Journal articles: 'Transnistrie'

1

Parmentier, Florent. "La Transnistrie." Le Courrier des pays de l'Est 1061, no. 3 (2007): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/cpe.073.0069.

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Durandin, Catherine. "Moldavie-Transnistrie, le conflit gelé." Inflexions N° 33, no. 3 (2016): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/infle.033.0105.

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Lambert, Michael Éric. "Comprendre la présence militaire russe en Transnistrie." Revue Défense Nationale N° 818, no. 3 (March 1, 2019): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rdna.818.0107.

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Heymann, Florence, Marianne Hirsch, Marianne Hirsch, and Roxana Verona. "Sonja Jaslowitz. Po�mes in�dits de Transnistrie." Revue d�Histoire de la Shoah N�194, no. 1 (2011): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhsho.194.0369.

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Heymann, Florence. "Tourisme des m�moires bless�es. Traces de Transnistrie." Revue d�Histoire de la Shoah N�194, no. 1 (2011): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhsho.194.0319.

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Achim, Viorel. "La déportation des Rroms en Transnistrie, les données principales." Etudes Tsiganes 56-57, no. 1 (2016): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/tsig.056.0066.

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Osipov, Alexander, and Hanna Vasilevich. "Transnistrian Nation-Building: A Case of Effective Diversity Policies?" Nationalities Papers 47, no. 6 (July 29, 2019): 983–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.26.

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AbstractThis article addresses the reasons why ethnic diversity has never posed a challenge to the stability of Transnistria (also called the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic), an unrecognized state that broke away from Moldova during the collapse of the Soviet Union. We analyze the major societal and political patterns relevant to ethnic relations in the region and focus on the structure, content, and effectiveness of Transnistrian legislation concerning ethnic and linguistic diversity along with the practices of its implementation. In our view, formal and informal ethnic divisions do not hinder the political stability of Transnistria. We conclude that the stability of ethnic relations in Transnistria in part results from a deliberate policy aimed at managing diversity. This policy provides for the dependence of the populace on the state apparatus achieved through a dense plethora of government-orchestrated activities as well as the reproduction of nonconflictual, eclectic, and thus socially acceptable national narratives inherited from the Soviet past.

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Dembinska, Magdalena, and Julien Danero Iglesias. "The Making of an Empty Moldovan Category within a Multiethnic Transnistrian Nation." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 3 (April 28, 2013): 413–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325413484174.

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To legitimize separation from Moldova, Transnistrian elites have been constructing a civic Transnistrian nation, subsuming local ethnic Russian, Ukrainian, and Moldovan identities. This article first identifies changes to the Transnistrian nation-building strategy: from an emphasis on Moldovan nationhood in the early 1990s to oppose “Romanianization” in Chisinau, to Transnistrian nationhood mainly after Moldovanism was adopted in Chisinau in 2001. It then shows how this multiethnic nation is being constructed, with a particular emphasis on the place of Transnistrian Moldovans. While the Moldovan identity category is being institutionalized as a part of the Transnistrian civic nation, its ecological niches are being emptied of Romanian/Bessarabian attributes and invested with Russianness. As a result, “Moldovan” now seems an empty identity category in Transnistria.

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Chernyavskiy, S. I. "The Transnistrian conflict is waiting for its solution." Journal of International Analytics, no. 3 (September 28, 2017): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2017-0-3-36-42.

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The article analyzes the positions of the Republic of Moldova and the Pridnestrovskaia Moldavskaia Respublika regarding the settlement of the “Transnistrian conflict”. It arose in 1992 in connection with the intention of the Chisinau authorities to prohibit the use of the Russian language in the country and unite with Romania. The split of Moldova into two States led to the creation of a latent military and political crisis in the region. The conflict is still unresolved. International negotiations in the “5 + 2” format on the Transnistrian issue practically ceased. The war in the south-east of Ukraine strengthened the blockade of Transnistria, complicated the socio-economic situation of the population. The leadership of Moldova insists on a forceful version of reintegration, with which the population of Transnistria disagrees.

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Sîrbu, Tatiana. "Gospodar ou déporté : la catégorisation comme instrument de la déportation des Tsiganes en Transnistrie." Etudes Tsiganes 56-57, no. 1 (2016): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/tsig.056.0090.

