Journal articles on the topic 'Trench Town'

This paper examines place inscriptions in Trench Town, Jamaica, and explores the ways these are used to reinforce, shape, or challenge dominant images of this inner-city community. On one hand, Trench Town is like many of its neighbouring communities, characterised by high levels of poverty, unemployment, political and gang violence, derelict buildings, and overcrowded homes. On the other hand, Trench Town is iconic and unique as it is recognised worldwide for being the birth place of reggae music and home to a number of well-known reggae artists including reggae superstar Bob Marley. Today, Trench Town’s landscape is filled with inscriptions reminiscent of its rich cultural past. Linked to this is a conscious effort by its residents to identify themselves with reggae music and to recapture and sustain the positive legacies that have made the community popular. This is manifested in the numerous murals, statues, and graffiti seen throughout the community evoking past images of reggae music icons such as Marley and Tosh alongside renowned black leaders such as Marcus Garvey. These inscriptions are conceived as texts and are seen as part of a broader discourse on issues relating to urban spatial identity, commoditisation, exclusion, struggle, resistance, and change.

Tourists who visit Trench Town are drawn in by the neighborhood’s rich musical heritage. They want to see the birthplace of reggae and witness the circumstances depicted in many famous Jamaican songs. Knowingly venturing into marginalized territory, into the “ghetto,” travelers expect to encounter spectacular forms of violence. Yet what the walking tour of Trench Town reveals is an experience of another kind, an excursion that exposes poverty as structural violence, and that points to the historical and political struggles that are constitutive of the area’s social fabric. In this article, drawing on an ethnographic vignette of a walking tour that starts in Bob Marley’s rehearsal grounds and ends by an empty plot locally known as “No Man’s Land,” I focus on the entanglements of violence and tourism and present the discrepancy that exists between touristic desires and the reality of the tourism commodity. This analysis reveals how residents of Trench Town simultaneously choose to address and disregard different (un)spectacular forms of violence during the tourism encounter and I argue that in so doing, local tour guides productively leverage violence to denounce and grapple with structural and historical brutalities.

The replacement of the water mains from Touch to Stirling involved the digging of 42 trenches within the historic core of Stirling. This work has highlighted the presence and survival of waterlogged medieval middens within this historic centre which have been destroyed by piecemeal developments within the burgh. During this project a waterlogged midden deposit was revealed in Broad Street (Trench 29) and found to contain both carbonised and uncarbonised plant remains, animal bones, leather, wood offcuts and industrial waste. The presence of medieval pottery and a radiocarbon date indicate that the midden accumulated during the 13th to early 15th centuries and represents the remains of waterlogged domestic and industrial waste.

A great earthquake with a magnitude of 9.0 occurred on March 11, 2011, with an epicenter 130 km offshore of the Oshika Peninsula in Miyagi Prefecture. After the earthquake, a giant tsunami inundated a large area along Japan’s eastern coastline. We carried out field observations to investigate the damage to Arahama Town and the formation of a trench as a result of local scouring by the jet flow over the coastal dike. Here, the results of the field observations on the inundation of the tsunami into a wide residential area on Shobuta Beach and in Arahama Town were reported. Then, the destruction of the coastal dike, as well as the formation of a large trench immediately behind the coastal dike due to the tsunami overflow on the Yamamoto coast, was investigated, where the tsunami height reached up to 19.2 m above mean sea level (MSL), estimated from the run-up height on the slope of a hill.

