Academic literature on the topic 'Transvaal (South Africa) – History – To 1880'
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Journal articles on the topic "Transvaal (South Africa) – History – To 1880"
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Ngai, Mae M. "Trouble on the Rand: The Chinese Question in South Africa and the Apogee of White Settlerism." International Labor and Working-Class History 91 (2017): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000326.
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The importation of more than 60,000 Chinese laborers to work in the Witwatersrand gold mines in South Africa between 1904 and 1910 remains an obscure episode in the history of Asian indentured labor in European colonies. Yet the experience of the coolies on the Rand reverberated throughout the Anglo-American world and had lasting consequences for global politics of race and labor. At one level, the Chinese laborers themselves resisted their conditions of work to such a degree that the program became untenable and was canceled after a few years. Not only did the South African project fail: Its failure signaled more broadly that at the turn of the twentieth century it had become increasingly difficult to impose upon Chinese workers the coercive and violent exploitation that had marked the global coolie trade in the era of slave emancipation. At another level, the Chinese labor program on the Rand provoked a political crisis in the Transvaal and in metropolitan Britain over the “Chinese Question”—that is, whether Chinese, indentured or free, should be altogether excluded from the settler colonies. Following the passage of laws limiting or excluding Chinese immigration to the United States (1882), Canada (1885), New Zealand (1881), and Australia (1901), Transvaal Colony and then the Union of South Africa, formed in 1910, likewise barred all Chinese from immigration—making Chinese and Asian exclusion, along with white rule, native dispossession, and racial segregation the defining features of the Anglo-American settlerism.
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Cohen, Alan. "Mary Elizabeth Barber, Some Early South African Geologists, and the Discoveries of Diamonds." Earth Sciences History 22, no. 2 (January 1, 2003): 156–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.22.2.25055065g1263034.
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The second generation of those Britons who had emigrated to the Cape Colony of South Africa in 18201 included a number of people who had transcended the basic requirements of establishing a subsistence among the relatively inhospitable social, economic, and agricultural climate of their new homeland. They became interested in the scientific study of the nature of their surroundings and in their spare time became keen amateur natural historians, geologists, archaeologists, and ethnologists. Those more intrepid amongst them sought to explore the unknown interior and in the process discovered the vast mineral wealth of the country, in particular diamonds, gold, and coal. This article seeks to show how one small group of people based around Grahamstown in the Eastern Province of the colony were involved in some of these discoveries, and especially the early discovery of diamonds in the Transvaal. Most of the group were connected in some way with Mary Elizabeth Barber (1818-1899), the daughter of a British gentleman sheep-farmer who arrived in South Africa in 1820. She became a well-known contemporary artist, poet, and natural historian, corresponding with several leading British scientists such as Sir Joseph Hooker and Charles Darwin. Her scientific papers were published, amongst others, by the Linnean Society of London, the Entomological Society of London, and the South African Philosophical Society.
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Bergh, Johan S. "“To Make Them Serve”: The 1871 Transvaal Commission on African Labour as a Source for Agrarian History." History in Africa 29 (2002): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172158.
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In the past twenty to twenty-five years valuable contributions have been made to southern African agrarian history. Stanley Trapido's publications, for example, opened up stimulating perspectives on the processes and forces inherent to nineteenth-century Transvaal agrarian history. Although he was modest in his 1980 chapter, “Reflections on Land, Office, and Wealth in the South African Republic, 1850-1900,” and referred to it as “a tentative and preliminary attempt to outline some important aspects of these social relationships,” it has provided historians and others with an important instrument of analysis.However, there are still themes, regions, and periods that need attention, one of these being the central districts of the Transvaal before the industrial revolution. In this regard a little-known source which may contribute to our knowledge of the pre-industrial history of the Transvaal, and which will be published this year as an annotated source publication, should be taken note of. This is the 1871 Commission on African labor in the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek (ZAR). Despite the valuable information contained in its documents on agrarian history and various aspects of race relations, especially with regard to the central districts of the Transvaal, it has been neglected by historians in the past. Of the few historians who refer to the 1871 Commission, most have merely utilised the report of the commission and have probably missed the important testimonies, correspondence, and minutes. Very few have managed to locate these documents, which are concealed among the supplementary documents of the State Secretary for 1871 in the Transvaal Archives.