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Ofer, Dalia, and Claire Drevon. "Les ghettos de Transnistrie et les ghettos d�Europe orientale occup�e par l�Allemagne�: �tude comparative." Revue d�Histoire de la Shoah N�194, no. 1 (2011): 375. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhsho.194.0375.

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12

Fylypenko, Artem. "The Transnistrian Conflict in 1992 and Russian Aggression Against Ukraine: Comparative Analysis." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 12, 2018): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.62-70.

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The article presents a comparative analysis of the Transnistrian conflict of 1990-1992 and the Ukrainian-Russian conflict in 2014-2018. The similarities and differences between the two conflicts are analyzed. It is proved that the scenario under which events in the Donbas are developing is very similar to the events in Transnistria in 1990-1992, in particular, through the use of linguistic issues for the emergence of confrontation, the provision of military and political support, including through the involvement of irregular formations , direct intervention of armed units of the regular Russian army in war. Particular attention is paid to the methods of information warfare against Moldova in the early 90's. The similarity of these methods with those used by Russia in the information war against Ukraine is shown, in particular: 1) dehumanization of the enemy, dissemination of information about its cruelty and inhumanity; 2) manipulation of historical facts; 3) representation of the struggle against separatism as the aggression of one state against the other; 4) appeal. to the events of the Second World War; 5) the statement that foreign troops are fighting on the side of government forces; 6) attempts to present separatist movements as "popular". The conclusions state that the Transnistrian conflict of 1990-1992, as well as the occupation of Crimea and the conflict in the East of Ukraine in 2014-2018, are part of Russia's overall strategy to preserve the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine in its sphere of influence. The ultimate goal of this strategy is the reintegration of separatist enclaves under conditions favorable to Russia, namely: the ability to influence foreign policy, change foreign policy priorities (rejection of the course on European and Euro-Atlantic integration), preservation of dependence on supplies of Russian energy carriers. Key words: Ukraine, Republic of Moldova, Transnistria, Transnistria conflict, Ukrainian-Russian conflict, Donbass

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13

Lesanu, Alexandru. "Administrative Legacies and ‘Phantom Borders’ in Transnistria, 1996-2003. The Case of the Rybnitsa Sugar and Alcohol Factory." Südosteuropa 67, no. 3 (November 30, 2019): 328–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2019-0025.

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Abstract With the Soviet dissolution, the eastern districts of the newly established Republic of Moldova refused to recognize the Moldovan authorities and proclaimed the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (PMR). In the post-Soviet context, the PMR, or Transnistria as the international public know it, emerged as a de facto state without international recognition. This ‘phantom’ status in international relations entailed the reputation of being ‘a black hole’ in international trade. However, the de facto state managed to develop its own customs authorities, which created an extensive administrative legacy of what was a merely de facto border. The author uses the concept of ‘phantom border’ to contextualize this administrative legacy of the Transnistrian borders. He traces these legacies through the correspondence between the Transnistrian customs authorities and the administration of the Rybnitsa Sugar and Alcohol Factory—a major local enterprise with a long history as an actor in the regional border infrastructure.

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14

Shevchuk, Nina. "Features of EU Involvement in the Negotiation Process on the Transnistrian Settlement (1994–2005)." Contemporary Europe 103, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 106–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope32021106116.

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The theme of the article is the EU participation in the transnistrian settlement with an emphasis on its observer status in the 5+2 format. It covers the period from the beginning of the negotiation process in 1994 until the EU gained observer status in 2005. Based on historical material, the author shows how the EU was gradually involved in the Transnistrian settlement process and how European mediation evolved, using political and economic tools more actively than the methods of traditional diplomacy. The author identified factors that affect the EU's interaction with the parties to the conflict and including – Russia. At the same time, the author focused on the tools used by the European Union in the conflict region even before its official involvement in the negotiations, including the introduction of sanctions against the leadership of Transnistria. The article also explores the essence of the institution of observer on the example of the EU participation in the negotiations in the "5+2" format. It is shown that the external participants in the negotiations on the Transnistrian settlement are equal, despite the difference in their official status. The Europeanization of the Transnistrian settlement failed to energies the negotiation process and increase its productivity, but it allowed the European Union to test new mediation tools, optimize approaches to the settlement of a modern international conflict, and strengthen its position in the conflict region, which remains a zone of geopolitical competition between Russia and the West.

