Relevant bibliographies by topics / Translations into Occitan

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Translations into Occitan'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 26 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Translations into Occitan"

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Harris, Marvyn Roy. "Prolégomènes à l'histoire textuelle du Rituel cathare occitan." Heresis 6, no. 1 (1986): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/heres.1986.2116.

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There is a need to rectify certain mistaken notions propagated in recent years concerning the textual traditions of the Occitan Catharist Ritual and the New Testament found in MS PA 36 of the Bibliothèque municipale of Lyon. Without doubt, the manuscript was not copied prior to the midthirteenth century, and in all probability, not before 1280. The New Testament is a copy of an earlier Occitan model. Though we cannot know the number of copies which might have intervened between the original Occitan translation and the Lyon copy, Samuel Berger was probably correct in assuming that it is a direct copy from the original translation. Was the Occitan Ritual originally written in that language, or was it translated from a latin model related to the Latin Rituel published by Christine Thouzellier ? Nothing in the latter, written down in Italy prior to 1235-1240, supports A. Borst's thesis that it was translated from an Occitan version. The ceremonies contained in both the Occitan and Latin rituals were certainly administered in the spoken languages of the recipients. The Latin version was never intented to be administered in that language. It is possibly a model in an international language which could have been read, even translated, by an educated Cathar, whether a speaker of Italian or Occitan. The presence in the Occitan Ritual of a collection of liturgical recitations in Latin points to the obligatory use of certain Latin texts, e.g., the Lord's Prayer and John 1 : 1-17, and invocations during the various ceremonies. The presence there of these Latin passages does not furnish an argument for the Ritual having been originally written in Occitan, since a translator using a Latin model, and knowing that practice, would not have translated these into Occitan. The quality of the Latin in the Occitan Ritual reflects the oral transmission of persons not accustomed to the use of Latin. While certainly not translated from the Latin Ritual that we know, the Occitan version contains linguistic evidence that it was translated from a Latin model with phrasing closely related to our only known Latin version. The Latin tradition of the Occitan Ritual is certainly much older than the copy which we have of it, possibly going back to the late twelfth or early thirteenth century, as supposed by Christine Thouzellier. The smoothness of the Occitan text, with respect to the language of the Occitan New Testament in the same codex, shows that the translation incorporated a living phraseology. The language, as well as that of the accompanying New Testament, shows the undeniable imprint of the Occitan spoken in the former county of Foix (Ariège) and the neighboring areas of the old province of Bas Languedoc to the south of Toulouse and in western Aude. Nevertheless, one finds in the Ritual certain forms which appear to be either Italia-nisms or traits from the medieval Occitan-speaking area of the Cottian Alps, e.g. andam for excep¬ ted anam. This fact raises the possibility for the Occitan Ritual of a model written in a dialect from one of those areas. One can envisage also the possibility that a Fuxean or Languedocian, belonging to an expatriate group of Cathars, could have translated it from a Latin model. The Occitan Ritual contains thirty-two biblical quotations, only one of which is from the Old Testament. The New Testament quotations belong to a textual tradition which Berger identified a century ago, dubbing it the "Languedocian version". The best Latin versions come from the areas of Carcassonne, Narbonne, and the Pyrenees, hence the name. The New Testament of MS PA 36 and the five representatives of the Waldensian tradition belong to that tradition as do the two manuscripts containing the earliest German New Testament. The doubts expressed by Christine Thouzellier concerning the existence of Berger's Languedocian version are unwarranted and even detrimental to the advancement of Occitan biblical studies if they discourage scholars from making use of the texts belonging to that tradition. This is especially true for editors seeking to establish the texts of the Old Occitan biblical translations. Two examples are given here of situations in which the consultation of various Languedocian versions could have enhanced a recent edition of an Old Waldensian New Testament. Christine Thouzellier's mistaken assertion, repeatedly made in her writings, to the effect that the Lyon New Testament is a direct translation from MS BN, lat. 342 stems from her misreading of a passage from Berger's 1889 Romania article. Though an excellent representative of the Languedocian tradition, it is doubtful that BN, lat. 342 served as the model for the translation of the Lyon New Testament. In anticipation of a later study of the issue, one example is presented here which contradicts such a filial relationship. Miss Thouzellier's investigations showed quite correctly that the biblical quotations in the Latin Ritual were not translated from the Occitan New Testament in MS PA 36. Likewise, she maintained that those found in the Occitan Ritual were not taken from that New Testament, a position which is literally exact. However, she did not study the question of whether the biblical quotations of the Occitan and Latin rituals belong to the same "Languedocian version" as the Lyon New Testament. The author proposes to examine in a future article the textual tradition of the New Testament quotations in the Occitan Ritual.
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Freudenthal, Gad, Michael McVaugh, and Katelyn Mesler. "Twelfth-Century Latin Medicine in Hebrew Garb: Doeg the Edomite as a Cultural Intermediary." Medieval Encounters 26, no. 3 (September 24, 2020): 226–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340072.

