Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Transnistrie'

This thesis argues that neopatrimonialism is vital to understanding the power structure of the secessionist Transnistrian Moldovan Republic (TMR), and that neopatrimonial structures have been manipulated by Soviet-era elites to sustain the unrecognized separatist stateâ s independence. The thesis also argues that neopatrimonialism is not a stable structure and its effectiveness in retaining support for the regime has changed over time. The paper provides an empirical analysis of the TMR in order to answer two questions: â To what extent does neopatrimonialism explain the regime endurance of the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic?â and â What does the case of the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic reveal about neopatrimonialism and regime endurance over time?â The analysis examines the TMR regimeâ s use of Soviet-era industrial and bureaucratic structures, media, party networks, and worker committees to assert and maintain control, distribute patronage, maintain support for secession, and co-opt important interest groups. The paper concludes that although neopatrimonialism is only one of several elements that support the TMR regimeâ s endurance, the analysis of neopatrimonial systems in states with significant neopatrimonialism provides a framework for examining disparate but interwoven elements of a stateâ s political economy.
Master of Public and International Affairs

Tutkimukseni Transnistrian kansakunnan rakentamisen hanke vuosina 2006–2008 kohde on Moldovan ja Ukrainan välissä, pääosin Dnestrjoen vasemmalla rannalla sijaitseva Transnistria ja Moldovan kansainvälisesti tunnustettuun alueeseen kuuluvan Dnestrin moldavialainen tasavalta ja sen itsenäistymispyrkimykset. Tutkimukseni pääaineistot ovat vuosina 2006–2008 ilmestyneet verkkolehti Tiraspol Times ja verkkosivusto pridnestrovie.net — the new europe. Tiraspol Timesin julkaisija oli irlantilainen liikemies Des Grant, ja pridnestrovie.netin taustalla oli International Council for Democratic Institutions and State Sovereignty (ICDISS). Tutkimukseni tarkoituksena on selvittää ne keinot, joita Dnestrin moldavialainen tasavalta itsenäistymisensä perustelemiseen käyttää, ja se, kuinka se pyrkii saamaan kansainvälisen yhteisön vakuuttuneeksi itsenäisyydestään ja näin saamaan itsenäisyydelleen kansainvälisen tunnustuksen. Transnistrian kansakunnan rakentamista pyrin tarkastelemaan Benedict Andersonin, Ernest Gellnerin ja Eric Hobsbawmin teoreettisia taustoja vasten. Hankkeen tärkeimmiksi teoreetikoiksi nousevat kuitenkin V. I. Lenin ja Woodrow Wilson, koska dnestriläinen propaganda viittaa nimenomaan heihin. Bessarabian ja Transnistrian historiaan liittyvissä kysymyksissä tukeudun Charles Kingin teokseen The Moldovans ja valtion kansainväliseen tunnustamiseen liittyvissä kysymyksissä Kari Hakapään teokseen Uusi kansainvälinen oikeus. Keskeiset tutkimustulokset ovat Trasnistrian kansakunnan rakentamisessa käytetyt Dnestrin moldavialaisen tasavallan itsenäisyyden neljä peruspilaria. Nämä neljä pilaria ovat kansojen itsemääräämisoikeus, Moldovasta eli Bessarabiasta erillinen historia, Transnistrian erityisyys sekä Molotovin–Ribbentropin sopimuksen purkaminen. Tutkimukseni tulosten perusteella tehdyt päätelmät ovat yksinkertaiset. Olipa Dnestrin moldavialaisen tasavallan itsenäisyysvaatimusten taustalla muutakin kuin edellä mainitut neljä peruspilaria, Bessarabia ja Transnistria eivät dnestriläisen näkemyksen mukaan kuulu missään tapauksessa yhteen.