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15

Serzhanova, Viktoria. "The 1991 constitution of independent Transnistria." Przegląd Europejski, no. 4-2017 (March 25, 2018): 132–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.4.17.7.

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The legal status of the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic, which declared its independence in 1990, since that time has unchangingly remained ambiguous. The state has factually existed for almost thirty years so far, although it has not hitherto been recognised by any member of the international community. Its status from the constitutional law viewpoint is contradictory to the one analysed in the light of the international law, according to which Transnistria still formally remains a Moldavian autonomous region of a special status. This paper, being a part of the wider research carried out over Transnistria’s legal status, aims at establishing its primary political system’s grounds. Therefore, it comprises the analysis of the origin and development of Transnistrian first independent basic law, which appeared to be the foundation of the abovementioned solutions. The paper undertakes an attempt to not only analyse, but also evaluate the political system’s primary principles and development of Transnistria as a newly created state in the first years of its functioning. The subject of the work is particularly focused on the shape and content of the first constitution of Transnistria of 1991, which bound during the first four years of the state’s independence till the presently binding constitution of 1995 entered into force, along with observing of how its functioning in practice shaped the constitutional and political reality.

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16

Miarka, Agnieszka. "Transnistria as an Instrument of Influence of the Russian Federation on the Security of Moldova in the Second Decade of the 21st Century—Selected Aspects." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.2.61.

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The aim of the article is to analyze and characterize the influence of the Russian Federation on the security of Moldova through cooperation with the nonrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (PMR). My research hypothesis is that the Russian Federation, through its multifaceted (time-varying) support to Transnistria, strengthens its pro-Russian character, thus making it an effective instrument for influencing Moldova's security. The research used methods characteristic for qualitative research, such as analysis and interpretation of documents of the Republic of Moldova and statements of leading Moldovan and Transnistrian politicians. The results of the research indicate that the Russian Federation's support of Transnistria with military and nonmilitary means in order to exert pressure on Moldova. The para-state is a convenient tool for influencing the shape of security policy created by Moldovan decision makers in order to undermine Moldova's aspirations to participate in Euro-Atlantic structures, for example, the European Union, and maintain it as part of Russia's traditional sphere of influence. The measures taken by the Russian side reduce Moldova's security, while posing a challenge to maintaining regional security in the long term.

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17

Biliuta, Ionut. "“Christianizing” Transnistria: Romanian Orthodox Clergy as Beneficiaries, Perpetrators, and Rescuers during the Holocaust." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 34, no. 1 (2020): 18–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcaa003.

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Abstract The violent behavior of fascist Orthodox clerics serving in the Transnistrian Orthodox Mission during World War II contributed to the “Romanianization” of Transnistria initiated by the Antonescu government in 1941. These churchmen stand out as bystanders, beneficiaries, and even perpetrators of the Holocaust. Subscribing to the antisemitic programs of the outlawed Iron Guard and of the Antonescu government, these men took an active part in exploiting, robbing, and even murdering both local Jews and other deportees from Bessarabia, Bucovina, and elsewhere in Romania. They illustrate both the suffusion of fascist ideology into all sectors of Romanian society and the role of clergy at every level.

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Osypenko, Oleksandr. "Cultural Processes in the Rural Areas of Transnistria, 1941-1944." Eminak, no. 2(30) (June 26, 2020): 167–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2020.2(30).417.