In current tsunami prevention and mitigation, evacuation is the most important method of saving people’s lives. Tsunami evacuation is analyzed for a given travel time and a specific inundation area. Before evacuation analysis, the tsunami inundation and tsunami travel time are first calculated by numerical modeling. This paper analyzes the tsunami evacuation of Haimen Town, Jiaojiang District, Taizhou City, China, under the hypothesis of a magnitude 9.0 earthquake scenario in the Ryukyu Trench. The Cornell multi-grid coupled tsunami (COMCOT) model and Tsunami Travel Time (TTT) model are used to calculate the tsunami inundation and tsunami travel time, respectively. GIS techniques are used to solve the evacuation problem. Both horizontal and vertical evacuations are adopted based on the Chinese community characteristics, disaster prevention facilities, land use, and other practical conditions. A cost raster is used to analyze the arrival cost of each grid in the study area. The location allocation and cost allocation methods are used to solve shelter selection and coverage problems, respectively. The network analyst is applied to provide evacuation routes for each community. The evacuation analysis results can provide a scientific reference for the development of tsunami evacuation plans.

The Aliakmon river bed, as well as a series of certain parallel narrow grabens, striking NW-SE are filled with Neogene-Quaternary deposits; thus showing the existence of the covered, “blind”, fault zone, which borders the Eastern edge of Meso-Hellenic Trench and passes in close vicinity to the Kastoria town. Distribution of earthquakes epicentres (M≥4.0, for the period of 1930-2009) along this segmented rupture zone, proves the existence at depth of an active seismogenic fault which has generated some strong earthquakes in the past: 1709, M = 6.0; 1812, M = 6.5 and 1894, M = 6.1 (~ 100-year Recurrence Time events). The calculations of Lapsed Rate characterizing the stage of the fault seismic cycle (LR = 115%) show that the active Kastoria fault could be in a pre-seismic stage of its seismic cycle. Applying the seismicity rates model (time-independent Gutenberg-Richter recurrence model) and using the fault seismicity parameters, obtained inside the fault influence zone, as input in EZ-FRISK® software, the Probabilistic Seismic Hazard Analysis has been carried out for the area of Kastoria town. The results show that calculated magnitude for event with 100- year recurrence time is ~6.1, which correspond to the magnitude of three events, occurred at the fault during the last 300 years (corresponding average slip rate . 3 mm/year). As the calculated Hazard Curve shows, the event of that range could give ground shaking in the Kastoria town in the order of 0.625 g at the spectral period of 0.3 sec.

The Marina el-Alamein Archaeological Project concentrated on excavating the area in the northern part of the harbor town, where a street (S1) existed, running north–south toward the harbor, lined by buildings on both sides. A test trench was dug across it to study the stratigraphy. It helped to identify several street levels and at least two major building phases in this area. One of the structures (H39) contained a hypocaust furnace that led to the building interpreted as a bathhouse. A pebble mosaic was uncovered immediately west of the furnace. Opposite Building H39 and across street S1, there was a large and richly furnished residential house (H42). It encompassed two paved courtyards, which were in use in the first half of the 2nd century AD. Three seasons of excavations (2012, 2013 and 2014) were followed by a season devoted in its entirety to documentation of the pottery and other small finds from the excavations and checking of the documentation from earlier seasons.

The study assessed hair barbing salon Waste Management Practices in Bama. A set of questionnaire was administered to barbing salon proprietors to obtain their current barbing salon waste management styles, viz a viz the types of waste generated and methods of waste disposal. Data obtained were analyzed descriptively and reveals hair as the dominant waste generated in barbing salon operations. The hair wastes are swept and packed using coconut brooms and plastic hand shovel and stored in paper cartons. They are hence disposed on weekly or monthly basis or whenever cartons are filled up at refuse disposal points along streets within the neigbourhood, outskirt of the town, a large trench left behind by Cubits Civil Engineering Construction Company and the Yedseram river valley or at best burnt or buried. The adoption of these disposal techniques is more or less the same technique used in the disposal of all forms of refuse in the study area where wastes are disposed with impunity. In the same vein, there is a significant level of awareness of the impact of salon waste management practices on the environment/society by perpetrators. The study recommended steps for better barbing salon waste management to include salon waste reuse and recycling by researching into how barbing salon wastes can be a resource.