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Mlambo, Alois S., Muchapara Musemwa, Irina Filatova, Raymond Suttner, Dirk Kotzé, Pippa Skotnes, Jane Carruthers, et al. "Tsuneo Yoshikuni,African Urban Experiences in Colonial Zimbabwe: A Social History of Harare before 1925; Firozi Manji and Stephen Marks (eds.),African Perspectives on China in Africa; Allison Drew,Between Empire and the Revolution: A Life of Sidney Bunting, 1873-1936; South African Democracy Education Trust,The Road to Democracy in South Africa, Volume 2; Ivor Chipkin,Do South Africans Exist?: Nationalism, Democracy and the Identity of ‘The People’; Andrew Banks,Bushmen in a Victorian World: The Remarkable Story of the Bleek-Lloyd Collection of Bushman Folklore; Ute Dieckmann,Hai||om in the Etosha Region: A History of Colonial Settlement, Ethnicity and Nature Conservation; Ursula Trüper,The Invisible Woman: Zara Schmelen, African Mission Assistant at the Cape and in Namaland; Libby Robin,How a Continent Created a Nation; Norman Etherington (ed.),Mapping Colonial Conquest: Australia and Southern Africa; Martin L. Davies,Historics: Why History Dominates Contemporary Society; John Laband,The Transvaal Rebellion: The First Boer War, 1880-1881; George Diederik van der Smit,Die Eensame Graf by Mombolo: Die Lewensverhaal van Pieter van der Smit." African Historical Review 40, no. 1 (June 2008): 161–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17532520802589836.
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Waetjen, Thembisa. "Global Opium Politics in Mozambique and South Africa, c 1880–1930." South African Historical Journal 71, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 560–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2019.1627402.
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Rotberg, Robert I. "The Jameson Raid: An American Imperial Plot?" Journal of Interdisciplinary History 49, no. 4 (March 2019): 641–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01341.
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South Africa’s Jameson Raid ultimately betrayed African rights by transferring power to white Afrikaner nationalists after helping to precipitate the Anglo-Boer War (1899–1902). The Raid also removed Cecil Rhodes from the premiership of the Cape Colony; strengthened Afrikaner control of the South African Republic (the Transvaal) and its world-supplying gold mines; and motivated the Afrikaner-controlled consolidation of segregation in the Union of South Africa, and thence apartheid. Perceptively, Charles van Onselen’s The Cowboy Capitalist links what happened on the goldfields of South Africa to earlier labor unrest in Idaho’s silver mines. Americans helped to originate the Raid and all of the events in its wake.
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HYSLOP, JONATHAN. "Cape Town Highlanders, Transvaal Scottish: Military ‘Scottishness’ and Social Power in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century South Africa." South African Historical Journal 47, no. 1 (November 2002): 96–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582470208671436.
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Cabrita, Joel. "People of Adam: Divine Healing and Racial Cosmopolitanism in the Early Twentieth-Century Transvaal, South Africa." Comparative Studies in Society and History 57, no. 2 (March 20, 2015): 557–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417515000134.
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AbstractThis article analyses the intersection between cosmopolitanism and racist ideologies in the faith healing practices of the Christian Catholic Apostolic Church in Zion. Originally from Illinois, USA, this organization was the period's most influential divine healing group. Black and white members, under the leadership of the charismatic John Alexander Dowie, eschewed medical assistance and proclaimed God's power to heal physical affliction. In affirming the deity's capacity to remake human bodies, church members also insisted that God could refashion biological race into a capacious spiritual ethnicity: a global human race they referred to as the “Adamic” race. Zionist universalist teachings were adopted by dispossessed and newly urbanized Boer ex-farmers in Johannesburg, Transvaal, before spreading to the soldiers of the British regiments recently arrived to fight the Boer states in the war of 1899–1902. Zionism equipped these estranged white “races” with a vocabulary to articulate political reconciliation and a precarious unity. But divine healing was most enthusiastically received among the Transvaal's rural Africans. Amidst the period's hardening segregation, Africans seized upon divine healing's innovative racial teachings, but both Boers and Africans found disappointment amid Zion's cosmopolitan promises. Boers were marginalized within the new racial regimes of the Edwardian empire in South Africa, and white South Africans had always been ambivalent about divine healing's incorporations of black Africans into a unitary race. This early history of Zionism in the Transvaal reveals the constriction of cosmopolitan aspirations amidst fast-narrowing horizons of race, nation, and empire in early twentieth-century South Africa.
