 34 celestial bodies, and their equivalents in other Semitic languages (Arabic, Hebrew, Syrian Aramaic, and Ge`ez, or ancient Ethiopian) and in Greek and Latin. Its main goal is to demonstrate the importance of Sumerian and Babylonian celestial body names as a source of corresponding terms in other cultures, up to the conventional inventory of modern astronomy, and to reveal four strategies by which other cultures drew ideas for name-giving from the treasury of Mesopotamia's lexicon of celestial bodies. Whereas one of these strategies -- echoing, or full translation, of a Sumero-Akkadian term -- is axiomatic, the other three -- shift of meaning or interpretation of a Sumero-Akkadian term; lexical, or "material" borrowing; and, especially, folk etymology, or misinterpretation -- are understudied and practically unnoticed. The authors do not focus on such complicated matters as a historical background of Mesopotamian influence, direct or indirect, on Greek culture; a direction and routes of inter-borrowing between different speaking areas other than Akkadian and their contacts with the Greek world; a chronology of all kinds of cultural contacts and influences; probable connections between the early pre-Islamic Arabic and Babylonian traditions; or the problem of identification of Mesopotamian constellation and stars. However, the data presented may give a certain impulse to further investigation of these matters, while feasible etymologies and relations established between names can even throw some light upon debatable identification cases.

Background Community health workers and volunteers are vital for the achievement of Universal Health Coverage also in low-income countries. Ethiopia introduced community volunteers called women’s development group leaders in 2011. These women have responsibilities in multiple sectors, including promoting health and healthcare seeking. Objective We aimed to explore women’s development group leaders’ and health workers’ perceptions on these volunteers’ role in maternal, neonatal and child healthcare. Methods A qualitative study was conducted with in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with women’s development group leaders, health extension workers, health center staff, and woreda and regional health extension experts. We adapted a framework of community health worker performance, and explored perceptions of the women’s development group program: inputs, processes and performance. Interviews were recorded, transcribed, and coded prior to translation and thematic analysis. Results The women’s development group leaders were committed to their health-related work. However, many were illiterate, recruited in a sub-optimal process, had weak supervision and feedback, lacked training and incentives and had weak knowledge on danger signs and care of neonates. These problems demotivated these volunteers from engaging in maternal, neonatal and child health promotion activities. Health extension workers faced difficulties in managing the numerous women’s development group leaders in the catchment area. Conclusion The women’s development group leaders showed a willingness to contribute to maternal and child healthcare but lacked support and incentives. The program requires some redesign, effective management, and should offer enhanced recruitment, training, supervision, and incentives. The program should also consider continued training to develop the leaders’ knowledge, factor contextual influences, and be open for local variations.

This article demonstrates the apocryphal character of Jacob’s Blessing to His Sons (based on Gn 49), which is known according to the Palaea Interpretata. However, the Blessing was transferred to the Palaea together with the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs as their textual convoy, therefore the Blessing escorts the Testaments of the full redaction in the two copies known: in the so-called Archival Chronograph from the end of the 15th century (RGADA, f. 181, No. 279) and in No. 730 from the collection of the Trinity Lavra of St. Sergius (RGB, f. 304.I) from the early 16th century, which contains the more correct version of both the Testaments and of the Blessing. The Slavonic-Russian Blessing is undoubtedly a translation from Greek, although the original Greek text has not yet been found; there is no such convoy in the Greek copies of the Testaments. One also cannot find any relation to the apocryphal Testament of Jacob known in Coptic, Ethiopic, and Arabic versions. Some connection can be detected between the Slavonic Blessing and the Commentary on Jacob’s Blessing by St. Hippolytus of Rome, which was preserved in the Greek version as well. The importance of textual study of the Slavonic Blessing is enhanced by the fact that this work—in the exegetical commentary on the blessing to Dan—contains the Slavonic Hebraism mashliakh ‘Judaic Messiah (in the Christian sense: Antichrist)’ borrowed directly from Hebrew, with no Greek mediation, and hence this fact can indicate direct Judeo-Slavic contacts in the medieval Slavia Orthodoxa.

Elsinoë fawcettii, E. australis, and Pseudocercospora angolensis are causal agents of citrus scab and spot diseases. The three pathogens are listed as quarantine pests in many countries and are subject to phytosanitary measures to prevent their entry. Diagnosis of these diseases based on visual symptoms is problematic, as they could be confused with other citrus diseases. Isolation of E. fawcettii, E. australis, and P. angolensis from infected tissues is challenging because they grow slowly on culture media. This study developed rapid and specific detection tools for the in planta detection of these pathogens, using either conventional PCR or one-tube multiplex real-time PCR. Primers and hybridization probes were designed to target the single-copy protein-coding gene MS204 for E. fawcettii and E. australis and the translation elongation factor (Tef-1α) gene for P. angolensis. The specificity of the assays was evaluated by testing against DNA extracted from a large number of isolates (102) collected from different citrus-growing areas in the world and from other hosts. The newly described species E. citricola was not included in the specificity test due to its unavailability from the CBS collection. The detection limits of conventional PCR for the three pathogens were 100, 100, and 10 pg μl−1 gDNA per reaction for E. fawcettii, E. australis, and P. angolensis, respectively. The quadruplex qPCR was fully validated assessing the following performance criteria: sensitivity, specificity, repeatability, reproducibility, and robustness. The quadruplex real-time PCR proved to be highly sensitive, detecting as low as 243, 241, and 242 plasmidic copies (pc) μl−1 of E. fawcettii, E. australis, and P. angolensis, respectively. Sensitivity and specificity of this quadruplex assay were further confirmed using 176 naturally infected citrus samples collected from Ethiopia, Cameroon, the United States, and Australia. The quadruplex assay developed in this study is robust, cost-effective, and capable of high-throughput detection of the three targets directly from citrus samples. This new detection tool will substantially reduce the turnaround time for reliable species identification and allow rapid response and appropriate action.

