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Journal articles on the topic 'Transportation – Nigeria – History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Olukoju, Ayodeji. "Background to the Establishment of the Nigerian Ports Authority: The Politics of Port Administration in Nigeria, c. 1920–1954." International Journal of Maritime History 4, no. 2 (December 1992): 155–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387149200400208.

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2

Faleye, Olukayode A. "Plague and trade in Lagos, 1924–1931." International Journal of Maritime History 30, no. 2 (May 2018): 287–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871418765723.

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The literature on the Third Plague Pandemic in West Africa focuses on urbanisation and disease processes in colonial Senegal, Ghana, and Nigeria. Consequently, there is a dearth of historical study of the relational complexities between public health interventions and maritime trade during the outbreak in the region. It is with this in mind that this article examines the historical effects of plague control on internal commerce and international maritime trade in Lagos from 1924 to 1931. The study is based on the historical analysis of colonial administrative, sanitary and medical records as well as newspaper reports. It concludes that the nature of colonial public health intervention was determined by economic policy preferences that impacted distinctively on internal commerce and international maritime trade in Lagos.

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3

Nton, Matthew E., Oto S. Akpan, and Olajide J. Adamolekun. "Geochemistry of Ekenkpon and Nkporo shales, Calabar flank, SE Nigeria: implications for provenance, transportation history and depositional environment." Global Journal of Geological Sciences 16, no. 1 (March 9, 2018): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/gjgs.v16i1.7.

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4

Heap, Simon. "Transport and Liquor in Colonial Nigeria." Journal of Transport History 21, no. 1 (March 2000): 28–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/tjth.21.1.3.

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5

Ndagi, I., F. D. Babalola, I. U. Mokwunye, C. F. Anagbogu, I. A. Aderolu, O. Ugioro, E. U. Asogwa, M. Idrisu, and F. C. Mokwunye. "Potentials and Challenges of Kolanut Production in Niger State, Nigeria." ISRN Agronomy 2012 (August 29, 2012): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5402/2012/492394.

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Niger State has unique history of kolanut production in northern part of Nigeria. Unfortunately, the potentials of kolanut production in the state are not duly recognized. Lavun and Mokwa Local Government Areas, where kolanut is widely produced were selected for the study. Kolanut farmers were randomly selected for administration of structured questionnaire. Cola nitida was the dominant species planted by the farmers. More than two third of the kolanut plantations were 60 years and above. Kolanut farms were mainly owned through inheritance. Farmers at Lavun adopted more cultural practices than the farmers at Mokwa; such practices included application of organic manure and mulching to the kolanut trees, felling of unproductive kolanut trees to coppice, and adoption of multiple land practice. Due to this, the farmers at Lavun got more harvest from their kolanut plantations than those at Mokwa. Stored nuts were mainly attacked by weevils and rot disease. Challenges of kolanut production are low yield, lack of information on improved technology, pest and disease infestation, lack of intervention from the government, and transportation. Farmers in the study areas still hold kolanut production in high esteem, and there is vast area of land which could be used for kolanut production.

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6

Madugu, Yusuf Umar. "Filling the mobility gaps: The shared taxi industry in Kano, Nigeria." Journal of Transport History 39, no. 1 (April 6, 2018): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526618759530.

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This paper aims to analyse the growth of the taxi and shared taxi industries in Nigeria after the 1980s Structural Adjustment Programs. The reduction of public bus services and growing urbanisation fuelled the rise of (paid) car-pooling and eventually a change in the taxi regime. This new system offered an increasingly flexible shared service which (partially) met urban mobility demands. Although this system is common to many African cites, and similar to post-1989 socialist states in Europe and central Asia, focusing on the city of Kano (Nigeria) allows us to identify some of its peculiarities. Relying on secondary sources and on interviews with witnesses, this paper traces the trajectory of shared taxi services from the 1950s to today.

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7

Agbo, Cornelius Ogbodo Anayo. "Nigeria’s automotive policy and the quest for a viable automotive industry: a lesson for the developing economies." Journal of Science and Technology Policy Management 11, no. 4 (September 17, 2020): 585–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jstpm-07-2019-0073.