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Abstract In 1197–1199 an anonymous scholar completed the translation of twenty-four medical works from Latin into Hebrew, which he listed in a Preface he wrote to the entire corpus. Some seventeen of these translations are extant. The translator describes himself as a Jew who took baptism but subsequently repented. His self-image as an apostate is reflected in his referring to himself as “Doeg the Edomite,” an appellation we also use. Doeg’s motivation to embark on his gigantic translation project was to keep Jews from flocking at the doors of Christian doctors, who prescribe to them medicines containing impure foodstuffs. Doeg also followed the aim of “enlightening” the Jews and reports that he was taken to task for this. The works translated by Doeg, which we seek to identify, mostly belong to the Salerno corpus. We argue that Doeg is likely to have worked in the setting of a Latin medical school, where the books he put into Hebrew were used in a program of learning. Doeg’s use of Occitan vernacular words transliterated in Hebrew letters allows us to conclude that he lived in the Midi, suggesting that he was in contact with medical scholars in Montpellier. Doeg’s corpus of translations is a significant index to the medical texts valued in Montpellier and sheds light on both Hebrew and Latin intellectual history. Comparisons of Hebrew passages from Doeg’s translations with their Latin Vorlagen allow us to conclude that for the most part Doeg translated literally, although at times reverting to paraphrases or shortening his texts. We argue that, whereas in the domains of philosophy and science most translations in the Midi were made from Arabic, in medicine Latin-into-Hebrew translations were fairly frequent already in the thirteenth century. Doeg’s story points to the causes of this difference: the medical field was one, comprising Jewish and gentile doctors and patients, with the ensuing collaborations or competition over patients compelling Jewish doctors to avail themselves of the best available knowledge.
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3

Fusaroli, Federica. "La traduzione della «Somme le roi» tra Occitania e Catalogna: primi sondaggi." Mot so razo 20 (January 25, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.33115/udg_bib/msr.v20i0.22744.

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<p>RIASSUNTO: Il presente lavoro mira a fornire nuovi appunti sulle conoscenze circa la traduzione catalana della <em>Somme le roi</em>, compendio morale francese composto nel 1279 dal domenicano Frère Laurent e di grande successo lungo tutto il xiv secolo. Le forti analogie con la versione occitanica della <em>Somme</em>, nota anche come <em>Libre de vicis et de vertutz</em>, lasciano presumere che il testo catalano discenda proprio dalla traduzione occitana e non dall’originale francese. Il caso di studio è reso difficile dalla mancanza di lezioni erronee imputabili al processo di traduzione e dalle complicazioni imputabili alla probabile concomitanza di più fonti, in occitano e in francese, dietro l’allestimento della versione catalana. In ragione di ciò, il contributo si sofferma a illustrare le due tradizioni testuali – catalana e occitana – mettendo a confronto i dati tratti dall’edizione critica del <em>Libre de vicis et vertutz</em>, di futura pubblicazione, con lo studio di Wittlin (1983) sul testo catalano. Il discorso si concentra principalmente su due questioni cruciali: la <em>reductio ad unum</em> dei testimoni catalani e la scelta di includere nella <em>recensio</em> occitana un testimone trascritto in catalano.<br /><br /></p><p>ABSTRACT: This paper aims at updating the scholarship on the 14th-century Catalan translation of the French moral <em>compendium</em> known as <em>Somme le roi</em>. The relevant similarities between the texts demonstrate that the Catalan version directly depends on the Occitan translation, known as <em>Libre de vicis et de vertutz</em>. Therefore, the paper illustrates both the Catalan and the Occitan textual traditions and compares the results of my critical edition of the <em>Libre de vicis et vertutz</em> with Wittlin’s study (1983) on the Catalan text. This examination will focus on two main critical issues: the <em>reductio ad unum</em> of all the Catalan manuscripts and the choice to include a Catalan manuscript in the Occitan <em>recensio</em>.</p>
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Lewis, Kevin J. "A Count of Counts. Parallel Loanwords and Channels of Communication between Arabic, Latin, French and Occitan in the Levant at the Time of the Crusades." Journal of Transcultural Medieval Studies 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jtms-2015-0016.