According to the online database landmarkmap, up to an estimated 50% or more of the world’s habitable land is held by indigenous peoples and communities. While legal and procedural provisions are being made for bureaucratically managing the many different types of tenure relations in this domain, there continues to be a lack of tools and expertise needed to quickly and accurately document customary and indigenous land rights. Software and hardware tools that have been designed for documenting land tenure through communities continue to assume a parcel-based model of land as well as categories of land relations (RRR) largely dimensionally similar to statutory land rights categories. The SmartSkeMa approach to land tenure documentation combines sketching by hand with aerial imagery and an ontology-based model of local rules regulating land tenure relations to produce a system specifically designed to allow accurate documentation of land tenure from a local perspective. In addition, the SmartSkeMa adaptor which is an OWL-DL based set of rules for translating local land related concepts to the LADM concepts provides a more high-level view of the data collected (i.e., what does this concept relate to within the national LADM profile?) In this paper we present the core functionalities of SmartSkeMa using examples from Kenya and Ethiopia. Based on an expert survey and focus groups held in Kenya, we also analyze how the approach fairs on the Fit-for-Purpose Land Administration tools scale. The results indicate that the approach could be beneficial in scaling up mapping of community and customary lands as well as help reduce conflict through its participatory nature.

The global spread of Salafism, though it began in the 1960s and 1970s, only started to attract significant attention from scholars and analysts outside of Islamic studies as well as journalists, politicians, and the general public following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks perpetrated by Al-Qaeda Central. After the attacks, Salafism—or, as it was pejoratively labeled by its critics inside and outside of the Islamic tradition, “Wahhabism”—was accused of being the ideological basis of all expressions of Sunni militancy from North America and Europe to West and East Africa, the Arab world, and into Asia. According to this narrative, Usama bin Laden, Ayman al-Za- wahiri, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, and other Sunni jihadis were merely putting into action the commands of medieval ‘ulama such as Ibn Taymiyya, the eighteenth century Najdi Hanbali Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, and modern revolutionary ideologues like Sayyid Qutb and ‘Abdullah ‘Azzam. To eradicate terrorism, you must eliminate or neuter Salafism, say its critics. The reality, of course, is far more complex than this simplistic nar- rative purports. Salafism, though its adherents share the same core set of creedal beliefs and methodological approaches toward the interpretation of the Qur’an and hadith and Sunni legal canon, comes in many forms, from the scholastic and hierarchical Salafism of the ‘ulama in Saudi Arabia and other Muslim majority countries to the decentralized, self-described Salafi groups in Europe and North America who cluster around a single char- ismatic preacher who often has limited formal religious education. What unifies these different expressions of Salafism is a core canon of religious and legal texts and set of scholars who are widely respected and referenced in Salafi circles. Thurston grounds his fieldwork and text-based analysis of Salafism in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and home to one of the world’s largest single Muslim national populations, through the lens of this canon, which he defines as a “communally negotiated set of texts that is governed by rules of interpretation and appropriation” (1). He argues fur- ther that in the history of Nigerian Salafism, one can trace the major stages that the global Salafi movement has navigated as it spread from the Arab Middle East to what are erroneously often seen as “peripheral” areas of the Islamic world, Africa and parts of Asia. The book is based on extensive fieldwork in Nigeria including interviews with key Nigerian Salafi scholars and other leading figures as well as a wide range of textual primary sourc- es including British and Nigerian archival documents, international and national news media reports, leaked US embassy cables, and a significant number of religious lectures and sermons and writings by Nigerian Salafis in Arabic and Hausa. In Chapter One, Thurston argues that the Salafi canon gives individ- ual and groups of Salafis a sense of identity and membership in a unique and, to them, superior religious community that is linked closely to their understanding and reading of sacred history and the revered figures of the Prophet Muhammad and the Ṣaḥāba. Salafism as an intellectual current, theology, and methodological approach is transmitted through this can- on which serves not only as a vehicle for proselytization but also a rule- book through which the boundaries of what is and is not “Salafism” are determined by its adherents and leading authorities. The book’s analytical framework and approach toward understanding Salafism, which rests on seeing it as a textual tradition, runs counter to the popular but problematic tendency in much of the existing discussion and even scholarly literature on Salafism that defines it as a literalist, one-dimensional, and puritani- cal creed with a singular focus on the Qur’an and hadith canon. Salafis, Thurston argues, do not simply derive religious and legal rulings in linear fashion from the Qur’an and Prophetic Sunna but rather engage in a co- herent and uniform process of aligning today’s Salafi community with a set of normative practices and beliefs laid out by key Salafi scholars from the recent past. Thurston divides the emergence of a distinct “Salafi” current within Sunnis into two phases. The first stretches from 1880 to 1950, as Sun- ni scholars from around the Muslim-majority world whose approaches shared a common hadith-centered methodology came into closer contact. The second is from the 1960s through the present, as key Salafi institutions (such as the Islamic University of Medina and other Saudi Salafi bodies) were founded and began attracting and (perhaps most importantly) fund- ing and sponsoring Sunni students from countries such as Nigeria to come study in Saudi Arabia, where they were deeply embedded in the Salafi tra- dition before returning to their home countries where, in turn, they spread Salafism among local Muslims. Nigeria’s Muslim-majority north, as with other regions such as Yemen’s northern Sa‘ada governorate, proved to be a fertile ground for Salafism in large part because it enabled local Muslims from more humble social backgrounds to challenge the longtime domi- nance of hereditary ruling families and the established religious class. In northern Nigeria the latter was and continues to be dominated by Sufi or- ders and their shaykhs whose long-running claim to communal leadership faced new and substantive theological and resource challenges following the return of Nigerian seminary students from Saudi Arabia’s Salafi scho- lastic institutions in the 1990s and early 2000s. In Chapters Two and Three, Thurston traces the history of Nigerian and other African students in Saudi Arabia, which significantly expanded following the 1961 founding of the Islamic University of Medina (which remains the preeminent Salafi seminary and university in the world) and after active outreach across the Sunni Muslim world by the Saudi govern- ment and Salafi religious elite to attract students through lucrative funding and scholarship packages. The process of developing an African Salafism was not one-dimensional or imposed from the top-down by Saudi Salafi elites, but instead saw Nigerian and other African Salafi students partici- pate actively in shaping and theorizing Salafi da‘wa that took into account the specifics of each African country and Islamic religious and social envi- ronment. In Nigeria and other parts of West and East Africa, this included considering the historically dominant position of Sufi orders and popular practices such as devotion to saints and grave and shrine visitation. African and Saudi Salafis also forged relationships with local African partners, in- cluding powerful political figures such as Ahmadu Bello and his religious adviser Abubakar Gumi, by attracting them with the benefits of establishing ties with wealthy international Islamic organizations founded and backed by the Saudi state, including the Muslim World League. Nigerian Salafis returning from their studies in Saudi Arabia actively promoted their Salafi canon among local Muslims, waging an aggressive proselytization campaign that sought to chip away at the dominance of traditional political and religious elites, the Sufi shaykhs. This process is covered in Chapter Four. Drawing on key sets of legal and exegetical writ- ings by Ibn Taymiyya, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, and other Salafi scholars, Nigerian Salafis sought to introduce a framework—represented by the canon—through which their students and adherents approach re- ligious interpretation and practice. By mastering one’s understanding and ability to correctly interpret scripture and the hadith, Salafis believe, one will also live a more ethical life based on a core set of “Salafi” principles that govern not only religious but also political, social, and economic life. Salaf- ism, Thurston argues, drawing on the work of Terje Østebø on Ethiopian Salafism, becomes localized within a specific environment.As part of their da‘wa campaigns, Nigerian Salafis have utilized media and new technology to debate their rivals and critics as well as to broad- en their own influence over Nigerian Muslims and national society more broadly, actions analyzed in Chapter Five. Using the Internet, video and audio recorded sermons and religious lectures, books and pamphlets, and oral proselytization and preaching, Nigerian Salafis, like other Muslim ac- tivists and groups, see in media and technology an extension of the phys- ical infrastructure provided by institutions such as mosques and religious schools. This media/cyber infrastructure is as, if not increasingly more, valuable as the control of physical space because it allows for the rapid spread of ideas beyond what would have historically been possible for local religious preachers and missionaries. Instead of preaching political revo- lution, Nigerian Salafi activists sought to win greater access to the media including radio airtime because they believed this would ultimately lead to the triumph of their religious message despite the power of skeptical to downright hostile local audiences among the Sufi orders and non-Salafis dedicated to the Maliki juridical canon.In the realm of politics, the subject of Chapter Six, Nigeria’s Salafis base their political ideology on the core tenets of the Salafi creed and canon, tenets which cast Salafism as being not only the purest but the only true version of Islam, and require of Salafis to establish moral reform of a way- ward Muslim society. Salafi scholars seek to bring about social, political, and religious reform, which collectively represent a “return” to the Prophet Muhammad’s Islam, by speaking truth to power and advising and repri- manding, as necessary, Muslim political rulers. In navigating the multi-po- lar and complex realm of national and regional politics, Thurston argues, Nigerian Salafi scholars educated in Saudi Arabia unwittingly opened the door to cruder and more extreme, militant voices of figures lacking the same level of study of the Salafi canon or Sunni Islam generally. The most infamous of the latter is “Boko Haram,” the jihadi-insurgent group today based around Lake Chad in Nigeria, Chad, and Niger, which calls itself Jama‘at Ahl al-Sunna li-l-Da‘wa wa-l-Jihad and is led by the bombastic Abubakar Shekau. Boko Haram, under the leadership first of the revivalist preacher Mu- hammad Yusuf and then Shekau, is covered at length in the book’s third and final part, which is composed of two chapters. Yusuf, unlike mainstream Nigerian Salafis, sought to weaponize the Salafi canon against the state in- stead of using it as a tool to bring about desired reforms. Drawing on the writings of influential Arab jihadi ideologues including Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi and the apocalyptic revolutionary Juhayman al-‘Utaybi, the lat- ter of whom participated in the 1979 seizure of the Grand Mosque in Mecca, Yusuf cited key Salafi concepts such as al-walā’ min al-mu’minīn wa-l-bara’ ‘an al-kāfirīn (loyalty to the Believers and disavowal of the Disbelievers) and beliefs about absolute monotheism (tawḥīd) as the basis of his revival- ist preaching. Based on these principle, he claimed, Muslims must not only fulfill their ritual duties such as prayer and fasting during Ramadan but also actively fight “unbelief” (kufr) and “apostasy” (ridda) and bring about God’s rule on earth, following the correct path of the community of the Prophet Abraham (Millat Ibrāhīm) referenced in multiple Qur’anic verses and outlined as a theological project for action by al-Maqdisi in a lengthy book of that name that has had a profound influence on the formation of modern Sunni jihadism. Instead of seeing Boko Haram, particularly under Shekau’s leadership, as a “Salafi” or “jihadi-Salafi” group, Thurston argues it is a case study of how a group that at one point in its history adhered to Salafism can move away from and beyond it. In the case of Shekau and his “post-Salafism,” he writes, the group, like Islamic State, has shifted away from the Salafi canon and toward a jihadism that uses only stripped-down elements from the canon and does so solely to propagate a militaristic form of jihad. Even when referencing historical religious authorities such as Ibn Taymiyya, Thurston points out, Boko Haram and Islamic State leaders and members often do so through the lens of modern Sunni jihadi ideologues like Juhay- man al-‘Utaybi, al-Maqdisi, and Abu Mus‘ab al-Zarqawi, figures who have come to form a Sunni jihadi canon of texts, intellectuals, and ideologues. Shekau, in short, has given up canonical Salafism and moved toward a more bombastic and scholastically more heterodox and less-Salafi-than- jihadi creed of political violence. Thurston also pushes back against the often crude stereotyping of Af- rican Islamic traditions and movements that sees African Muslims as being defined by their “syncretic” mix of traditional African religious traditions and “orthodox” Islam, the latter usually a stand-in for “Arab” and “Middle Eastern” Islam. Islam and Islamic movements in Africa have developed in social and political environments that are not mirrors to the dominant models of the Arab world (in particular, Egypt). He convincingly points out that analysis of all forms of African Islamic social and political mobi- lization through a Middle East and Egypt-heavy lens obscures much more than it elucidates. The book includes useful glossaries of key individuals and Arabic terms referenced in the text as well as a translation of a sermon by the late, revered Salafi scholar Muhammad Nasir al-Din al-Albani that is part of the mainstream Salafi canon. Extensive in its coverage of the his- tory, evolution, and sociopolitical and religious development of Salafism in Nigeria as well as the key role played by Saudi Salafi universities and religious institutions and quasi-state NGOs, the book expands the schol- arly literature on Salafism, Islam in Africa, and political Islam and Islamic social movements. It also contributing to ongoing debates and discussions on approaches to the study of the role of texts and textual traditions in the formation of individual and communal religious identity. Christopher AnzaloneResearch Fellow, International Security ProgramBelfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University& PhD candidate, Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University