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The issue of cultural policy of the Romanian occupation administration in the Transnistrian countryside in 1941-1944. It is established that one of the important steps of the Romanian administration towards ideological support of its presence and functioning of the authorities in the territory of Southwestern Ukraine was a policy aimed at supporting the Orthodox Church, education and culture as a whole in the occupied territories. To achieve this goal, the Romanian Orthodox Mission in Transnistria was established. The main task of this religious group was the organization and management of church-religious life in the territory of the Bug-Dniester rivers. The Romanian Orthodox mission has launched activities to spread the Christian doctrine among the population, its catechesis and conversion of people to God, as well as the restoration, restoration and commissioning of church buildings in Transnistria. One of the primary tasks for the new government was to restore the functioning of primary and secondary education. Transnistria governorate implemented a Romanian school system where primary education was compulsory and reading, reading and writing skills were compulsory for all children and teens. In the process of organization the invasive process, the occupying power introduced a synthesis of the adjusted Soviet training programs and programs, which were officially studied in the Romanian kingdom. Much attention was paid to the organization of various groups of amateur art and aesthetic education of children. It has been established that in the cities of Romanian administration, from the first days of the occupation, started to set activities of recreation establishments, and only then began to worry about opening similar foundtions in county centers, and occasionally tried to organize something like the average rural resident. One of the centers organizations of recreation for the local population became the Romanian cultural circles which were opened both in county centers and in villages of «Transnistria». Despite considerable progress in setting cultural and educational work in rural areas of these lands. However, all these measures were used by the Transnistria administration in the first place for the systematic and forced Romanianization for the local, overwhelmingly rural population.

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Polner, Mariya. "Securing ‘from within’." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 14, no. 2 (November 3, 2008): 67–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.14.2.4.

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The dissolution of the Soviet Union resulted not only interindependence for Moldova. It also served as a push factor for the secessionist conflict on its territory which due to its unresolved status is referred to as frozen. All attempts of the political settlement since 1990s have ended in deadlock. Interestingly, the EU policies towards Transnistria changed significantly in 2003-2004. From the ‘security consumer’ the EU has been slowly turning into the ‘security provider’. The main goal of this paper is to evaluate the impact of the EU in ensuring security and stability through its involvement in the Transnistrian conflict. For this purpose the study will focus on EU-Moldova relations and the instrument it dedicates to ensuring stability, the EU Border Assistance Mission.

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Protsyk, Oleh. "Secession and hybrid regime politics in transnistria." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 1-2 (March 2012): 175–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.03.003.

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Post-Soviet de facto states are presented in the social science literature, first of all, as a by-product of research on secession, nationalism, and conflict resolution. The paper focuses instead on issues of institution-building and governance in de facto states. It examines the construction of a hybrid political regime in the most populous of post-Soviet de facto states, Transnistra. The paper analyzes secessionist elites’ strategies of maintaining power and sources of domestic pressures to democratize political institutions of the de facto state. The evolution of the Transnistrian regime, it is argued, provides interesting ground for exploring the mechanisms of democratization under an unfavorable choice of institutions and problematic external environment.

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Chernyavskiy, Stanislav. "TRANSNISTRIA IN THE GRIP OF THE UKRAINIAN CRISIS (For the 25th anniversary of the Transnistrian conflict)." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (History and Political Science), no. 5 (2017): 187–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-676x-2017-5-187-197.

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S. Chernyavskiy. "Transnistria in the Grip of the Ukraine Crisis: On the 25th Anniversary of the Transnistrian Conflict." International Affairs 63, no. 005 (October 31, 2017): 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/iaf.49755776.

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Dumitru, Diana, and Claire Drevon. "L�attitude de la population non-juive de Bessarabie et de Transnistrie envers les juifs pendant la Shoah le point de vue des rescap�s." Revue d�Histoire de la Shoah N�194, no. 1 (2011): 411. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhsho.194.0411.

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Narotchnitskaïa, Natalia. "Précédent transnistrien ?" Outre-Terre 19, no. 2 (2007): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/oute.019.0271.

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Urse, Cristian. "Solving Transnistria: Any Optimists Left?" Connections: The Quarterly Journal 07, no. 1 (2008): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.07.1.04.

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Dinesen, Ruxandra Lupu. "Transnistrien næste brændpunkt?" Udenrigs, no. 1 (February 1, 2015): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/udenrigs.v0i1.118378.

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Cazacu, Matei, and Matei Cazacu. "Moldau - Bessarabien - Transnistrien." Der Donauraum 36, no. 3-4 (December 1996): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/dnrm.1996.36.34.14.

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Kitaika, Andrei Vladimirovich. "The Concept of “Wine” in the Culture of Transnistria." Общество: философия, история, культура, no. 9 (September 25, 2020): 72–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/fik.2020.9.12.