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Abstract Medieval Levantine Arabic sources contain two separate but synonymous terms for ‘count’ – a title borne by many crusaders. These terms are “qūm.ṣ” and “kund”. Although past scholars have agreed that “kund” was a transliteration of Old French “conte”, they have disagreed on whether “qūm.ṣ” derived from Latin “comes” or Occitan “coms”. This paper argues in favour of the Latin etymology. The paper then proposes that the distinction in the usage of “kund” and “qūm.ṣ” depended on the medium through which Arabophones communicated with the Franks in question. Latin “comes” likely entered Arabic as “qūmiṣ” via translations of Latin documents produced by the chanceries of the settled Syro-Frankish aristocracy. Meanwhile, French “conte” entered Arabic as “kund” via less formal oral contact between Arabophones and temporarily visiting crusaders and pilgrims.
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Field, Thomas T. "The Occitan Translations of John XII and XIII-XVII from a Fourteenth-Century Franciscan Codex. M. Roy Harris." Speculum 63, no. 1 (January 1988): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2854351.

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Harris, M. Roy. "The Occitan Translations of John XII and XIII-XVII from a Fourteenth-Century Franciscan Codex (Assisi, Chiesa Nuova MS. 9)." Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 75, no. 4 (1985): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006453.

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Wüstefeld, Helen C. "The Occitan Translations of John XII and XIII-XVII from a Fourteenth-Century Franciscan Codex (Assisi, Chiesa Nuova ms. 9) (review)." Tenso 3, no. 2 (1988): 69–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ten.1988.0016.

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Léglu, Catherine. "The Vida of Queen Fredegund in Tote listoire de France: Vernacular Translation and Genre in Thirteenth-Century French and Occitan Literature." Nottingham French Studies 56, no. 1 (March 2017): 98–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2017.0170.

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This article examines a translation into a hybrid French-Occitan vernacular of an eighth-century historical narrative of adultery, treason and murder. It compares this to the narrative structures and content of the troubadour vidas and razos, which were created in the same period and regions as the translation. The aim is to uncover a possible dialogue between early medieval narrative historiography and the emergence of Old Occitan narrative in prose. In so doing, this enquiry intends to develop further the question of the importance of translation to medieval vernacular literature and historical writings
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Simó, Meritxell. "Traducció i reescriptura de la cansó occitana al Roman de la Rose de Jean Renart." Anuario de Estudios Medievales 45, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 79–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/aem.2015.45.1.03.

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Harris, Marvyn Roy. "The Occitan New Testament in ms. bibl. mun. de Lyon, PA 36 : a cathar or waldensian translation ?" Heresis 44, no. 1 (2006): 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/heres.2006.2088.

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The Occitan New Testament to which a Cathar ritual is appended (Bibi. mun. de Lyon, PA 36) does not have its origins among the Cathars. It is the work of a Waldensian translator. The translation of Latin presbyteros as preveires provides strong evidence that the original translation in the dialect of southern Languedoc was done for Waldensian proselytization. A community of Languedocian Cathars would have subsequently appropriated for their use the text of that Waldensian New Testament. Flagrant Piedmontisms in the Ritual, written in the same hand that copied the New Testament, support the thesis that our manuscript comes from one of the villages in the Italian Piedmont where the Languedocian Cathars took refuge after 1310.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Translations into Occitan"

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Collura, Alessio. ""Sens e razos d'una escriptura" : édition et étude de la traduction occitane de l'Evangelium Nicodemi." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014MON30098/document.