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Gaitskell, Deborah. "Hot Meetings and Hard Kraals: African Biblewomen in Transvaal Methodism, 1924-601." Journal of Religion in Africa 30, no. 3 (2000): 277–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006600x00546.
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AbstractWhereas women's prayer groups are a well-known strength of African Christianity in Southern Africa, the evangelistic and pastoral contribution of individual women who were not clergy wives has been under-appreciated. Echoing models from Victorian London and Indian missions, Methodism in South Africa evolved an authorised, paid form of female lay ministry via middle-aged black Biblewomen sponsored and overseen by white Women's Auxiliary groups. The first appointee in the Transvaal and Swaziland District wrote comparatively full reports of emotionally 'hot' revival meetings. In 'hard' kraals she encountered hostility in the form of patriarchal control of women and an unusual proliferation of rival indigenous spirits. Her successors found male drinking an even greater obstacle to a sympathetic hearing. In urban townships along the Witwatersrand, Biblewomen work was less pioneering and more routinised, providing pastoral support to local churches via sick-visiting and following up lapsed members. From 1945-59, some Biblewomen were trained at Lovedale Bible School. The period after 1960 deserves separate exploration. In 1997, a new start was made with a national, autonomous Biblcwomen ministry, though many women, black and white, regretted severing their personal and organisational links of mutual dependence.
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Marks, Shula. "The Colour of Disease: Syphilis and Racism in South Africa, 1880-1950 (review)." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 78, no. 2 (2004): 494–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.2004.0088.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Transvaal (South Africa) – History – To 1880"
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Van, Jaarsveld Floris Albertus 1922-1995. "Die Ndzundza-Ndebele en die blankes in Transvaal, 1845-1883." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004379.
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In 1969 het Leonard Thompson met reg beweer dat Suid-Afrikaanse historici hulle tot op hede hoofsaaklik besig gehou het met die doen en late van 'n Blanke gemeenskap wat die land sedert 1652 oorheers het. Die Swartman was die "forgotten factor" in die geskiedenis van Suider-Afrika. Waar die Swartman die onderwerp van wetenskaplike studie was, is dit aan argeoloë, linguiste, etnoloë en fisiese en sosiale antropoloë oorgelaat. Tereg het Thompson kort hierna opgemerk: "We need to know much more about the complex process by which African chiefdoms became incorporated in white controlled politics in the late nineteenth century. Only when monographs have been written on several individual cases, shall we be in a position to reach definite conclusions about the process as a whole ". Sedert hierdie uitspraak van Thompson het verskeie historici hulle op die terrein van die "forgotten factor" begewe. Omvangryke publikasies oor onder andere die Zulu, Pedi, Sotho asook die Swazi's het sedertdien die lig gesien, terwyl 'n werk oor die Tswana van Wes-Transvaal pas verskyn het. Hierteenoor het heelwat van die kleiner en minder invloedryke swart groeperinge tot op hede steeds agterweë gebly. Wat Noordoos Transvaal betref - meer spesifiek die gebied tussen die Elandsrivier, die Lebomboberg en die Krokodilrivier wat die Ohrigstadse Volksraad in 1846 van Mswati gekoop het, was daar behalwe die Pedi verskeie ander groepe aanwesig wat almal gedurende die loop van die negentiende eeu onder Blanke gesag gekom het. Hieronder het getel die Ndzundza, die Kopa, Tau, Kwena, Ntwane, Koni, Rôka, Kutswe , Pai en Pulana, waarvan die Ndzundza en Kopa die belangrikste was. Ten spyte van die feit dat daar heelwat argivale bronne oor hierdie groepe bestaan, het geen navorser dit tot op hede nog ontgin nie. Oor die onderwerping van hierdie stamme aan Blanke gesag gedurende die negentiende eeu, is daar weinig bekend. Wat die Ndzundza-geskiedenis betref, geld Thompson se opmerking nog steeds dat historici wetenskaplike studie oor die Swartes tradisioneel aan navorsers uit ander dissiplines