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Purpose It is of concern that several attempts at making Nigeria an automobile producing country have not yielded much success. This paper aims to re-examine the history of automobile manufacturing and the consequences of auto policies of successive governments towards having a viable automotive industry in Nigeria and the lessons therefrom. Design/methodology/approach Dispersed data were assembled from both primary and secondary sources on the automobile industry activities in Nigeria. The historic data cover Nigeria’s vehicles need, production levels, importations and local content developments. Time series data on Nigeria’s crude oil prices and the devaluation of the local currency were obtained and analyzed to elucidate effects and provide the trajectory. A comparative analysis of the policies of successful countries with initial status with Nigeria was carried out to elucidate the policy pitfalls in Nigeria’s industrial policies. Findings The automotive policies in Nigeria are not self-sustaining. It has been curiously observed that the automotive policy on import substitution and local content development approach did not include the key components in automobile manufacturing, making it a footloose industry. Nigeria’s crude petroleum mono-economy affects the manufacturing sector negatively. A fall in international crude oil price causes free fall of the country’s currency in the international market, the cost of imported new vehicles and parts become prohibitively high, consequently, individuals, as well as corporate organizations, resorted to imported fairly used vehicles and parts for their transportation needs. Capacity utilization dropped abysmally. Originality/value Nigeria’s experience has demonstrated the critical role the government can play in safeguarding the automobile industry in the developing economies. Apart from diversification of the economy, there is a need, therefore, for a more refined and pragmatic approach in the formulation of policies to enable only genuine investors to operate in the automobile industry which hitherto has been an all-comers affair with many taking advantage of unguarded and unguided government incentives.

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8

Nwabughuogu, A. I. "Book Review: Transport Systems in Nigeria, Foreign and Comparative Studies, African Series XLII." Journal of Transport History 8, no. 2 (September 1987): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002252668700800210.

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9

Sawyerr, Henry O., Rauf O. Yusuf, and Adedotun T. Adeolu. "Risk Factors and Rates of Hepatitis B Virus Infection among Municipal Waste Management Workers and Scavengers in Ilorin, Kwara State, Nigeria." Journal of Health and Pollution 6, no. 12 (December 1, 2016): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.5696/2156-9614-6.12.1.

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Background. Poor municipal waste management, including waste treatment and disposal methods, threatens the environment and public health in most developing countries. Lack of proper municipal waste segregation and transportation techniques has increased the potential for the transmission of pathogens such as hepatitis B virus (HBV). Objectives. This study addressed issues relating to the potential risk of infectious diseases and prevalence of HBV among municipal waste workers and scavengers in Ilorin metropolis, Nigeria. Methods. A cross-sectional study was conducted among municipal waste management workers and waste scavengers in Ilorin metropolis, Kwara State, Nigeria. A total of 120 respondents were administered questionnaires during the first stage of the study and participated in the second (testing) stage of the study. The prevalence of an HBV infection biological marker, the Australia antigen (HBsAg), and its association with exposure to waste, socio-demographic factors, and history of occupational injuries with sharp objects/needle sticks was examined. Results. The prevalence of HBV infection among municipal waste management workers and waste scavengers was 2.6% and 16.67% respectively, indicating that scavengers were at higher risk of HBV infection. Conclusions. Lack of proper occupational health safety management among municipal waste management workers was a possible risk factor for HBV infection through injury with sharp instruments. The possible pathway of virus transmission was waste segregation, which is usually carried out with bare hands, and lack of hygiene and occupational safety during waste management activities. Therefore, vaccination against HBV, personal hygiene practices and regular training on occupational safety will help to control risk of HBV infection among municipal waste workers and scavengers.

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10

Akinmosin, A., and C. V. Melifonwu. "Sedimentological and Scanning Electron Miscroscopic Descriptions of Afowo Oil Sand Deposits, South Western Nigeria." GeoScience Engineering 63, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/gse-2017-0019.

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AbstractSedimentological and scanning electron microscopic analyses of some shallow reservoir tar sand samples in parts of Southwestern Nigeria were carried out with the aim of characterizing the reservoir properties in relation to bitumen saturation and recovery efficiency. The production of impregnated tar from the sands requires the reservoir to be of good quality. A total of thirty samples were collected at different localities within the tar sand belt (ten out of these samples were selected for various reservoir quality analyses based on their textural homogeneity). The result of particle size distribution study showed that bulk of the sands is medium – coarse grained and moderately sorted. The grain morphologies are of low to high sphericity with shapes generally sub-angular to sub-rounded, implying that the sands have undergone a fairly long transportation history with depositional energy having a moderate to high velocity. The quartz content was made up of about 96% of the total mineralogical components; the sediments of the Afowo Formation can be described to be mineralogically and texturally stable. The result of the scanning electron microscopy (SEM) analysis revealed that the oil sands contained minerals which had been precipitated and occurred as pore filling cement; these minerals include sheet kaolinite, block kaolinite, vermiform kaolinite, pyrite crystals and quartz. The SEM images also showed micro-pores ranging from 0.057µm to 0.446µm and fractures. The study showed that the clay minerals contained in the Afowo reservoir rocks were mainly kaolinite. Kaoline unlike some other clays (e.g Montimorillonite) does not swell with water, hence it is not expected to have any negative effects on the reservoir quality, especially during enhanced oil recovery operations.From overall results of the reservoir quality assessment, Oso J4 and Gbegude sands should be expected to make better reservoirs with good oil recovery efficiency due to their low content of fines and better sorting characteristics when compared to sediments of other areas.