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L’Évangile de Nicodème est l’un des sujets les plus interéssants de la littératurechrétienne apocryphe. Pourtant, pendant ces dernières décennies aucun travailcollectif n’a été publié à son sujet en dehors du livre édité par Izydorczyk1. Eneffet, les études sur l’Evangelium Nicodemi (EN) et celles consacrées à sa fortunedans l’Occident médiéval se limitent à quelques articles. Peu a été fait dans ledomaine roman (par rapport aux domaines germanique et slave, par exemple) et,en particulier, occitan2. À l’origine en grec et datant du IVe siècle après J.C.,l’écriture de la Passion a influencé la culture religieuse et marqué les esprits aucours des siècles suivants. L’Evangelium Nicodemi a eu un impact très importantsur la culture médiévale car il est lié à l’intérêt pour l’oeuvre du Christ entre samort et sa résurrection, à savoir la Descente aux enfers, événement qui devientdogme de foi au XIIIe siècle3.Après un prologue où la paternité de l’écrit est attribuée à Nicodème et où estdéfinie la chronologie des événements, l’Evangelium Nicodemi commence parune première section qui met en scène le procès de Jésus devant Pilate et lacrucifixion. Ensuite, il y a une deuxième section où sont présentés les événementsprouvant la résurrection et l’ascension du Christ, puis l’histoire chargée de‘merveilleux’ de Joseph d’Arimathie. Enfin vient la partie du Descensus Christiad inferos, dans laquelle le fils de Dieu défait Satan et libère les patriarches et lesprophètes des limbes infernaux, celle-ci clôt l’apocryphe4.Toutefois, cette dernièresection n’est pas contenue dans le manuscrit latin le plus ancien (Palimpseste deVienne, VIe siècle), ni dans la version grecque A ni dans les traductions orientales.Ainsi, on croit que l’EN que l’on connaît est le résultat de la mise en commun dedeux oeuvres indépendantes à l’origine, les Acta (ou Gesta) Pilati et leDescensus5
The Gospel of Nicodemus is one of the most interesting subjects of the literatureChristian apocryphal. Yet, during the past few decades,Published on it outside the book edited by Izydorczyk1. InThe studies on the Evangelium Nicodemi (EN) and those devoted to his fortuneIn the medieval West are limited to a few articles. Little has been done in the(In relation to the Germanic and Slavic domains, for example) and,In particular, Occitan2. Originally in Greek and dating from the 4th century AD,The writing of the Passion has influenced religious culture and marked theDuring the following centuries. The Evangelium Nicodemi had a very significant impactMedieval culture because it is linked to the interest in the work of ChristDeath and resurrection, namely Descent into hell, an event thatDogma of faith in the thirteenth century.After a prologue where the authorship of the writing is attributed to Nicodemus and where isThe chronology of events, the Evangelium Nicodemi begins withA first section that depicts the trial of Jesus before Pilate and thecrucifixion. Then there is a second section where the eventsProving the resurrection and ascension of Christ, then the history of'Wonderful' of Joseph of Arimathea. Finally comes the part of Descensus ChristiAd inferos, in which the son of God defeats Satan and frees the patriarchs andProphets of the infernal limbo, the latter closes the apocryphal.Section is not contained in the oldest Latin manuscript (Palimpsest ofVienna, 6th century), neither in the Greek version A nor in the Oriental translations.Thus, it is believed that the known EN is the result of the pooling ofTwo works originally independent, the Acta (or Gesta) Pilati and theDescensus5
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Dewberry, Carol Elizabeth. "The Cansio d'Antioca : text, translation, notes and study." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.253859.

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Biu, Felip. "La chronique universelle de la création jusqu'à Constantin : un corpus occitan et catalan au XIVe siècle." Thesis, Pau, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PAUU3038/document.