The archives and archaeological materials from excavations in Vyshgorod in 1936 are analysed in the paper. This year the large-scale excavations were conducted on the territory of the old city: near the church of st. Borys and Hlib, two sites in the northeast part of the hillfort and few trenches in different parts of the town.
 The obtained results correlate with the reports of the narrative sources and indicate the significant development of the city in the period from the 11th to the mid-13th century. The rapid development of the city occurs at that time: the mausoleum of Sts. Borys and Hlib (explored in 1935—1936) becomes the main architectural dominant of the city area. A city square with dwellings and outbuildings were located around the church. The analysis of the archival materials and artefacts from the excavations in 1936 made it possible to clarify and re-examine the allegations established in the works of the mid-20th century.
 The author proves that discovered objects have different chronology. For example, dwellings, outbuilding, pits and sacral building of the 11th—13th centuries are pit 1 (site 1), the foundations and remains of the walls of the church of Sts. Borys and Hlib (site 1; site W) and oven 1 (site 4). The ones dated by the middle of the 11th and the 12th centuries are building 1 (site 1) and pit 1 (site 4). Structures of the 12th and 13th centuries are pit 2 (site 1) and oven 1 (site 4); of the second half of the 13th—14th centuries are building 1 (site «W»), building 1, pit 2 (site 4). Finally, dated by the 17th—19th centuries are building 2, burials 1, 2 (site 1) and burials 1—19 (site 4). The cultural layers and objects exclusively of Kyiv Rus time were found on the territory of suburbs (pottery furnaces 1 and 2 in a trench at the south of the hillfort; burials 1—3 in trenches on the territory of the Doroshenko estate).
 In general, the obtained results confirm and at some moments substantially detail our knowledge on the historical development of the city during the Middle Ages and Modern times.

Roman Margum and Mediaeval town of Morava, situated on the Orasje site in Dubravica at the confluence of the Velika Morava and the Danube, could not have been analysed more thoroughly in the past because of the damage caused by the river bed displacements and soil erosion on the one hand, and dense vegetation growing on such a moist terrain on the other. Archaeological research has so far failed to produce even a site plan. Available data on this important site are contradictory to a considerable extent, so the information one could obtain from the written and cartographic sources needed to be confronted with the archaeological ones and, especially, those derived from the recent LiDAR scanning of the terrain, conducted within the scope of the Archaeo-Landscapes Europe Project. Among the most important plans of the confluence area are those left by Marsigli in the 18th and Kanitz in the 19th century. Felix Kanitz, the famous Balkan traveler, also provided us with a textual description of his visit to the site in 1887. Our analyses of the two plans have revealed a number of inaccuracies. Through analyses of the obtaineded LiDAR scans, however, the preserved area of the two settlements has been clearly demarcated, measuring 7-8 hectares, and the eastern edge of the Roman agglomeration - presumed already in the course of the 2011 excavations - was confirmed. Most probably it was the eastern rampart of the Roman fortification. Apart from this, the purpose of a canal stretching along the whole plateau, and mentioned by Kanitz, has been established. Given that to the east of the canal there was the presumably Roman rampart, and to the west of it there were recently excavated ruins of Roman buildings, the canal itself must have been of a more recent date. Bearing in mind the established vertical stratigraphy of the site, we conclude that it was in fact a Mediaeval defence trench. The topography of the nearby fort Kulic has been studied as well. It is often believed that this fortification was originally built in Roman times, but the analyses of DTM have shown the fort erected on an embankment, round in shape, i.e. on the more elevated terrain in comparsion to the largest part of the confluence area, where most of Roman Margum and Mediaeval Morava has been wiped out by water. So the Kulic fortification could have been originally erected only afterwords, i.e. in Turkish times. There are some data from the written sources to corroborate such a date, and we also know of two later accounts describing the 17th century settlement in front of it. There has been no field confirmation so far, but thanks to the results of LiDAR scanning one may observe the traces of a small settlement south of the fortification, protected by a trench.