IntroductionThere are two types of Africa. The first is a place where people and cultures live. The second is the image of Africa that has been invented through colonial knowledge and power. The colonial image of Africa, as the Other of Europe, a land “enveloped in the dark mantle of night” was supported by western states as it justified their colonial practices (Hegel 91). Any evidence that challenged the myth of the Dark Continent was destroyed, removed or ignored. While the looting of African natural resources has been studied, the looting of African knowledges hasn’t received as much attention, partly based on the assumption that Africans did not produce knowledge that could be stolen. This article invalidates this myth by examining the legacy of Ethiopia’s indigenous Ge’ez literature, and its looting and abduction by powerful western agents. The article argues that this has resulted in epistemic violence, where students of the Ethiopian indigenous education system do not have access to their books, while European orientalists use them to interpret Ethiopian history and philosophy using a foreign lens. The analysis is based on interviews with teachers and students of ten Ge’ez schools in Ethiopia, and trips to the Ethiopian manuscript collections in The British Library, The Princeton Library, the Institute of Ethiopian Studies and The National Archives in Addis Ababa.The Context of Ethiopian Indigenous KnowledgesGe’ez is one of the ancient languages of Africa. According to Professor Ephraim Isaac, “about 10,000 years ago, one single nation or community of a single linguistic group existed in Ethiopia, Eritrea, and the Horn of Africa” (The Habesha). The language of this group is known as Proto-Afroasiatic or Afrasian languages. It is the ancestor of the Semitic, Cushitic, Nilotic, Omotic and other languages that are currently spoken in Ethiopia by its 80 ethnic groups, and the neighbouring countries (Diakonoff). Ethiopians developed the Ge’ez language as their lingua franca with its own writing system some 2000 years ago. Currently, Ge’ez is the language of academic scholarship, studied through the traditional education system (Isaac, The Ethiopian). Since the fourth century, an estimated 1 million Ge’ez manuscripts have been written, covering religious, historical, mathematical, medicinal, and philosophical texts.One of the most famous Ge’ez manuscripts is the Kebra Nagast, a foundational text that embodied the indigenous conception of nationhood in Ethiopia. The philosophical, political and religious themes in this book, which craft Ethiopia as God’s country and the home of the Ark of the Covenant, contributed to the country’s success in defending itself from European colonialism. The production of books like the Kebra Nagast went hand in hand with a robust indigenous education system that trained poets, scribes, judges, artists, administrators and priests. Achieving the highest stages of learning requires about 30 years after which the scholar would be given the rare title Arat-Ayina, which means “four eyed”, a person with the ability to see the past as well as the future. Today, there are around 50,000 Ge’ez schools across the country, most of which are in rural villages and churches.Ge’ez manuscripts are important textbooks and reference materials for students. They are carefully prepared from vellum “to make them last forever” (interview, 3 Oct. 2019). Some of the religious books are regarded as “holy persons who breathe wisdom that gives light and food to the human soul”. Other manuscripts, often prepared as scrolls are used for medicinal purposes. Each manuscript is uniquely prepared reflecting inherited wisdom on contemporary lives using the method called Tirguamme, the act of giving meaning to sacred texts. Preparation of books is costly. Smaller manuscript require the skins of 50-70 goats/sheep and large manuscript needed 100-120 goats/sheep (Tefera).The Loss of Ethiopian ManuscriptsSince the 18th century, a large quantity of these manuscripts have been stolen, looted, or smuggled out of the country by travellers who came to the country as explorers, diplomats and scientists. The total number of Ethiopian manuscripts taken is still unknown. Amsalu Tefera counted 6928 Ethiopian manuscripts currently held in foreign libraries and museums. This figure does not include privately held or unofficial collections (41).Looting and smuggling were sponsored by western governments, institutions, and notable individuals. For example, in 1868, The British Museum Acting Director Richard Holms joined the British army which was sent to ‘rescue’ British hostages at Maqdala, the capital of Emperor Tewodros. Holms’ mission was to bring treasures for the Museum. Before the battle, Tewodros had established the Medhanialem library with more than 1000 manuscripts as part of Ethiopia’s “industrial revolution”. When Tewodros lost the war and committed suicide, British soldiers looted the capital, including the treasury and the library. They needed 200 mules and 15 elephants to transport the loot and “set fire to all buildings so that no trace was left of the edifices which once housed the manuscripts” (Rita Pankhurst 224). Richard Holmes collected 356 manuscripts for the Museum. A wealthy British woman called Lady Meux acquired some of the most illuminated manuscripts. In her will, she bequeathed them to be returned to Ethiopia. However, her will was reversed by court due to a campaign from the British press (Richard Pankhurst). In 2018, the V&A Museum in London displayed some of the treasures by incorporating Maqdala into the imperial narrative of Britain (Woldeyes, Reflections).Britain is by no means the only country to seek Ethiopian manuscripts for their collections. Smuggling occurred in the name of science, an act of collecting manuscripts for study. Looting involved local collaborators and powerful foreign sponsors from places like France, Germany and the Vatican. Like Maqdala, this was often sponsored by governments or powerful financers. For example, the French government sponsored the Dakar-Djibouti Mission led by Marcel Griaule, which “brought back about 350 manuscripts and scrolls from Gondar” (Wion 2). It was often claimed that these manuscripts were purchased, rather than looted. Johannes Flemming of Germany was said to have purchased 70 manuscripts and ten scrolls for the Royal Library of Berlin in 1905. However, there was no local market for buying manuscripts. Ge’ez manuscripts were, and still are, written to serve spiritual and secular life in Ethiopia, not for buying and selling. There are countless other examples, but space limits how many can be provided in this article. What is important to note is that museums and libraries have accrued impressive collections without emphasising how those collections were first obtained. The loss of the intellectual heritage of Ethiopians to western collectors has had an enormous impact on the country.Knowledge Grabbing: The Denial of Access to KnowledgeWith so many manuscripts lost, European collectors became the narrators of Ethiopian knowledge and history. Edward Ullendorff, a known orientalist in Ethiopian studies, refers to James Bruce as “the explorer of Abyssinia” (114). Ullendorff commented on the significance of Bruce’s travel to Ethiopia asperhaps the most important aspect of Bruce’s travels was the collection of Ethiopic manuscripts… . They opened up entirely new vistas for the study of Ethiopian languages and placed this branch of Oriental scholarship on a much more secure basis. It is not known how many MSS. reached Europe through his endeavours, but the present writer is aware of at least twenty-seven, all of which are exquisite examples of Ethiopian manuscript art. (133)This quote encompasses three major ways in which epistemic violence occurs: denial of access to knowledge, Eurocentric interpretation of Ethiopian manuscripts, and the handling of Ge’ez manuscripts as artefacts from the past. These will be discussed below.Western ‘travellers’, such as Bruce, did not fully disclose how many manuscripts they took or how they acquired them. The abundance of Ethiopian manuscripts in western institutions can be compared to the scarcity of such materials among traditional schools in Ethiopia. In this research, I have visited ten indigenous schools in Wollo (Lalibela, Neakutoleab, Asheten, Wadla), in Gondar (Bahita, Kuskwam, Menbere Mengist), and Gojam (Bahirdar, Selam Argiew Maryam, Giorgis). In all of the schools, there is lack of Ge’ez manuscripts. Students often come from rural villages and do not receive any government support. The scarcity of Ge’ez manuscripts, and the lack of funding which might allow for the purchasing of books, means the students depend mainly on memorising Ge’ez texts told to them from the mouth of their teacher. Although this method of learning is not new, it currently is the only way for passing indigenous knowledges across generations.The absence of manuscripts is most strongly felt in the advanced schools. For instance, in the school of Qene, poetic literature is created through an in-depth study of the vocabulary and grammar of Ge’ez. A Qene student is required to develop a deep knowledge of Ge’ez in order to understand ancient and medieval Ge’ez texts which are used to produce poetry with multiple meanings. Without Ge’ez manuscripts, students cannot draw their creative works from the broad intellectual tradition of their ancestors. When asked how students gain access to textbooks, one student commented:we don’t have access to Birana books (Ge’ez manuscripts written on vellum). We cannot learn the ancient wisdom of painting, writing, and computing developed by our ancestors. We simply buy paper books such as Dawit (Psalms), Sewasew (grammar) or Degwa (book of songs with notations) and depend on our teachers to teach us the rest. We also lend these books to each other as many students cannot afford to buy them. Without textbooks, we expect to spend double the amount of time it would take if we had textbooks. (Interview, 3 Sep. 2019)Many students interrupt their studies and work as labourers to save up and buy paper textbooks, but they still don’t have access to the finest works taken to Europe. Most Ge’ez manuscripts remaining in Ethiopia are locked away in monasteries, church stores or other places to prevent further looting. The manuscripts in Addis Ababa University and the National Archives are available for researchers but not to the students of the indigenous system, creating a condition of internal knowledge grabbing.While the absence of Ge’ez manuscripts denied, and continues to deny, Ethiopians the chance to enrich their indigenous education, it benefited western orientalists to garner intellectual authority on the field of Ethiopian studies. In 1981, British Museum Director John Wilson said, “our Abyssinian holdings are more important than our Indian collection” (Bell 231). In reaction, Richard Pankhurst, the Director of Ethiopian Studies in Addis Ababa, responded that the collection was acquired through plunder. Defending