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La Chronique universelle de la Création jusqu'à Constantin, demeurée à ce jour inédite dans sa version occitane complète, voit probablement le jour en terre catalane au tout début du quatorzième siècle, avant d'être traduite en occitan et en italien. Copié aux confins du Languedoc et de la Provence, le manuscrit D présente une langue influencée par le catalan et teintée de français. Quant au manuscrit G, copié en Béarn et bien connu sous le nom de Récits d'Histoire Sainte en Béarnais depuis son édition par Lespy et Raymond, en plus de conserver le seul texte littéraire béarnais de cette époque, il a connu une longévité exceptionnelle puisqu'il fut en usage jusqu'au dix-huitième siècle
The Chronique universelle de la Création jusqu’à Constantin, which has remained unpublished to this day in its complete Occitan version, probably appeared in Catalonia at the beginning of the fourteenth century, before being translated into Occitan and Italian. Copied on the borders of Languedoc and Provence, Manuscript D contains language that has been influenced by Catalan tinged with French. As for Manuscript G, which was copied in Bearn and has been well knownunder the name of Récits d’Histoire Sainte en Béarnais since it was published by Lespy and Raymond, in addition to preserving the only Bearnese literary text from this period, it is exceptional for the length of time that it was used, that is, up until the eighteenth century
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Lassaca, Aurelià. "L'oeuvre théâtrale de François de Cortète (1586-1667) . Edition critique." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012MON30018.

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Cette thèse de doctorat a pour objet l’édition critique, la traduction et l’analyse de l’oeuvre théâtrale complète de François de Cortète (1585-1667). Ce seigneur agenais a évolué dans l’entourage d’Adrien de Monluc, mécène et protecteur de nombreux auteurs de langue française et de langue occitane. Le théâtre de Cortète, partiellement édité après sa mort par ses fils, présente deux pastorales qui se distinguent par un certain « souci de réalité » dans la représentation des bergers mis en scène sur les terres dont il est le seigneur. La Miramondo explore les règles d’unités ; dans son Ramonnet Cortète reprend l’éthnotype comique du matamore gascon dont il inverse le sens du ridicule en dessinant un des premiers portraits de francimand de la littérature en langue occitane ; Sancho al palays del Duc est une comédie, qui sur le modèle de Guérin de Bouscal, adapte à la scène une dizaine de chapitres du second livre du Quichotte. A l’instar du poète toulousain Pierre Godolin en poésie, Cortète exploite et illustre les ressources de la langue d’oc en produisant une oeuvre théâtrale sur le modèle des créations contemporaines des élites européennes. Ses trois pièces reflètent la richesse et ladiversité de la production théâtrale en France entre les années 1630 et 1650 ainsi que les bouleversements qui la traversent. Cette édition, réalisée à partir des manuscrits autographes, se veut aussi fidèle que possible au texte tout en veillant à préserver sa lisibilité. Elle constitue aussi la première traduction française du théâtre de Cortète de Prades. Aucune indication de datation n’ayant été donnée par l’auteur sur la chronologie de la composition de ses pièces et la bibliographie critique étant extrêmement réduite, l’analyse donnée en introduction aborde les trois pièces de manièretransversale et tente de répondre à cette problématique chronologique tout en précisant et en explorant les principales questions qui définissent la singularité de cette oeuvre
This doctoral thesis comprises the critical edition, translation and analysis of the entire dramatic oeuvre of François de Cortète (1585-1667). This Agenais lord moved in the circles of Adrien de Monluc, patron and protector of numerous French and Occitan-language writers. Cortète’s plays, in part published posthumously by his sons, include two pastorals distinguished by a certain « concern for reality » in their representation of shepherds living on his seigneurial lands. LaMiramondo explores the three classical unities; in Ramonnet Cortète treats the comic ethnotype of the Gascon braggart (matamore), inverting its ridiculous characteristics by drawing one of the first portraits in Occitan literature of the francimand. A third play, Sancho al palays del Duc, a comedy in the style of Guérin de Bouscal, adapts for the stage a dozen chapters of the second book of Don Quixote. Following the example of the Toulouse poet Pierre Godolin, Cortète exploits the possibilities of the langue d’oc to produce dramatic works in the style of those of Europe’s elite contemporary playwrights. His three plays reflect the richness and diversity of the Theatre in France between 1630 and 1650, as well as the upheavals it lived through. This edition of the texts, based on the original manuscripts, tries to be as faithful as possible to them while preserving their readability. It also constitutes the first French translation of Cortète de Prades’ dramatic oeuvre. In the light of there being no indication of dating by the author of the chronology of composition of his plays and, moreover, thecritical bibliography being extremely small, the analysis undertaken in the introduction approaches the plays transversely and attempts to answer this chronological problem by specifying and exploring the major issues that define the uniqueness of this body of work
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Fanning, Vanessa Helen. "Capturing Voice and Place in Translation: The translation of three twentieth-century French writers steeped in the landscape, mores, traditions and language of the south of France." Phd thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110678.