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Based on historical, philosophical and cultural anal-ysis, the article examines the significance of wine in cultural and economic activities. Historical precondi-tions and factors influencing the emergence and development of winemaking in Transnistria, as well as the role of wine and winemaking in the culture of Transnistria. Non-ethnic influence and mutual bor-rowing of cultures in the process of formation and development of wine-making practices in Transnis-tria. Wine in the religious traditions of Transnistria. The role of wine in the process of spiritual socializa-tion of the individual. The concept of «wine» in the culture of Transnistria. «Basement» as a manifesta-tion of archetypal and local identity. Everyday Winemaking Practices in Transnistria. Identification and communication characteristics of the concept «wine». Wine and winemaking as a specific element of the tradition of work ethics and a form of mani-festation of regional identity.

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Wolff, Stefan. "A resolvable frozen conflict? Designing a settlement for Transnistria." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 6 (November 2011): 863–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.617363.

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The conflict over Transnistria is a territorial dispute in which one of the conflict parties (Transnistria) seeks independence while the other (Moldova) aims to restore its full sovereignty and territorial integrity. For close to two decades, the situation has been stagnant: a cease-fire agreement signed in 1992 in Moscow between the Russian and Moldovan presidents at the time – Boris Yeltsin and Mircea Snegur – established a trilateral peacekeeping mission (Russia, Moldova, Transnistria) and a buffer zone along the Dniestr/Nistru River. Protected by these arrangements and an additional Russian military presence, Transnistria has developed into a de facto state of its own, albeit without international recognition and heavily dependent on Russia.

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Obruchkov, A. Yu. "NEW PARTHENOCARPIC CUCUMBER HYBRIDS TOLERANT TO DOWNY MILDEW." Vegetable crops of Russia, no. 5 (December 4, 2018): 95–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18619/2072-9146-2018-5-95-97.

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Research work was carried out in the State University "Transnistrian Research Institute of agriculture" in film greenhouses (spring-summer and summer turnover) and in the open field on the trellis. The aim of the work is to study the source material and create promising lines of cucumber with high parthenocarpic ability, yield and resistance to downy mildew to obtain on their basis heterosis hybrids of cucumber of universal type for various crop rotations. To achieve this goal in 2013-2017 the following tasks were identified: to study the collection samples and to identify the most resistant to downy mildew; to evaluate the source material and select the stable forms; to study the combinational ability of the main features and properties of the parent forms of cucumber hybrids (parthenocarpy, yield, disease resistance); to study the variability and inheritance of the main useful features and properties; to test promising cucumber hybrids for economically valuable traits and properties. The standards were hybrids Enthusiasm (selection RF) and Claudia (Dutch selection). In order to create a source material of parthenocarpic hybrids of cucumber resistant to peronosporosis, 20 samples of breeding material from different countries of origin were studied in the closed and open ground. Four maternal and six paternal forms, as well as eighteen large-humped hybrid combinations were evaluated by the topcross method according to the complex of economically valuable traits and properties. And full diallele the scheme of the seven lines and forty-two tuberculate hybrid combinations. The regularities of variability and signs manifestation in the first generation of hybrids are studied. Given information about the inheritance of the trait of resistance to downy mildew is a promising parthenocarpic hybrid combinations of cucumber created in the Transnistrian agricultural research Institute. Highlighted is sixty-six hybrid combinations of cucumber. Three samples that showed high resistance to downy mildew, was submitted to the State varietal Inspectorate of the Republic of Moldova and Transnistria under the name Condor, Orlan and Shegol.

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Roper, Steven D. "The politicization of education: Identity formation in Moldova and Transnistria." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38, no. 4 (October 25, 2005): 501–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2005.09.003.

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This article examines how education, linguistic and citizenship policies have influenced the development of Moldovan identity and relations with the breakaway region of Transnistria. The article explores the influence of three specific education policies (Russian language instruction, an integrated history course and Romanian language school closures in Transnistria) on the debate concerning Moldovan identity and ultimately Moldovan statehood. The Romanian language school closures in Transnistria demonstrate that education is not only an important agent of identity formation, but also that such crude political tactics as school closures ultimately affect other education policies, reinforce negative stereotypes and make meaningful dialogue impossible. The larger issue than the school closures in Transnistria is whether devolution of authority on issues such as education policy is possible no matter how autonomy is granted.

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Koszel, Bogdan. "Unia Europejska a zapomniany konflikt o Naddniestrze." Politeja 17, no. 6(69) (October 1, 2020): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.69.08.