oorgelaat het. Dit blyk duidelik uit 'n ontleding van sekondêre materiaal wat oor die Ndzundza bestaan. Verskeie studies van volkekundige aard is oor die verskillende kulturele fasette en pre-koloniale geskiedenis van die Transvaalse Ndebele, waarvan die Ndzundza deel uitmaak, gedoen. In die meeste van hierdie studies word die pre-Blanke geskiedenis van die Ndzundza as inleiding aangebied, terwyl daar in sommige gevalle ook na die historiese tydperk verwys word. Op hierdie wyse is die herkomsgeskiedenis van die Ndzundza met behulp van mondelinge tradisies redelik volledig opgeteken. As gevolg van die feit dat geen argivale bronne geraadpleeg is nie, is die volkekundige werke wat die historiese tydperk betref, deurspek met spekulasies, onjuisthede en valse aannames. Met enkele uitsonderings berus verwysings deur die enkele historici wat die Ndzundza-geskiedenis behandel, veral met betrekking tot die tydperk voor 1882, grootliks op die uitsprake van volkekundiges. Dit het meegebring dat die huidige beeld en feitelikhede omtrent die negentiende eeuse Ndzundza-geskiedenis onjuis is, veral soos dit in algemene geskiedenisse opgeteken staan. Hierteenoor het verskeie historici die Mapoch-oorlog van 1882- 1883, waartydens die Ndzundza hul onafhanklikheid verloor het, behandel. In sy biografie oor genl P. J. Joubert het J. A. Mouton die oorlog tot 'n enkele hoofstuk beperk. Vir Mouton gaan dit egter om Joubert se persoonlike aandeel en gee hy gevolglik nie veel aandag aan die belangrikste aspek van die oorlog, naamlik die oorsake, nie. H. P. van Coller het in 1941 'n MA-verhandeling die lig laat sien waarin die oorsake en verloop van die Mapoch-oorlog beskryf word. Van Coller se uiteensetting omtrent die oorsake van die oorlog is egter ontoereikend aangesien dit heelwat onjuisthede bevat, geweldig subjektief is en nie ontkom aan naïewe aannames en uitsprake nie. Die belangrikste oorsaak van die oorlog, naamlik gronddispute, word deur Van Coller geignoreer. Voorts behandel hy die oorlog as 'n gevolg van die moord op Sekhukhune, sodat die Ndzundza "toevallig" betrek word. Ander historici se verwysings na die oorlog is ook ontoereikend omdat dit in die meeste gevalle beperk bly tot enkele bladsye en paragrawe. Tot op hede is die negentiende eeuse Ndzundza-geskiedenis dus nog of onvolledig, of onjuis opgeteken. Met hierdie studie word gepoog om 'n bydrae in hierdie verband te maak. Omdat die historisiese feite omtrent die verloop van die 1882-1883 oorlog grootliks bekend is, val die klem op die tydperk daarvóór. Voorts moet dit gemeld word dat dit in hierdie studie hoofsaaklik gaan om die faktore wat die verhoudinge tussen die Ndzundza en die Blankes bepaal het, te elimineer. Ander aspekte wat ter sprake kom is onder andere die uitwerking wat die Blanke besetting van Noordoos-Transvaal op die Ndzundza gehad het, gronddispute, arbeidsaangeleenthede, Swazi- en die Pedi-deelname in die Blankes se pogings om die Ndzundza te onderwerp van die asook die uiteindelike vernietiging en verlies onafhanklikheid van die Ndzundza. Die spelwyse van sekere name en benaminge wat in hierdie verhandeling voorkom, het in sommige gevalle probleme opgelewer. Die meerderheid Ndebele name is gespel volgens die voorskrifte van die Suid-Ndebele taalraad. Waar die korrekte moderne spelling van Swartes se name nie vasgestel kon word nie, is dit in aanhalingstekens weergegee soos dit in die dokument voorkom. AIle amptelike benamings soos staatspresident of koloniale sekretaris is in die teks met 'n kleinlettertjie gespel maar in die voetnotas met 'n hoofletter. Die motivering hiervoor is die Afrikaanse gebruik om amptelike benamings binne Westerse staatsverband met 'n hoofletter te spel maar benamings in tradisionele verband soos kaptein, opperhoof of hoofman met 'n kleinlettertjie, wat myns insiens op diskriminasie neerkom. Wat die spel van die woord swart betref: Waar dit as byvoeglike naamwoord gebruik word (bv. swart kindertjies), is deurgaans van kleinletters gebruik gemaak. Hoofletters is gebruik wanneer dit as selfstandige naamwoord gebruik word, bv. Die Swartes. Die terme kaffer en meid is waar moontlik, vermy. Die aangehaalde stukke waarin dit weI voorkom, moet nie as beledigend beskou word nie maar as verteenwoordigend van die terminolgoie van 'n bepaalde tyd in die geskiedenis. Die bedoeling was geensins om enigiemand te na te kom nie. wat ter sprake kom.