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In this thesis I explore the question of how a translator approaches the task of capturing the ‘voice’ of a writer when the voice of the writer is steeped in a particular region including its mores, traditions, culture, and language variants. I translate an autobiographical novel, Chronique d’un été cévenol, by the contemporary French novelist René Barral and compare and contrast my approach with that taken to the translation of an autobiographical novel by André Chamson and an early novel of Jean Giono. The works selected for comparison by these two eminent French twentieth-century authors are anchored in the same region, historical era and socio-economic class as that evoked by Barral. I compare and contrast the style and voice of Barral with these authors, one of whom, André Chamson, was raised in the same département of France (the Gard) and the other, Jean Giono, who lived and worked in neighbouring Haute Provence. Each of the three authors has chosen a different creative approach to portraying rural peasant protagonists, to the rendition of dialogue and dialect and to capturing a distinctive regional, social and tonal register. The variation in the creative approaches adopted in the source texts necessitates a similarly differentiated approach on the part of the translator. My thesis reviews the concept of voice as elaborated in Translation Studies literature and develops my own conceptual approach. I consider some theoretical approaches to translating ‘voice’, which I see, inter alia, as embracing the elusive qualities of style and register. René Barral’s novel has generated considerable readership appeal precisely because it is redolent of its particular context. The yarns and vignettes evoke a uniquely harsh and rugged landscape, a historical era, a socio-cultural class and lively episodes in the life of a typical mountain village. I provide a commentary on the challenges Barral’s novel poses for a translator which focuses inter alia, on the difficulties involved in capturing the strong sense of place embodied in his novel and the challenges involved in translating dialogue, dialect and colloquialisms informed by the theoretical observations of Levy, Chukovsky and Leighton. I consider the sources of translation loss and apply this theoretical analysis to my translation. I also review and evaluate the strategies adopted to address these dilemmas by the respective English-language translators of the selected works by Chamson and Giono.
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Books on the topic "Translations into Occitan"

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Camins dubèrts: Anthologie bilingue de poésie occitane contemporaine. Toulouse: Letras d'òc, 2011.

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T, Ricketts Peter, and Association internationale d'études occitanes, eds. Contributions à l'étude de l'Ancien Occitan: Textes lyriques et non-lyriques en vers. Birmingham: A.I.E.O., University of Birmingham, 2000.

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Lucienne, Lafon, Lafon Noël, and Maury Georges, eds. Inédits languedociens: En volume. Aurillac: Lo Convise, 1996.

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1890-1958, Saurat Denis, Saurat Denis 1890-1958, and Courouau Joan-Francé, eds. Encaminament catar. Toulouse: Presses universitaires du Mirail-Toulouse, 2010.

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1921-, Bec Pierre, ed. Pour un autre soleil--: Le sonnet occitan des origines à nos jours : une anthologie. Orléans: Paradigme, 1994.

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Pilar, Blanco, ed. Poetas provenzales de los siglos XIX y XX. Madrid: Editorial Coloquio, 1988.

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Mémoires de pauvres: Autobiographies occitanes en vers au XIXe siècle. [Carcassonne]: Garae/Hésiode, 2009.

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Mémoires de pauvres: Autobiographies occitanes en vers au XIXe siècle. Carcassonne: GARAE/Hésiode, 2009.