the retaining of Maqdala manuscripts in Europe, Ullendorff wrote:neither Dr. Pankhurst nor the Ethiopian and western scholars who have worked on this collection (and indeed on others in Europe) could have contributed so significantly to the elucidation of Ethiopian history without the rich resources available in this country. Had they remained insitu, none of this would have been possible. (Qtd. in Bell 234)The manuscripts are therefore valued based on their contribution to western scholarship only. This is a continuation of epistemic violence whereby local knowledges are used as raw materials to produce Eurocentric knowledge, which in turn is used to teach Africans as though they had no prior knowledge. Scholars are defined as those western educated persons who can speak European languages and can travel to modern institutions to access the manuscripts. Knowledge grabbing regards previous owners as inexistent or irrelevant for the use of the grabbed knowledges.Knowledge grabbing also means indigenous scholars are deprived of critical resources to produce new knowledge based on their intellectual heritage. A Qene teacher commented: our students could not devote their time and energy to produce new knowledges in the same way our ancestors did. We have the tradition of Madeladel, Kimera, Kuteta, Mielad, Qene and tirguamme where students develop their own system of remembering, reinterpreting, practicing, and rewriting previous manuscripts and current ones. Without access to older manuscripts, we increasingly depend on preserving what is being taught orally by elders. (Interview, 4 Sep. 2019)This point is important as it relates to the common myth that indigenous knowledges are artefacts belonging to the past, not the present. There are millions of people who still use these knowledges, but the conditions necessary for their reproduction and improvement is denied through knowledge grabbing. The view of Ge’ez manuscripts as artefacts dismisses the Ethiopian view that Birana manuscripts are living persons. As a scholar told me in Gondar, “they are creations of Egziabher (God), like all of us. Keeping them in institutions is like keeping living bodies in graveyards” (interview, 5 Oct. 2019).Recently, the collection of Ethiopian manuscripts by western institutions has also been conducted digitally. Thousands of manuscripts have been microfilmed or digitised. For example, the EU funded Ethio-SPaRe project resulted in the digital collection of 2000 Ethiopian manuscripts (Nosnitsin). While digitisation promises better access for people who may not be able to visit institutions to see physical copies, online manuscripts are not accessible to indigenous school students in Ethiopia. They simply do not have computer or internet access and the manuscripts are catalogued in European languages. Both physical and digital knowledge grabbing results in the robbing of Ethiopian intellectual heritage, and denies the possibility of such manuscripts being used to inform local scholarship. Epistemic Violence: The European as ExpertWhen considered in relation to stolen or appropriated manuscripts, epistemic violence is the way in which local knowledge is interpreted using a foreign epistemology and gained dominance over indigenous worldviews. European scholars have monopolised the field of Ethiopian Studies by producing books, encyclopaedias and digital archives based on Ethiopian manuscripts, almost exclusively in European languages. The contributions of their work for western scholarship is undeniable. However, Kebede argues that one of the detrimental effects of this orientalist literature is the thesis of Semiticisation, the designation of the origin of Ethiopian civilisation to the arrival of Middle Eastern colonisers rather than indigenous sources.The thesis is invented to make the history of Ethiopia consistent with the Hegelian western view that Africa is a Dark Continent devoid of a civilisation of its own. “In light of the dominant belief that black peoples are incapable of great achievements, the existence of an early and highly advanced civilization constitutes a serious anomaly in the Eurocentric construction of the world” (Kebede 4). To address this anomaly, orientalists like Ludolph attributed the origin of Ethiopia’s writing system, agriculture, literature, and civilisation to the arrival of South Arabian settlers. For example, in his translation of the Kebra Nagast, Budge wrote: “the SEMITES found them [indigenous Ethiopians] negro savages, and taught them civilization and culture and the whole scriptures on which their whole literature is based” (x).In line with the above thesis, Dillman wrote that “the Abyssinians borrowed their Numerical Signs from the Greeks” (33). The views of these orientalist scholars have been challenged. For instance, leading scholar of Semitic languages Professor Ephraim Isaac considers the thesis of the Arabian origin of Ethiopian civilization “a Hegelian Eurocentric philosophical perspective of history” (2). Isaac shows that there is historical, archaeological, and linguistic evidence that suggest Ethiopia to be more advanced than South Arabia from pre-historic times. Various Ethiopian sources including the Kebra Nagast, the works of historian Asres Yenesew, and Ethiopian linguist Girma Demeke provide evidence for the indigenous origin of Ethiopian civilisation and languages.The epistemic violence of the Semeticisation thesis lies in how this Eurocentric ideological construction is the dominant narrative in the field of Ethiopian history and the education system. Unlike the indigenous view, the orientalist view is backed by strong institutional power both in Ethiopia and abroad. The orientalists control the field of Ethiopian studies and have access to Ge’ez manuscripts. Their publications are the only references for Ethiopian students. Due to Native Colonialism, a system of power run by native elites through the use of colonial ideas and practices (Woldeyes), the education system is the imitation of western curricula, including English as a medium of instruction from high school onwards. Students study the west more than Ethiopia. Indigenous sources are generally excluded as unscientific. Only the Eurocentric interpretation of Ethiopian manuscripts is regarded as scientific and objective.ConclusionEthiopia is the only African country never to be colonised. In its history it produced a large quantity of manuscripts in the Ge’ez language through an indigenous education system that involves the study of these manuscripts. Since the 19th century, there has been an ongoing loss of these manuscripts. European travellers who came to Ethiopia as discoverers, missionaries and scholars took a large number of manuscripts. The Battle of Maqdala involved the looting of the intellectual products of Ethiopia that were collected at the capital. With the introduction of western education and use of English as a medium of instruction, the state disregarded indigenous schools whose students have little access to the manuscripts. This article brings the issue of knowledge grapping, a situation whereby European institutions and scholars accumulate Ethiopia manuscripts without providing the students in Ethiopia to have access to those collections.Items such as manuscripts that are held in western institutions are not dead artefacts of the past to be preserved for prosperity. They are living sources of knowledge that should be put to use in their intended contexts. Local Ethiopian scholars cannot study ancient and medieval Ethiopia without travelling and gaining access to western institutions. This lack of access and resources has made European Ethiopianists almost the sole producers of knowledge about Ethiopian history and culture. For example, indigenous sources and critical research that challenge the Semeticisation thesis are rarely available to Ethiopian students. Here we see epistemic violence in action. Western control over knowledge production has the detrimental effect of inventing new identities, subjectivities and histories that translate into material effects in the lives of African people. In this way, Ethiopians and people all over Africa internalise western understandings of themselves and their history as primitive and in need of development or outside intervention. African’s intellectual and cultural heritage, these living bodies locked away in graveyards, must be put back into the hands of Africans.AcknowledgementThe author acknowledges the support of the Australian Academy of the Humanities' 2019 Humanities Travelling Fellowship Award in conducting this research.ReferencesBell, Stephen. “Cultural Treasures Looted from Maqdala: A Summary of Correspondence in British National Newspapers since 1981.” Kasa and Kasa. Eds. Tadesse Beyene, Richard Pankhurst, and Shifereraw Bekele. Addis Ababa: Ababa University Book Centre, 1990. 231-246.Budge, Wallis. A History of Ethiopia, Nubia and Abyssinia. London: Methuen and Co, 1982.Demeke, Girma Awgichew. The Origin of Amharic. Trenton: Red Sea Press, 2013.Diakonoff, Igor M. Afrasian Languages. Moscow: Nauka, 1988.Dillmann, August. Ethiopic Grammar. Eugene: Wipf & Stock, 2005.Hegel, Georg W.F. The Philosophy of History. New York: Dover, 1956.Isaac, Ephraim. The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church. New Jersey: Red Sea Press, 2013.———. “An Open Letter to an Inquisitive Ethiopian Sister.” The Habesha, 2013. 1 Feb. 2020 <http://www.zehabesha.com/an-open-letter-to-an-inquisitive-young-ethiopian-sister-ethiopian-history-is-not-three-thousand-years/>.Kebra Nagast. "The Queen of Sheba and Her Only Son Menyelik I." Trans. Wallis Budge. London: Oxford UP, 1932.Pankhurst, Richard. "The Napier Expedition and the Loot Form Maqdala." Presence Africaine 133-4 (1985): 233-40.Pankhurst, Rita. "The Maqdala Library of Tewodros." Kasa and Kasa. Eds. Tadesse Beyene, Richard Pankhurst, and Shifereraw Bekele. Addis Ababa: Ababa University Book Centre, 1990. 223-230.Tefera, Amsalu. ነቅዐ መጻህፍት ከ መቶ በላይ በግዕዝ የተጻፉ የእኢትዮጵያ መጻህፍት ዝርዝር ከማብራሪያ ጋር።. Addis Ababa: Jajaw, 2019.Nosnitsin, Denis. "Ethio-Spare Cultural Heritage of Christian Ethiopia: Salvation, Preservation and Research." 2010. 5 Jan. 2019 <https://www.aai.uni-hamburg.de/en/ethiostudies/research/ethiospare/missions/pdf/report2010-1.pdf>. Ullendorff, Edward. "James Bruce of Kinnaird." The Scottish Historical Review 32.114, part 2 (1953): 128-43.Wion, Anaïs. "Collecting Manuscripts and Scrolls in Ethiopia: The Missions of Johannes Flemming (1905) and Enno Littmann (1906)." 2012. 5 Jan. 2019 <https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00524382/document>. Woldeyes, Yirga Gelaw. Native Colonialism: Education and the Economy of Violence against Traditions in Ethiopia. Trenton: Red Sea Press, 2017.———. “Reflections on Ethiopia’s Stolen Treasures on Display in a London Museum.” The Conversation. 2018. 5 June 2018 <https://theconversation.com/reflections-on-ethiopias-stolen-treasures-on-display-in-a-london-museum-97346>.Yenesew, Asres. ትቤ፡አክሱም፡መኑ፡ አንተ? Addis Ababa: Nigid Printing House, 1959 [1951 EC].