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Gess, David Wolfgang. "Hunting and power : class, race and privilege in the Eastern Cape and the Transvaal Lowveld, c. 1880-1905." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86262.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation examines the identity of hunters, sportsmen and their associated communities in two diverse regions of southern Africa during the last two decades of the nineteenth and the first decade of the twentieth centuries. It argues that this was a critical period during which new patterns of hunting and local tradition were created. In the eastern Cape districts of Albany, Fort Beaufort and Bathurst kudu and buffalo were hunted pursuant to permits granted in terms of the Game Act, 1886. An analysis of the identity of those to whom these permits were granted or refused provides insights into power, connection and influence amongst the English-speaking colonial elite of the region who sought to control the right to hunt “royal game”. It also reveals their interaction with civil servants who exercised the power to grant or withhold the privilege. Kudu were transferred from public to private ownership, through a process of “privatization” and “commodification” on enclosed private land, and there preserved for sporting purposes by the local rural gentry. The survival – and even growth – in numbers of kudu in the region was achieved in these private spaces. Buffalo, on the other hand, were hunted into local extinction notwithstanding their protection as “royal game”. In the north-eastern Transvaal Lowveld wild animals in public ownership were hunted by a wide variety of hunters with competing interests. The identity of the “lost” Lowveld hunters, previously hidden from history, including an important but overlooked component of elite recreational hunters from the eastern Cape, is explored as a window into the history of hunting in the region prior to the establishment of game reserves. Both the identity and networks of these hunters and sportsmen are considered in the context of enduring concerns about race, class, gender and the exercise of power.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek die identiteit van die jagters, sportmanne en die gepaardgaande gemeenskappe in twee verskillende streke van Suider-Afrika gedurende die laaste twee dekades van die negentiende en die eerste dekade van die twintigste eeu. Dit voer aan dat hierdie 'n kritieke tydperk was waartydens nuwe patrone van jag en plaaslike tradisie geskep is. In die Oos-Kaapse distrikte van Albany, Fort Beaufort en Bathurst is die jag op koedoes en buffels toegelaat op grond van permitte toegestaan in terme van die Wild Wet, 1886. Die ontleding van die identiteit van diegene aan wie hierdie permitte toegestaan of geweier was, bied insae oor die uitoefening van mag, verhoudings en invloed onder die Engelssprekende koloniale elite van die streek, wat probeer het om beheer uit te oefen oor die jag van die “koninklike wild”. Dit openbaar ook hul interaksie met staatsamptenare wat hulle magte gebruik het om permitte uit te ruik of te weerhou. Eienaarskap van koedoes was oorgedra vanaf openbare na privaat besit, deur 'n proses van "privatisering " en "kommodifikasie" op geslote private grond, met die verstandhouding dat dit vir sport – doeleindes deur die plaaslike landelike burger gebruik kon word. Die oorlewing – en selfs groei – in die getal koedoes in die streek is behaal in die private besit. Buffels, aan die ander kant, is tot plaaslike uitwissing gejag ondanks hul beskerming as "koninklike wild". In die Noord-Oos Transvaalse Laeveld is wilde diere in openbare besit gejag deur 'n wye verskeidenheid van jagters met mededingende belange. Die identiteit van die "verlore" Laeveld jagters, voorheen verborge in die geskiedenis, wat 'n belangrike maar oor die hoof verwaarloosde komponent van elite rekreasionele jagters van die Oos-Kaap insluit, word ondersoek as 'n venster op die geskiedenis van jag in die streek voor die totstandkoming van wildreservate. Beide die identiteit en netwerke van hierdie jagters en sportmanne word beskou in die konteks van blywende belangstelling met ras, klas, geslag en die uitoefening van mag.