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Mistral, Frédéric. Le poème du Rhône: Texte et traduction. Raphèle-lès-Arles: Marcel Petit, 1993.

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Mistral, Frédéric. Le poème du Rhône. Paris: Aralia, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Translations into Occitan"

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Lagarde, Christian. "The Three Powers of Self-Translating or Not Self-Translating: The Case of Contemporary Occitan Literature (1950–1980)." In Self-Translation and Power, 51–70. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50781-5_3.

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Giraudo, Andrea. "XXVIII. Translators and Preachers at Work. Latin Models and Vernacular Outcomes in the Old Occitan Waldensian Translation(s) of Iacobus de Varagine’s Sermones." In Translation Automatisms in the Vernacular Texts of the Middle Ages and Early Modern Period, 256–64. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols Publishers, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.bibver-eb.5.135196.

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3

"Occitan Texts and English Translations." In Two Medieval Occitan Toll Registers from Tarascon. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442629356-005.

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Kelly, Douglas. "Translatio Poetriae." In Filologie medievali e moderne. Venice: Edizioni Ca' Foscari, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-137-9/005.

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The Occitan treatises on the art of poetry are among the earliest vernacular arts of poetry. However, they adapt the pedagogy of the classroom implicit in Latin treatises like the Poetria nova to the court milieu beginning in the thirteenth century. This paper illustrates this development by comparing the new vernacular art with the Latin art found in Geoffrey’s treatise and commentaries on it as well as in other treatises written and commented on in the twelfth-thirteenth centuries and beyond. The Occitan treatises were written for laymen; although ignorant of Latin, they wished to write in the style of the early troubadours but with adaptations to the new subject matters of fin’amors. Key documents include the different versions of Guilhem Molinier’s Leys d’Amors written for the Toulouse consistory as well as some Catalan courts. An important feature of this emerging vernacular art is the imitation and emulation of recognised masterpieces of the art, including the ‘ancient troubadours’ and some Latin pieces, as the vernacular art evolved under supervision of the Inquisition. These changes are evident in the works of model poets such as N’At de Mons and Ramon de Cornet on whom I focus in this paper. Latin pedagogy is evident in the Occitan treatises these authors exemplify, but with adaptations to the new vernacular. The troubadour influence went north to some French courts and beyond. The role of intermediaries that link different vernaculars will be briefly noted in conclusion, a rayonnement not unlike that identified in Woods’ study on the diffusion in Europe of the Poetria nova and commentary on it.
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"Occitan Text and English Translation in parallel." In Blandin de Cornoalha: A Comic Occitan Romance, 110–274. Medieval Institute Publications, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv30pnv1n.16.

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"TRANSLATION SCANDALS." In Multilingualism and Mother Tongue in Medieval French, Occitan, and Catalan Narratives, 77–98. Penn State University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/j.ctv14gpcph.9.

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"Conclusion, Presentation of the Edition and Translation." In Blandin de Cornoalha: A Comic Occitan Romance, 107–9. Medieval Institute Publications, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv30pnv1n.15.

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"4 Translation Scandals." In Multilingualism and Mother Tongue in Medieval French, Occitan, and Catalan Narratives, 77–98. Penn State University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780271078632-007.

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9

Martines, Vicent. "The Treaty of Meaux-Paris (1228)." In Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies, 1–29. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-6614-5.ch001.

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The authors analyze the Treaty of Meaux-Paris (1228) signed between France and Toulouse. It has extraordinary relevance as it establishes the terms of the application of French law over the powerful county of Toulouse and by extension over Occitan lands, as the result of the Battle of Muret (1213). They offer the first translation ever (into English) of this treaty and they analyze it as the legal rendering of the centralized expansion of the French Crown on its way towards becoming an absolutist monarchy. They also study for the first time this treaty in comparison to the Decrees of Nova Planta issued in Spain between 1707-1716 by a king of French origin which represented the fulfillment of an authoritarian process that began in France in the 13th century. The treaty and the decrees used the concept of the “just right of conquest,” which provided a (debatable) legitimacy to the interests of the winning parties. They analyze literary texts such as the Cançó de la Croada as well as historical contemporary accounts creation of a Catalan collective identity.
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