Abstract Background The Pain Self-Efficacy Questionnaire (PSEQ) is a valid and reliable instrument that evaluates pain self-efficacy beliefs in people with pain conditions. However, it has not been validated and used in Ethiopia. We conducted this study to translate, adapt, and test the psychometric properties of the PSEQ in the Amharic language and Ethiopian context for its use with people experiencing low back pain (LBP). Methods The PSEQ was translated into Amharic and then back-translated into English. An expert review committee created a final Amharic version of the tool (PSEQ-Am), followed by pilot testing and cognitive debriefing with a sample of 20 people with LBP. The psychometric properties of the final version of PSEQ-Am were assessed in a sample of 240 people with LBP recruited from three rehabilitation centers in Ethiopia. Cronbach’s alpha and Intra-class correlation coefficient were calculated to describe the reliability and internal consistency of the tool. The SF-36-Am bodily pain subscale was used to assess convergent validity. Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) and Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) were performed to determine the dimensionality of the instrument. Results PSEQ-Am demonstrated excellent test-retest reliability (ICC = 0.93) and internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.91). As hypothesized, the tool demonstrated a significant moderate correlation with the Bodily Pain subscale of the SF-36-Am (Rho = 0.51, p < 0.01). EFA analysis shows that the Amharic version of PSEQ is a dominant one factor and secondary two factor structure. Conclusion This study shows that PSEQ-Am is a reliable and valid tool that can be used in both clinical practice and research in the Ethiopian low back pain population.