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Erasmus, Diderick Justin. ""Re-thinking" the Great Trek: a study of the nature and development of the Boer community in the Ohrigstad/Lydenburg area, 1845-1877." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002393.
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From the late 1830s Boer settlers conquered and settled vast new lands outside the Cape Colony. Although they more than doubled the area of European domination, historians have categorised Boer society outside the British colonies as primitive and dismissed the Boer conquests as an abberation from the broader process of European expansion. Such a distinction is no longer tenable. This study, which focuses on the Obrigstad/Lydenburg area, shows that the Boers were an integral part of European expansion in southern Africa. Settler expansion did not occur in a vacuum. Booming demand for commodities sparked economic growth across the sub-continent; the Boers were part of this process and consistently strove to produce for the region's expanding markets. In tandem with the expanding regional system, the Boer economy grew constantly. This was reflected in the centralisation of power in the Z.A.R. as Boer producers created formal political and administrative structures to further their economic interests. (A parallel process culminated in the Cape with colonists receiving representative government in March 1853.) This correlation between political and economic development was evident in the creation of a coercive labour system by the Boer state. Through their control of state structures, the Boers employed measures ranging from brute force to punitive taxation, legally enforceable contracts and pass laws to procure and control workers. It is important to note that the creation of a coercive labour system by the Boers paralleled similar developments in the Cape Colony. The speed with which the Boer economy expanded in comparison to the Cape, however, meant that stages in the development of an unfree labour force which had been chronologically distinct in the Cape coexisted within the Boer coercive system. Boer dependence on coerced labour made conflict with African groups inevitable. African groups in the eastern Transvaal had already been partly moulded by predatory economic forces emanating from the Portuguese settlements on the east coast since at least the 1750s. The arrival of the Boers in the 1840s greatly accelerated this process. Some groups were crushed, but others were able to obtain the means to resist Boer rule by interfacing with the settler economy. The economic forces which drove Boer settlement were thus not confined to the white settlers: Boer expansion was paralleled by the rise of African survivor states. The Dlamini, for example, built the powerful Swazi state by exchanging captives, ivory and cattle for guns and horses. Similarly, the Pedi, through the large scale expon of migrant labour, were able to acquire the means to challenge Boer authority in the late 1870s. Oearly then, the Boers 'Were not only representative of the wider settler social and economic order, but were acting in response to the same circumstances as the British settlers, Portuguese traders and African survivor states. It is thus impossible to continue to classify them as retrogressive and distinct from other groups in the region.
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Carruthers, Jane. "Game protection in the Transvaal 1846 to 1926." Thesis, University of Cape Town, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/23736.
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Manson, Andrew. "The Hurutshe in the Marico district of the Transvaal, 1848-1914." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/22400.
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Bibliography: pages 284-297.The Hurutshe are a Tswana-speaking chiefdom who lived in the vicinity of the Marico (Madikwe) river on the South African Highveld and emerged as an identifiable community with a distinct political structure about 350 years ago. They enjoyed periods of political and economic dominance in the mid-to late seventeenth century and again in the late eighteenth century. Following the economic and political disruptions attendant upon European commercial activities and the growth of more centralised and powerful African states in South Africa, they were propelled from their homeland in 1822-23. They returned only in 1848 to face the difficulties of Trekker overlordship. After a decade of political and economic pressures the general patterns of precolonial life were restored in their new reserve. A re-integrated Hurutshe social order provided the basis for agricultural innovation and expansion. The encroaching colonial order and the merchant and industrial economy inexorably drew them in to closer relations with these systems, and into direct involvement in the contest between Boer and Britain for control of the South African hinterland. Consequently the nature of reserve life changed as men, women and chiefs extended or took up new occupations and activities which cut across or restructured previous social, political and economic relationships. After the South African War new challenges and opportunities presented themselves as a consequence of the qualitatively different nature of British colonial rule and the increased economic scope afforded to rural African producers. Thus a combination of factors - a favourable environment, a cohesive society and the lack of competitive white agriculture - provided the basis for economic stability and even accumulation among certain categories of Hurutshe producers until well into the twentieth century. Hurutshe society was not untouched however, for subsequent events near the middle of the century were to reveal the depth of social distinctions and antagonisms that undoubtedly had their roots in the earlier years of their history.