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11

Irving, T. B. "King Zumbi and the Male Movement in Brazil." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 3 (October 1, 1992): 397–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i3.2577.

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Three great regions of America deserve a Muslim's attedon because oftheir Islamic past: Brazil in South America; the Caribbean, which scarcely hasbeen explored in this tespect; and the United States. Over 12 percent of theUnited States' population, and even more in the Caribbean, is of African origin,whereas Brazil has a similar or greater proportion of African descent.The enslavement and transportation of Africans to the New World continuedfor another three or four centuries after the region's indigenous Indianpopulations had either been killed off or driven into the plains and wooc1s.While knowledge of the original African Muslims in Notth America is vaguely acknowledged, teseatch is still required on the West Indies. Brazil's case,however, is clearer due to its proud history of the Palmares republic, whichalmost achieved its freedom in the seventeenth century, and the clearly Islamicnineteenth-century Male movement. As a postscript, the Canudos movement in 1897 also contained some Islamic features.In the Spanish colonies, the decline of the indigenous Indian populationsbegan quickly. To offset this development, Bartolome de Las Casas (1474-1566), Bishop of Chiapas, Mexico, suggested the importation of enslavedAfricans to the new colonies, whete they could then be converted to Christianity.Few persons have exercised such a baneful effect on society as thisman, who is often called the "Apostle of the Indies." However, othes knewhim as the "Enslaver of Africans," especially the Muslims, who he called"Moots." These facts of African slavery apply to almost all of the Atlanticcoast of the Americas, from Maryland and Virginia to Argentina, as well asto some countries along the Pacific coast such as Ecuador and Peru. If thisaspect of Muslim history and the Islamic heritage is to be preserved for humanhistory, we need to devote more study to it.This tragedy began in the sixteenth century and, after mote than four hundredyears, its effects are still apparent. If those Africans caught and sold intoslavery were educated, as many of them were, they were generally Muslimsand wrote in Arabic. Thus, many educated and literate slaves kept the recordsfor their sometimes illiterate plantation masters, who often could not read ormake any mathematical calculations, let alone handle formal bookkeeping.In 1532, the first permanent European settlement was established in Brazil,a country which since that date has never been wholly cut off from WestAfrica: even today trade is carried on with the Guinea coast. Yoruba influencefrom Nigeria and Benin has been almost as pervasive in some regions of ...

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12

Olukoju, Ayodeji. "A “Truly Nigerian Project?” the Politics of the Establishment of the Nigerian National Shipping Line (NNSL), 1957–1959." International Journal of Maritime History 15, no. 1 (June 2003): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387140301500105.

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13

Olukoju, Ayodeji. "Playing the Second Fiddle: The Development of Port Harcourt and Its Role in the Nigerian Economy, 1917–1950." International Journal of Maritime History 8, no. 1 (June 1996): 105–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387149600800108.

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14

Oshin, Olasiji. "Road Transport and the Declining Fortunes of the Nigerian Railway, 1901–1950." Journal of Transport History 12, no. 1 (March 1991): 11–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002252669101200102.

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15

Drummond-Thompson, Philip. "The Rise of Entrepreneurs in Nigerian Motor Transport a Study in Indigenous Enterprise." Journal of Transport History 14, no. 1 (March 1993): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002252669301400104.

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16

Last, Murray. "Francis Jaekel, The History of the Nigerian Railway three volumes (not sold separately). Ibadan: Spectrum Books, for Diamond Bank, 1997, £125.00. Vol. I, Opening the Nation to Sea, Air and Road Transportation, 236 pp., ISBN 978 246 314 0; vol. II, Network and Infrastructures, 652 pp., ISBN 978 246 331 0; vol. III, Organisation, Structure and Related Matters, 409 pp., ISBN 978 246 332 9. (Available in the UK from African Books Collective, Oxford.)." Africa 68, no. 4 (October 1998): 606–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161170.

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17

"Book Review: Nation on Board: Becoming Nigerian at Sea." International Journal of Maritime History 30, no. 1 (February 2018): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871417738490t.

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