AbstractA survey for species of the genus Trichoderma occurring as endophytes of Coffea, and as mycoparasites of coffee rusts (Hemileia), was undertaken in Africa; concentrating on Cameroon and Ethiopia. Ninety-four isolates of Trichoderma were obtained during this study: 76 as endophytes of healthy leaves, stems and berries and, 18 directly from colonized rust pustules. A phylogenetic analysis of all isolates used a combination of three genes: translation elongation factor-1α (tef1), rpb2 and cal for selected isolates. GCPSR criteria were used for the recognition of species; supported by morphological and cultural characters. The results reveal a previously unrecorded diversity of Trichoderma species endophytic in both wild and cultivated Coffea, and mycoparasitic on Hemileia rusts. Sixteen species were delimited, including four novel taxa which are described herein: T. botryosum, T. caeruloviride, T. lentissimum and T. pseudopyramidale. Two of these new species, T. botryosum and T. pseudopyramidale, constituted over 60% of the total isolations, predominantly from wild C. arabica in Ethiopian cloud forest. In sharp contrast, not a single isolate of Trichoderma was obtained using the same isolation protocol during a survey of coffee in four Brazilian states, suggesting the existence of a ‘Trichoderma void’ in the endophyte mycobiota of coffee outside of Africa. The potential use of these African Trichoderma isolates in classical biological control, either as endophytic bodyguards—to protect coffee plants from Hemileia vastatrix, the fungus causing coffee leaf rust (CLR)—or to reduce its impact through mycoparasitism, is discussed, with reference to the on-going CLR crisis in Central America.