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The European Union and the Forgotten Conflict over Transnistria The European Community/European Union was not formally involved in the resolution of the Transnistria conflict. It was believed that success would be possible with the help of an OSCE mission with active Russian participation. The EU considers the rebellious Transnistria as an integral part of Moldova. It sought to support its pro-Western course through the PCA and the Association Agreement. Moldova’s lack of prospects for EU membership and strong Russian influence in the country perpetuate existing divisions. In Europe, hardly anyone remembers the frozen conflict over Transnistria. After a brief period of armed struggle in the early 1990s, it did not accumulate any more international tension and attracted no more attention from the international public opinion.

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Comai, Giorgio, and Bernardo Venturi. "Language and education laws in multi-ethnic de facto states: the cases of Abkhazia and Transnistria." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 6 (November 2015): 886–905. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2015.1082996.

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Even after the conflicts of the early 1990s that brought them to their de facto independence, both Abkhazia and Transnistria remained strongly multi-ethnic. In both territories, no single ethnic group is an absolute majority and Russian is the language that is mostly spoken on the streets of Sukhumi and Tiraspol. Legislators of both entities felt the need to deal with multi-ethnicity and multilingualism, including in their constitutions, in laws related to education, or more directly with specific language laws (1992 law “On languages” in Transnistria; 2007 law “On the state language in Abkhazia”). The protection of linguistic rights that is formally part of the legislation of both territories finds limitations in practice. The language of education has proved to be particularly contentious, in particular for Moldovan/Romanian language schools in Transnistria and Georgian language schools in Abkhazia. Why are language laws in Abkhazia and Transnistria so different, in spite of the fact that they are both post-Soviet, multi-ethnic territories that became de facto independent in the early 1990s? The different approaches found in Abkhazia and Transnistria represent remarkable examples of language legislation as a tool for nation-building in ethnically heterogeneous territories.

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Devyatkov, Andrey. "Russian Policy Toward Transnistria." Problems of Post-Communism 59, no. 3 (May 2012): 53–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ppc1075-8216590305.

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Korobov, Vladimir, and Georgii Byanov. "The ‘Renewal’ of Transnistria." Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 22, no. 4 (December 2006): 517–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523270601019581.

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Lachert, Jakub. "Naddniestrze w polityce Unii Europejskiej i Rosji." Przegląd Europejski, no. 3-2016 (December 11, 2016): 30–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.16.2.

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The fundamental thesis of this paper is that the European Union has, at its disposal, economic and political tools to resolve conflict in Transnistria. The EU Association Agreement signed with the Republic of Moldova is an important instrument which could be used to reintegrate Transnistria with Moldova. In the long term, the flourishing Moldavian economy associated with the EU might prove a more attractive alternative for Tiraspol than dependence on unpredictable Russia. However, Russia continues to play an important part in the efforts to solve the conflict.

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Fomenco, Vladimir. "Migration of the population of Transnistria: factors, trends, consequences." Journal of Geography, Politics and Society 9, no. 4 (December 31, 2019): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/jpgs.2019.4.01.

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The article considers the factors influencing the formation of the modern migration situation in Transnistria, the trends of its development and socio-economic costs. Particular attention is given to the problems of the migration registration system in Transnistria. Also are presented the possible ways to optimize migration accounting in the region.

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Kliment, Alex. "The Transnistrian Dilemma." SAIS Review of International Affairs 25, no. 1 (2005): 71–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.2005.0012.

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PUTINTSEV, I. S. "The Transnistrian Compromise?" MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(10) (February 28, 2010): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2010-1-10-24-29.

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В статье анализируются факторы, определяющие российскую политику в отношении Приднестровья, а также предложены основы проекта урегулирования приднестровского конфликта на базе компромисса между Кишинёвом, Москвой и Тирасполем.

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Cojocaru, Natalia. "NATIONALISM AND IDENTITY IN TRANSNISTRIA." Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research 19, no. 3-4 (September 2006): 261–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13511610601029813.

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Svetlana Gamova. "SANDU CANCELS WAR WITH TRANSNISTRIA." Current Digest of the Russian Press, The 73, no. 030 (July 25, 2021): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/dsp.69303013.