Die internationale Staatengemeinschaft steht Sezessionsbestrebungen zur Aufspaltung bestehender Staaten gewöhnlich ablehnend gegenüber. Gleichzeitig wendet sie in vielen Ländern Instrumente der Entwicklungspolitik an und greift so auch in den dortigen politischen Prozess ein. Untersucht wird, inwiefern Entwicklungspolitik so gestaltet werden kann, dass sie nicht, quasi als Nebenwirkung, einer Sezessionsbewegung zum Durchbruch verhilft. Betrachtet wird dabei neben der gezielten Förderung wirtschaftlichen Wachstums auch das Instrument der Dezentralisierung, das oft als Mittel zur „Beruhigung“ separatistischer Bestrebungen vorgeschlagen wird. Zuvor jedoch wird aufgewiesen, dass eine Politik, die Sezessionen verhindern will, zumindest in vielen Fällen auch moralphilosophisch schlüssig begründet werden kann. Den Abschluss der Arbeit bilden drei Fallstudien zu Sezessionen auf dem Gebiet der ehemaligen Sowjetunion.
The international community is usually set against secessionist movements that aim at the splitting up of existing states. At the same time, in many countries instruments of development policy are applied, that automatically influence the political process there. The investigation here seeks to answer the question whether development policies can be designed in a way that they don’t unwillingly trigger secession as a side effect. In doing so, the focus is not only on growth-enhancing policies, but also on the instrument of decentralization, which is often presented as a tool suited to appease separatist movements. Prior to that, though, it is demonstrated that a policy aiming at the prevention of secessions can – in many cases at least – be justified with sound arguments of moral philosophy. The concluding chapter looks at three case studies of secessions that have been attempted on the territory of the former Soviet Union.

La tesi si sviluppa attorno a 6 capitoli che, ripercorrendo le peculiarità storiche, linguistiche ed economiche di Moldova e Transnistria, tenteranno di mettere in luce i contrasti salienti del rapporto tra Chişinău e Tiraspol. Il capitolo 1 si concentra sulla comparazione di alcune fonti (provenienti da est e da ovest) che hanno ricostruito la storia della Moldova della Grande Romania e della Moldavia sovietica. In tal modo sarà possibile dimostrare che la regione di interesse è stata oggetto di una manipolazione intenzionale del proprio passato asservita ai centri di potere che miravano alla supremazia del territorio. Il capitolo 2 ripercorre le fasi dell’epoca di industrializzazione della Transnistria che, a partire dagli anni ’90, si suppone abbia permesso a Tiraspol di sganciarsi de facto dal governo moldavo. Il capitolo 3 si sofferma sui motivi che spinsero la popolazione del Dnestr ad appoggiare la secessione trascinandola nel conflitto del 1992. Una volta tracciata la cornice storica lungo i capitoli 1, 2 e 3, il capitolo 4 presenterà il multiforme panorama linguistico dell’attuale Repubblica Moldova soffermandosi sul ruolo della lingua russa, scintilla della secessione transnistriana. Il capitolo 5 offre uno spunto di riflessione sull’incidenza di Mosca nella separazione moldava per mezzo di uno studio dell’economia della Transnistria. Il capitolo 6, infine, rivela che gli argomenti trattati nel corso dei 5 capitoli precedenti sono tutti tasselli imprescindibili dell’identità nazionale transnistriana e permette di muovere alcune ipotesi sui metodi attuati da Tiraspol per garantire la fedeltà nazionale della propria popolazione facendo perno sul controllo dei mass media.

Abstract – From de facto to de jure: A comparative study between three post-Soviet territories path towards diplomatic recognition The purpose of this essay has been to study how well three post-Soviet de facto states live up to the definition of the concepts of state and sovereignty. Basically, the focus has been to, with the help of an analysis scheme constructed specifically for this study, analyse the situation the three de facto states are currently in and then compare their situations to one another. With the study I want to show that the history of the de facto states, as well as their current legal status, carry with them differences and similarities that play a major role in their future. By analysing a number of scientific articles and other research material within the social science sphere, I have been able to compile a table that shows how well the case studies live up to the seven criteria of the state outlined by Martin Glassner in Political Geography (2004). The main result of the study has been that various historical and demographic circumstances in the three de facto states have distinguished them from one another during the more than three decades that have passed since the fall of the Soviet Union. However, this is in stark contrast to the strong ties they all have to a patron state, which in all cases is crucial to the legal state of limbo they are all currently residing in.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 99-106). Also available online.

This thesis comparatively analyses dilemmas arising from the unresolved Georgian-Abkhazian and Moldovan-Transnistrian conflicts. The many existing differences in the nature and dynamics of each conflict point to a sui generis situation, yet, many similarities also exist, including Soviet era legacies. The research premise is based on very considerable resourcing being dedicated to the resolution of these conflicts since their inception, yet no significant conflict transformation (Abkhazia has Russian recognition) has occurred, let alone peace. Given the mandate from the OSCE, EU and UN, the purpose of the thesis is to analyse their involvement. While evidence – local vested interests and strategic interests – illustrates the obvious obstructions, the thesis focuses on the IOs and asks why no tangible successes were achieved. This is done by critically analysing their performance, by assuming that success is often overlooked and by identifying a range of misperceptions. Therefore, by considering conflict transformation and engaging in analysis of many sources, including documents and about five-dozen interviews, the thesis reappraises the ethno-national origins, the geopolitical dimension and the entrenched conflicting party positions in the context of pan-European actors' responses. The analyses of the comparative peace processes illuminate the IOs' own challenges in reaching consensus as well as on the conflicting parties' competing narratives. Answering the question of what to produce first – a political solution to improve societal conditions, or the pursuing exercise of confidence-building measures (CBMs) to settle the status question – is part of the objective. I argue that a typology of success and failure more comprehensively explains IO performance between 1992 and the EU's Vilnius Summit in 2013.