Abstract Background Adapting and translating already developed tools to different cultures is a complex process, but once done, it increases the validity of the construct to be measured. This study aimed to assess the 12 items WHODAS-2 and test its psychometric properties among road traffic injury victims in Ethiopia. This study aimed to translate the 12 items WHODAS- 2 interview-based tools into Amharic and examine the psychometric properties of the new version among road traffic injury victims. Methods The 12 items WHODAS 2 was first translated into Amharic by two experts. Back translation was done by two English experts. A group of experts reviewed the forward and backward translation. A total of 240 patients with road traffic injury completed the questionnaires at three selected Hospitals in Amhara Regional State. Internal consistency was; assessed using Chronbach’s alpha, convergent, and divergent validity, which were; tested via factor analysis. Confirmatory factor analysis (CFA); was computed, and the model fit; was examined. Results The translated Amharic version 12 –items WHODAS-2 showed that good cross-cultural adaptation and internal consistency (Chronbach’s α =0.88). The six factor structure best fits data (model fitness indices; CFI = 0.962, RMSEA = 0.042, RMR = 0.072, GFI = 0.961, chi-square value/degree of freedom = 1.42, TLI = 0.935 and PCLOSE = 0.68). Our analysis showed that from the six domains, mobility is the dominant factor explaining 95% of variability in disability. Conclusion The 12 items interview-based Amharic version WHODAS-2; showed good cultural adaptation at three different settings of Amhara Regional State and can be used to measure dis-ability following a road traffic injury.

Following the implementation of ethnic federalism in 1995, for the first time, government officials have been appointed from among the various ethnic groups rather than being only drawn from the central Ethiopian highlands. As such, they carry the responsibility of mediating and translating between two rather different worlds and value systems: those of the state and state law and those of the local population, many of whom continue to widely apply customary law. Many of these native government officials find themselves in a normative dilemma, as they have to balance the, often contradictory, expectations of the government and the local population.

Abstract Background The Collaboration for Evidence-based Healthcare and Public Health in Africa (CEBHA+) is an NCD research consortium that seeks to engage policy-makers and practitioners throughout the research process in order to build lasting relationships, enhance evidence uptake and build long-term capacity among partner institutions in Ethiopia, Malawi, Rwanda, South Africa and Uganda. This integrated knowledge translation (IKT) approach includes the formal development and implementation of country-specific engagement strategies. Methods An early-stage evaluation is taking place in Mid-2020. Online surveys and qualitative interviews with researchers and policy-and-practice partners will inform adaptation of country-specific strategies, advance the initial programme theory and contribute to the science of IKT. Results We present three pertinent observations based on the development and implementation of an overarching CEBHA+ IKT approach and five country-specific strategies over the last two years: Despite being informed by an overarching IKT programme theory, the site-specific strategies and resulting partnerships vary markedly, representing the whole continuum of integrated knowledge translation.The diversity of approaches is due to different understandings of IKT, discontinuity of staff, lack of IKT training, and perceptions of usefulness (compared to ongoing research activities) among CEBHA+ researchers.The individual, dynamic and often pre-existing relationships of researchers and partners from policy and practice are central to IKT, but capturing these within the programme theory and monitoring them remains challenging. Conclusions These observations are useful to guide further evaluation and cross-country comparison. Close examination of relationships and conceptualisation of IKT as a continuum may provide valuable insights into the circumstances that make IKT efforts worthwhile. Key messages Translating evidence into policy and practice is reliant on partnerships between researchers and policy-and-practice partners. These can be formalised but the relationships remain complex and dynamic.