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Solonari, Vladimir. "From Silence to Justification?: Moldovan Historians on the Holocaust of Bessarabian and Transnistrian Jews." Nationalities Papers 30, no. 3 (September 2002): 435–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599022000011705.

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The Holocaust was one of the major experiences of the populations, both Jewish and non-Jewish, of those European countries that were either part of the Axis or occupied by Nazi Germany. This was certainly the case for the inhabitants of Bessarabia, Northern Bukovina, and Transnistria. These regions remained under Romanian administration from June/July 1941 to spring/summer 1944. The Soviets had seized Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina from Romania in June 1940 under the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact. These territories were then reoccupied (“liberated”) by the Romanian and German armies after the German attack against the Soviet Union in June 1941. From 1941 to 1944 they were Romanian provinces ruled by separate highly centralized administrations. Transnistria (meaning literally “territory across the Dniester” in Romanian), which lies between the Dniester and Bug rivers, though never formally incorporated into Romania, was ruled by the Romanians during this period under the agreement with Hitler. Romanian authorities deported practically all Jews from Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to Transnistria, accusing them of both treason and collaboration with the Soviets in 1940–1941 during the Soviet occupation and hostility towards the Romanian state in general. Some Roma, together with other “hostile elements” from other Romanian provinces, were also deported to Transnistria.

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Koszel, Bogdan. "The Role of Germany in the Transnistria Conflict." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 13 (December 31, 2020): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.7.

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The author indicates in the article that the conflict over Transnistria was not int the field of German close interests. The main task of the German government was to maintain good relations with Russia and to grant it the role of the main mediator in the dispute between Moldova and rebellious Transnistria. On the other hand, Germany, as an EU member, sought to stabilize the region and to bring about democratic and pro-European changes in Moldova. Berlin supported negotiations between the conflicted parties within the OSCE framework albeit aware that they were a sham and would not contribute to the resolution of the conflict. Both the people of Transnistria and Moldova are committed to maintaining the status quo. The absence of physical violence and minor economic and legal tensions have encouraged Western Europe to remain indifferent to Transnistria’s problems. In the article the author used the following research methods: historical, descriptive, source analysis and decision making method.

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Crowther, William. "Ethnic Politics and the Post-Communist Transition in Moldova*." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 1 (March 1998): 147–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408555.

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During the late 1980s the Soviet Socialist Republic of Moldavia, like many other regions within the former USSR, entered into a period of political turmoil. As the grip of the Communist Party weakened, increasingly serious conflict broke out between the Romanian-speaking majority and minority activists. Separatist forces quickly established themselves in two of the republic's regions, Transnistria on the east bank of the Dnestr river and the Gagauz districts in the south. Both claimed sovereignty and forcibly resisted the authority of the central government. By 1992 severe fighting was underway, especially in Transnistria, and Moldova appeared to be on the verge of a spiral into unrestrained civil conflict. Yet, by 1995, nationalist forces in Moldova had declined, and one of the two separatist conflicts, that in the Gagauz region, had been resolved by the peaceful reintegration of the Gagauz into Moldova. The second conflict, in Transnistria, was at least partially defused, and escalation was avoided.

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Svetlana Gamova. "MOLDOVA BEGINS FORCEFUL REINTEGRATION OF TRANSNISTRIA." Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press, The 69, no. 029 (July 23, 2017): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/dsp.49298667.

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Svetlana Gamova. "TRANSNISTRIA COMPLAINS TO PUTIN ABOUT DODON." Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press, The 69, no. 023 (June 5, 2017): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/dsp.49053570.

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Borsi, Mihály. "Transnistria – an unrecognised country within Moldova." SEER 10, no. 4 (2007): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1435-2869-2007-4-45.

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Munteanu, Angela, and Igor Munteanu. "Transnistria: a paradise for vested interests." SEER 10, no. 4 (2007): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1435-2869-2007-4-51.

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OPHIR, EPHRAIM. "WAS THE TRANSNISTRIA RESCUE PLAN ACHIEVABLE?" Holocaust and Genocide Studies 6, no. 1 (1991): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/6.1.1.

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Tatyana Ivzhenko. "DONETSK BASIN GETS COMPARED TO TRANSNISTRIA." Current Digest of the Russian Press, The 72, no. 050 (December 13, 2020): 13–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/dsp.64655053.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Transnistrie'

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