This thesis provides an overview of current nation building processes in contested states. With a specific focus on the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic, and Kosovo, original data is presented, collected in English in a single work for the first time. The work presents an analysis and comparison of contested states from an internal perspective, looking at the processes that help legitimize such entities from within and creating support for their ongoing existence. The work strives to begin filling the gaps in available literature on contested states, as well as to contribute to the overall understanding of nation and state building, state formation and sovereignty. The goal of this work is to provide a new way of looking at the puzzle that contested states are by offering insight into the understanding of their ongoing existence.

The Republic of Moldova was one of fifteen states to emerge from the dissolution of the Soviet Union. With weak historical legacy of statehood, deteriorating economy and serious national divisions, the young state lacked many of the prerequisites deemed necessary for successful democratization. From the very beginning of independence, Moldova became the battleground of Romanianists, propagating for the Romanian character of Moldova’s majority population, and Moldovanists, who viewed the people as a separate nation. In the literature on democracy and democratization, a divided nation is singled out as a serious threat to statehood and democratization efforts alike. Without a nation in place it is generally understood that democracy cannot take root. Nevertheless, Moldova in a few years time managed to make considerable progress on its path towards democracy. A main theme of the dissertation is thus the issue of national division and how it has affected political developments in general and democracy in specific. This picture is then further expanded by including close analysis of political support. The dissertation contributes to discussions about how nation and democracy goes together in transitional states with no legacy of either of them. The analysis shows that national division in Moldova works on different levels. While political actors often seek support from the electorate according to their positions on the nation, national identity by itself does not suffice to explain differences in political support. Instead other aspects, such as generational values, degree of urbanity and level of education, play a much larger role. Democracy, as a platform where different political ideas and ambitions may form, can both complicate transitions since it provides opportunities for conflicts, but democracy also holds the prospects to find ways to resolve disagreements. In the long run, this carries the seed of consolidation of both democracy and nation alike.

L’objet de cette recherche est la situation des Tsiganes de Bessarabie sous trois administrations :tsariste (1812-1918), roumaine (1918-1940, 1941-1944) et soviétique (1940-1941, 1944-156). Au niveau macro, nous nous sommes intéressés plus principalement à la politique des « villages tsiganes » qui est selon nous la plus révélatrice d’une continuité entre les trois administrations. Au niveau micro, nous avons suivi le parcours de quelques villages du centre et du sud de la Bessarabie sous ces trois administrations.

En schématisant, on peut affirmer que le régime tsariste a appliqué en Bessarabie une politique de sédentarisation forcée par ségrégation. Nous l’illustrons par le cas des « villages tsiganes » de Kair et Faraonovka. L’administration roumaine pendant la dictature d’Antonescu a appliqué une politique de déportation en dehors des frontières historiques de la Roumanie, même si au départ il était question de créer des « villages tsiganes » dans la région de Baragan dans la partie sud-est du pays. Le régime soviétique a opté pour une politique de ségrégation forcée par assimilation.

Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Le 27 août 1991, l’opinion publique internationale prenait acte de la naissance de la République de Moldavie, dont deux tiers du territoire ont constituées jusqu’en 1941 la province roumaine de Bessarabie. Depuis toujours, la Principauté de Moldavie se trouve dans une confluence de trois grandes cultures : slave, latine et orientale ; trois grandes religions : orthodoxe, catholique et musulmane ; trois grands peuples : slave, latin et turc et trois courants idéologiques : panslavisme, panturquisme et pan-latinisme. C’est pourquoi, à travers les siècles, la Principauté de Moldavie a manœuvré constamment entre ces Puissances et ces courants pour garder son identité nationale. Aujourd’hui, en principe, la Moldavie est toujours dans la situation de jongler entre la CEI et l’UE, entre Est et Ouest, sa situation géopolitique étant la même.Dans la Première partie de notre thèse nous avons étudié l’origine, la toponymie et les frontières de la Bessarabie, mais aussi l’engouement des Grandes Puissances pour ce territoire. Nous traiterons aussi les guerres et les négociations de paix qui la caractérisent, allant de la guerre russo-turque jusqu’au régime tsariste qui y régnait. Nous avons ensuite suivi les changements subis par la Bessarabie pendant la Première guerre mondiale, avec la création de la République Démocratique Moldave, tout en s’attardant sur le processus de la création de l’URSS avec ses répercussions sur l’évolution de la Moldavie soviétique poststalinienne. Nous avons finalement, étudié ici-même la question des nationalités, et les concepts de « nation », « nationalisme », « dénationalisation », « russification », « collectivisme », « moldovenisme » etc.La Deuxième partie démarre avec des questions sur l’identité nationale moldave, et l’éclatement des conflits régionaux. Nous décrivons les minorités séparatistes de Gagaouzie et de Transnistrie, qui n’acceptent pas la souveraineté de la Moldavie. Le régime de Tiraspol est un régime oppressif et totalitaire, qui doit être éloigné par l’action des facteurs externes. De plus, nous étudions la création de la CEI et GUAM, l’implication de l’OSCE, de l’UE, de la Russie, de l’Ukraine et de la Roumanie dans le processus de négociation pour la résolution du conflit transnistrien. Finalement, nous examinons la manière avec laquelle la « fédéralisation », et la « régionalisation » peuvent résoudre les conflits ethniques en Moldavie. En conclusion nous répondons aux questions centrales sur le territoire et la population moldave
On August 27 1991, the international public opinion acknowledges the birth of the Republic of Moldova, which has represented two-thirds of the Romanian province of Bessarabia until 1941. During the history, Principality of Moldova is parting of the ways of three cultures: Slavic, Latin and Eastern; three great religions: Orthodox, Catholic and Muslim; three populations: Slavic, Latin and Turkish; and three ideologies: Pan-Slavism, Pan-Turkism and pan-Latin. Therefore, over the centuries, the Principality of Moldova has continuously handled these Great Powers and ideologies to keep its national identity. Nowadays, Moldova is still able to pursue between CIS and EU policies and between East and West geopolitical situation.In the first part of the thesis, we study the origin, toponyms and borders of Bessarabia, and we characterize the interest of the Great Powers for this territory. For it we describe, the wars and peace negotiations, starting with the Russo-Turkish war until the period of Bessarabia under the tsarist rule. Moreover, we treated the period of Bessarabia during the First World War, but also the creation of the Moldavian Democratic Republic, describing the process of foundation the USSR and its impact on the evolution of the post-Stalin Soviet Moldova. Finally, we studied the nationality question and the concepts like the "nation", the "nationalism", the "denationalization", the "Russification", the collectivism", the "moldovenism" etc...The Second Part starts with questions about the Moldovan national identity and the outbreaks of regional conflicts. We raise the issue of the separatist minorities of Gagauzia and Transnistria, which do not accept the sovereignty of Moldova. The Tiraspol regime is a totalitarian and oppressive regime, which must be removed by the action of external factors. Moreover, we study the creation of the CIS and GUAM and the involvement of the OSCE, EU, Russia, Ukraine and Romania in the negotiation process for the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict. Finally, we discuss the possibilities of how cans the "federalization" and "regionalization" solves the ethnic conflicts in Moldova. In conclusion, we answer to the questions dealing about the territory and the Moldovan population

Ce mémoire étudie l’industrie touristique comme stratégie de légitimation interne et externe dans les États de facto. En nous basant plus particulièrement sur le cas de la Transnistrie, nous avons employé une analyse mixte se basant sur des données et politiques officielles ainsi que sur des observations photographiques obtenues directement sur le terrain. L’industrie touristique est une stratégie « deux en un » servant à la fois la construction des identités et s’adressant à un public interne et externe. Nos résultats font ressortir l’utilité de cette stratégie à des fins de légitimation tout en établissant l’existence de liens étroits entre le secteur touristique public et privé. Alors que le secteur public est concentré principalement vers la justification de l’existence de l’entité de facto et de son identité distincte, le secteur privé agit comme un agent de liaison avec le monde extérieur et selon les attraits commerciaux et économiques. Malgré l’existence d’une certaine opposition entre les secteurs de l’industrie touristique, nous soutenons qu’ils sont complémentaires et servent l’État transnistrien dans sa quête de légitimation interne et externe.
This paper is interested in the study of tourism and its industry as a strategy for internal and external legitimization in de facto states. Using the particular case of Transnistria, we used a mixed analysis based on official data and policies as well as photographic observations obtained directly on the field. Tourism industry provides a "two-in-one" strategy, serving both identity and state formation and is aimed at both internal and external audiences. Our results highlight the usefulness of this strategy for legitimization purposes while establishing the existence of close links between the public and private tourism sectors. While the public sector is mainly focused on justifying the existence of the de facto state and its distinct identity, the private sector acts as a liaison with the outside world, and according to financial and economical gain. Despite the existence of some opposition between both sectors of the tourism industry, we argue that they are complementary and that they serve the Transnistrian state in its quest for internal and external legitimization.