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Pretorius, Willem Jacobus. "Die Britse owerheid en die burgerlike bevolking van Heidelberg, Transvaal, gedurende die Anglo-Boereoorlog." Pretoria : [S.n.], 2007. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-07012008-152711/.
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Martin, Desmond Keith. "The Cape Town church building boom 1880-1909: An Historical and Architectural Review." Master's thesis, Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32052.
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This thesis consists of two interrelated parts: a long essay on the building boom, and a catalogue of the churches produced by the boom, or significantly enlarged during the boom. The purpose of the study is two-fold: to provide an analysis of the historical background to the boom and of the architecture of the churches built during the three decades in which it was evident; and to publish a comprehensive catalogue of the churches surveyed, in which both historical and architectural findings for individual church buildings are summarised together with selected photographs, sketches and plans that highlight some of the features of the buildings.This catalogue is intended to provide a ready reference for conservation bodies such as the National Monuments Council and heritage committees
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Weil, Talana. "Die inskakeling van die Jode by die Afrikaanssprekende gemeenskap op die platteland van 1880 tot 1950." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51707.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After 1880 more and more Jews (mostly of East European descent) moved into the rural areas of South Africa. Initially they travelled across the country as hawkers but later settled permanently in many of the smaller towns. In most cases they opened shops or started businesses of another kind. Due to the nature of their work the Jews mostly came into contact with the Afrikaans speaking community. Although these two groups differed considerably in many ways, especially as regards language and religion, the Jews adapted and integrated fairly quickly. They became involved with the Afrikaans speaking community in various ways and made a substantial contribution. Although their involvement in and contribution to the economy can be considered as the most important, they also played a considerable role in other areas such as politics, education, language, sport and recreation. The presence of the Jews in rural South Africa was important not only because of their integration with the Afrikaans speaking community and the contribution they made as a group, but also because of the extent to which the two groups influenced each other. Both groups were culturally enriched and the South African country town developed a unique character due to the presence or the Jews and their involvement in the life and activities of the townspeople. Although the Jews were influenced by the Afrikaans speaking community and thus acquired new cultural assets, they still to a large extent retained their Jewish identity. On the whole there was a very good relationship between the Afrikaans speaking rural population and the Jews. After 1950 an increasingly large number of Jews moved to the cities. The depopulation of the rural areas, as regards to Jews, took place to such an extent that today only a few Jewish families remain in rural areas.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Na 1880 is Jode (hoofsaaklik van Oos-Europese afkoms) toenemend op die Suid- Afrikaanse platteland aangetref. Aanvanklik het hulle as smouse die landelike gebiede deurkruis. Later het hulle hulle egter permanent op die plattelandse dorpe gevestig - in die meeste gevalle het hulle 'n winkel of ander soort besigheid begin. Die Jode het uit die aard van hulle werk oorwegend met die Afrikaanssprekende gemeenskap in aanraking gekom. Alhoewel daar definitiewe verskille tussen dié twee groepe was, veral ten opsigte van godsdiens en taal, het die Jode redelik gou aangepas en ingeskakel. Hulle het op verskillende terreine by die Afrikaanssprekende gemeenskap betrokke geraak en 'n substansiële bydrae gelewer. Hoewel hulle betrokkenheid en bydrae tot die ekonomiese terrein as die belangrikste beskou kan word, het hulle ook op baie ander gebiede soos byvoorbeeld politiek, opvoeding, taal, sport en ontspanning belangrike bydraes gelewer. Die Jode se teenwoordigheid op die Suid-Afrikaanse platteland was nie slegs belangrik as gevolg van hulle inskakeling by die Afrikaanssprekende gemeenskap of die bydrae wat hulle as groep gelewer het nie, maar ook as gevolg van die mate waarin albei groepe mekaar beïnvloed het. Die Jode se aanwesigheid en hulle betrokkenheid by die dorp se bedrywighede en mense het meegebring dat albei groepe kultureel verryk is en dat die Suid-Afrikaanse platteland 'n unieke karakter verkry het. Hoewel die Jode deur die Afrikaanssprekende gemeenskap beïnvloed is en hulle as groep nuwe kultuurgoedere bygekry het, het hulle steeds in 'n groot mate hulle Joodse identiteit behou. Daar was oor die algemeen 'n baie goeie verhouding tussen die Afrikaanssprekende plattelanders en die Jode. Na ongeveer 1950 het daar geleidelik 'n toenemende getal Jode na die stede verhuis. Die ontvolking van die platteland met betrekking tot die Jode het in so 'n mate plaasgevind dat daar vandag slegs enkele Joodse gesinne op die meeste plattelandse dorpe oor is.