Abstract Background Malaria programmes in countries with low transmission levels require evidence to optimize deployment of current and new tools to reach elimination with limited resources. Recent pilots of elimination strategies in Ethiopia, Senegal, and Zambia produced evidence of their epidemiological impacts and costs. There is a need to generalize these findings to different epidemiological and health systems contexts. Methods Drawing on experience of implementing partners, operational documents and costing studies from these pilots, reference scenarios were defined for rapid reporting (RR), reactive case detection (RACD), mass drug administration (MDA), and in-door residual spraying (IRS). These generalized interventions from their trial implementation to one typical of programmatic delivery. In doing so, resource use due to interventions was isolated from research activities and was related to the pilot setting. Costing models developed around this reference implementation, standardized the scope of resources costed, the valuation of resource use, and the setting in which interventions were evaluated. Sensitivity analyses were used to inform generalizability of the estimates and model assumptions. Results Populated with local prices and resource use from the pilots, the models yielded an average annual economic cost per capita of $0.18 for RR, $0.75 for RACD, $4.28 for MDA (two rounds), and $1.79 for IRS (one round, 50% households). Intervention design and resource use at service delivery were key drivers of variation in costs of RR, MDA, and RACD. Scale was the most important parameter for IRS. Overall price level was a minor contributor, except for MDA where drugs accounted for 70% of the cost. The analyses showed that at implementation scales comparable to health facility catchment area, systematic correlations between model inputs characterizing implementation and setting produce large gradients in costs. Conclusions Prospective costing models are powerful tools to explore resource and cost implications of policy alternatives. By formalizing translation of operational data into an estimate of intervention cost, these models provide the methodological infrastructure to strengthen capacity gap for economic evaluation in endemic countries. The value of this approach for decision-making is enhanced when primary cost data collection is designed to enable analysis of the efficiency of operational inputs in relation to features of the trial or the setting, thus facilitating transferability.

Abstract Quantitative survey findings are important in measuring health-related phenomena, including on sensitive topics such as respectful maternity care (RMC). But how well do survey results truly capture respondent experiences and opinions? Quantitative tool development and piloting often involve translating questions from other settings and assessing the mechanics of implementation, which fails to deeply explore how respondents understand survey questions and response options. To address this gap, we conducted cognitive interviews on survey questions (n = 88) adapted from validated RMC instruments used in Ethiopia, Kenya and elsewhere in India. Cognitive interviews with rural women (n = 21) in Madhya Pradesh, India involved asking the respondent the survey question, recording her response, then interviewing her about what the question and response options meant to her. We analysed the interviews to revise the tool and identify question failures, which we grouped into six areas: issues with sequencing, length and sensitivity; problematic response options; inappropriate vocabulary; temporal and spatial confusion; accessing different cognitive domains; and failure to resonate with the respondent’s worldview and reality. Although women tended to provide initial answers to the survey questions, cognitive interviews revealed widespread mismatch between respondent interpretation and question intent. Likert scale response options were generally incomprehensible and questions involving hypothetical scenarios could be interpreted in unexpected ways. Many key terms and concepts from the international RMC literature did not translate well and showed low resonance with respondents, including consent and being involved in decisions about one’s care. This study highlights the threat to data quality and the validity of findings when translating quantitative surveys between languages and cultures and showcases the value of cognitive interviews in identifying question failures. While survey tool revision can address many of these issues, further critical discussion is needed on the use of standardized questions to assess the same domains across contexts.

AbstractKabi-Gebro locality of Gundomeskel area is located within the Abay Basin at Dera District of North Shewa Zone in the Central highland of Ethiopia and it is about 320Km from Addis Ababa. This is characterized by undulating topography, intense rainfall, active erosion and highly cultivated area. Geologically, it comprises weathered sedimentary and volcanic rocks. Active landslides damaged the gravel road, houses and agricultural land. The main objective of this research is to prepare the landslide susceptibility map using GIS-based Weights of Evidence model. Based on detailed field assessment and Google Earth image interpretation, 514 landslides were identified and classified randomly into training landslides (80%) and validation landslides (20%). The most common types of landslides in the study area include earth slide (rotational and translational slide), debris slide, debris flow, rock fall, topple, rock slide, creep and complex. Nine landslide causative factors such as lithology, slope, aspect, curvature, land use/land cover, distance to stream, distance to lineament, distance to spring and rainfall were used to prepare a landslide susceptibility map of the study area by adding the weights of contrast values of these causative factors using a rater calculator of the spatial analyst tool in ArcGIS. The final landslide susceptibility map was reclassified as very low, low, moderate, high and very high susceptibility classes. This susceptibility map was validated using landslide density index and area under the curve (AUC). The result from this model validation showed a success rate and a validation rate accuracy of 82.4% and 83.4% respectively. Finally, implementing afforestation strategies on bare land, constructing surface drainage channels & ditches, providing engineering reinforcements such as gabion walls, retaining walls, anchors and bolts whenever necessary and prohibiting hazardous zones can be recommended in order to lessen the impact of landslides in this area.

Abstract The pastoral systems of Eastern Africa have been affected by the alternated incidence of recurrent drought and flood for the last decades, aggravating poverty and local conflicts. We have introduced an innovation to convert floods to productive use using water spreading weirs (WSW) as an entry point to capture and spread the torrential flood emerging in the neighboring highlands into rangelands and crop fields of low-lying pastoral systems in Afar, Ethiopia. The productivity and landscape feature have changed from an abandoned field to a productive landscape within 3 years of intervention. The flood patterns and sediment loads created at least four different crop management zones and productivity levels. Based on moisture and nutrient regimes, we developed land suitability maps for integrating crops and forages fitting to specific niches. The outcome was a fast recovery of landscapes, with 150% biomass yield increment, increased access to dry season feed and food. These positive outcomes could be attributed to the proper design of weirs, joint planning and execution between pastoralists, researchers and development agents, identification and availing best-fitting varieties for each management zone and developing simple GIS-based parcel level maps to guide development agents and pastoralists. The major ‘agents’ were community leaders (‘Kedoh Abbobati’) who keenly debated potential benefits and drawbacks of innovations, enforced customary rules and byelaw and suggested changes in approaches and choices of interventions. In general, an innovation system approach helped to create local confidence, attract attention of government institutions and helped local actors to identify investment areas, develop implementation strategies to increase productivity, define changes as it occurs and minimize conflicts between competing communities. However, the risk of de facto use of a plot of communal land translating into long-term occupation and ownership may be impacting a communal territory and social cohesion that was subject to other collective choice customary rules.