This study examines the issues of Transnistrian conflict, Transnistrian identity and Transnistrian statehood through the fields of historiography, economic development, language and educational politics, religion, Soviet ideology and the place of memory in two parts of the Republic of Moldova, Bessarabia and Transnistria. The results of this study reveal the influence of the above-listed spheres on identity in both regions, the significant role of the leadership of Transnistria and the Republic of Moldova in shaping peoples' opinion and strengthening the idea of Transnistrian statehood, and the existence of regional identity in Transnistria during a phase of transition.

碩士
國立政治大學
俄羅斯研究所
104
With the dissolution of the USSR and the rise of Romanianism, the newly independent state of Moldova has been plagued by the failure of transformation and the secessionist conflict of Transnistria. This conflict soon turned into a competition for the European Union (EU) and Russia to exert their influences on the two sides. While Russia hopes to consolidate its interests in nearby nation-states, the EU seeks a “cure” for the conflict through the European Neighbourhood Policy. Moldova is attempting to recover the secessionist state of Transnistria; however, political infighting remains active. Meanwhile, Transnistria is struggling to maintain its status quo by retaining links with both Russia and the EU. This article is dedicated to understanding how leverage and linkage are employed in the post-Soviet era by the gatekeepers, Russia, and the EU in the process of finding a solution to the Moldovan–Transnistrian conflict.

Abstract: This master's thesis focuses on the obstacles of state building for the defacto states Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic ( Tranistria) and the Republic of Abkhazia. Both of which are break-away states from former soviet republics: Moldova and Georgia. The purpose is to give a cross country comparison of factors which hinder state building. Both states have their unique sets of challenges to integrating into a fully recognized state yet share many of the same obstacles. The factors that will be analyzed are relations to their Patron states; The Russian Federation and how this patron state contributes to these de facto states inability to democratize and gain outside recognition with other member state. These challenges for integration as full dejure states and participation within international institutions are a result of ethnic tension, corruption, authorities and complete dependence on Russia as a parent state. The other factors that will be analyzed is the Foreign policy of the Russian within its near abroad and their soft power tactics towards their compatriots.

Author Samuel Lavoie Thesis Diplomacy and Diplomatic Institutions of Unrecognized De Facto States Somaliland, Transnistria and Artsakh (2020) Abstract As a topic, international recognition has been increasingly studied over the past twenty years, particularly since Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence from Serbia in 2008. This thesis attempts to advance our understanding of the underlying causes of the inability to gain political recognition by examining several factors that have been omitted from the academic literature. Specifically, it examines several key aspects of the diplomatic institutions, personnel, and approaches of three unrecognized de facto states that meet most of the criteria for statehood under international law, but have so far received no recognition recognized states. These entities are Somaliland, Transnistria, and Artsakh. This paper also draws on partially recognized states and finds that geopolitical and ideological factors generally prevail over diplomatic ones as the main drivers of political recognition. This is especially true when an entity is located in an area of fierce rivalry for influence, such as the PMR and the Republic of Artsakh. However, while remaining a secondary factor, diplomacy becomes more important for international recognition when the interests of...

The topic of this thesis is a comparation of separatist tendencies of Transnistria in Moldova with Abkhazia in Georgia in the post-Soviet space. From the point of view of separatism in these de facto government departments the focus of this work is not only on the current sate and development. Motives and historical traumas are shown and reflected in today's context because understanding of history is the key for present explanation. It seems that the situation in both areas is similar, but explanations and reasons for secession are in some points different. However, comparation and explanation of the different aspects of the development is the basis to understand the past, present and future state in Transnistria and Abkhazia not only in terms of separatism, but also locally-political, geo-political and socio- economic progress or stagnation. Key words: Moldova, Transnistira, Gruzia, Abkhazia, separatism, Russia, Soviet Union, soviet heritage, European Union, secession