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Cooper, Robyn Elizabeth. "A 'Greater Britain' : the creation of an Imperial landscape, 1880-1914." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/28235.
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This thesis examines the representation of the settler societies of the British Empire during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Australia, New Zealand, Canada and South Africa were represented as a distinct part of the Empire, united by the idea that these parts of the Empire were ‘more British’ than the rest, and, had a shared heritage and culture and a predominant British settler population. It was represented as a landscape of opportunity built on layers of representations in the sources of the period from advertisements and panoramas to travel accounts and emigration literature. The settler societies were represented as a ‘Greater Britain’ or ‘Better Britains’, an imagining of the settler societies based on what the British wanted for themselves rather than as a true representation of four parts of the Empire. The notion of ‘Better Britains’ delves into British ideas of their past, present and future. If they were ‘better’, what were they improving on? What qualities and aspects of society were included and excluded? It was an idealised image but also flexible, a malleable landscape where the British could live out desires. Opportunity was found in the land, resources and climate, but also within the modernity of the cities and ideas of social advancement and of the freedom of the frontier.
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Green, Alida Maria. "Dancing in borrowed shoes : a history of ballroom dancing in South Africa (1600s-1940s)." Diss., Pretoria : [S.n.], 2009. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-10202009-190259.
Full textBooks on the topic "Transvaal (South Africa) – History – To 1880"
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Hendriks, P. G. Waai, vierkleur van Transvaal. Morgenzon: Oranjewerkers Promosies, 1991.
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Barthorp, Michael. Slogging over Africa: The Boer wars 1815-1902. Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball Publishers, 2002.
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Davitt, Michael. The Boer fight for freedom. Melville, South Africa: Scripta Africana, 1988.
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The Anglo-Boer wars: The British and the Afrikaners, 1815-1902. Poole: Blandford Press, 1987.
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Austin, Ronald J. The Australian illustrated encyclopedia of the Zulu and Boer wars. McCrae, Australia: Slouch Hat Publications, 1999.
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Braun, Lindsay Frederick. Colonial survey and native landscapes in rural South Africa, 1850-1913: The politics of divided space in the Cape and Transvaal. Boston: Brill, 2014.
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Copyright Paperback Collection (Library of Congress), ed. The diamond frontier. London: Headline, 2006.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Transvaal (South Africa) – History – To 1880"
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Etherington, Norman, Patrick Harries, and Bernard K. Mbenga. "From Colonial Hegemonies to Imperial Conquest, 1840–1880." In The Cambridge History of South Africa, 319–91. Cambridge University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521517942.008.
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Marks, Shula. "Class, Culture, and Consciousness in South Africa, 1880–1899." In The Cambridge History of South Africa, 102–56. Cambridge University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521869836.005.
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"Settler colonialism in South Africa: land, labour and transformation, 1880–2015." In The Routledge Handbook of the History of Settler Colonialism, 313–32. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2016. | Series: The: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315544816-32.
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Hodes, Rebecca. "The “Hottentot Apron”." In Global History of Sexual Science, 1880-1960. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520293373.003.0006.
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This chapter examines the role played by racial scientists in the sexual scientific readings of the “Hottentot apron,” a perceived elongation of the labia associated with the Khoisan women of South Africa. It begins with the story of Georges Cuvier, a zoologist from the French academy who in 1816 performed a postmortem on Sarah Baartmann. Known in Europe as the “Hottentot Venus,” Baartmann became a popular fixture in “freak shows” and salons across Britain and France. The chapter rejects the liberationist claims made by sexual science and shows how the systemic study of perceived genital anomalies became a means for South African whites and European scholars to categorize who was civilized or barbaric. It argues that scientific claims about the “Hottentot apron” spread and evolved worldwide in relation to the doctrine of scientific racism and other important developments in the history of science and empire, including the onset of the “new imperialism.”