Post-orogenic marine sequences crop out in two areas of Zakynthos Island: a) In Gerakas peninsula at the southeastern edge of the island and b) Along the coastal zone of central northern Zakynthos from Alikanas in the west to Zakynthos town in the east. Detailed stratigraphic analysis of Gerakas area has shown the existence of three formations separated by two unconformities: 1) Gerakas Fm Q1 comprising marls of Late Pliocene–Early Pleistocene age (2.8 – 0.9 Ma). 2) Kalogeras Fm Q2 comprising littoral sandstones at the base (Q2a), alternations of sandstones and marls in the middle (Q2b) and marls (e.g. Porto Roma) in the upper part (Q2c). The age of this formation is middle Pleistocene (0,8 – 0,5 Ma). 3) Agios Nikolaos Fm Q3 comprising littoral sandstones. Stratigraphic correlations between the two aforementioned areas have been made and equivalent stratigraphic formations, slightly differentiated in the central northern Zakynthos, have been identified. The upper unconformity is well pronounced in the area of Cape Gaidaros whereas the lower unconformity is often masked by debris accumulated along the base of the cliffs produced by the compact sandstones of Q2a above the soft marls of the underlying Q1. A remarkable increase in the thickness of the middle member Q2b is observed in the northern part with respect to the equivalent Kalogeras Fm in Gerakas area. In contrast, the thickness of the upper member (Q2c) is highly reduced in the limited northern outcrops compared to those of the southeastern exposure. The Plio-Quaternary post-orogenic marine deposits in both regions represent the creation of the accommodation space formed by the westernmost extensional structure of the Hellenic arc. The two unconformities reflect sea-level changes during the Quaternary within an overall tectonic uplift of Zakynthos Island at the front of the Hellenic arc and trench system, while the entire post-orogenic sequence reflects the intense palaeoclimatic fluctuations of the Quaternary.

AbstractIn this first season several exploratory trenches were sunk with encouraging results. There is a considerable depth of stratigraphy over the whole town, sufficient, it would seem, to preserve substantial remains, and there is evidence of considerable occupation in the medieval Islamic period, as well as some material of Greek and early Roman date. In the 1990 season, it is planned to open a much larger area and begin the systematic controlled excavation of the Islamic levels, and it is hoped that, in the coming years, the combined expertise of this Anglo-Libyan venture will bring to light the town whose importance is hinted at in the historical sources.

This was the third season of excavation at Amorium in east Phrygia, and the team worked for four weeks, from 1 August 1990. The archaeological aim was to study social change and development from the Hellenistic period to the Medieval, in particular the Late Roman period and so-called Dark Ages. We completed a detailed survey in the Upper Town, worked in three trenches (two of them initiated last year [L and AB] in the Upper and Lower Town, and one which was new [the Church] in the Lower Town), and further study was made of pottery and small finds. This is a new archaeological subject in this period in central Anatolia, and the first stage is to sort out the pottery, small finds, two or three buildings, levels, and chronology. The next stage will be to study the faunal, botanical, and other samples.In the Roman period the town lay at the eastern end of the province of Asia. It was probably fairly small, consisting of the Upper Town and part of the Lower (the area of the modern village). Nonetheless, Amorium was mentioned in classical texts and has produced Hellenistic and provincial-Roman coins, Phrygian marble sculpture and architecture, inscriptions, non-local pottery, and a Roman carnelian intaglio.

This was the second season of excavation at Amorium in east Phrygia, and the team worked for five weeks, from 24 July 1989. Our main aim is to trace archaeological changes and developments within the city from Hellenistic times into the Selcuk period. We carried out a general survey of the Upper Town by a regular 25-metre grid, and we also excavated three trenches, one in the Upper Town and two (which we started last year) in the Lower (Fig. 1). A preliminary analysis is underway of the pottery and small finds, which in the Late Roman and Byzantine periods appear mostly of local manufacture. There are some relevant excavation-sites in Asia Minor for study of the Late Roman period, but there is very little research geared to the so-called Dark Ages, especially inland. Amorium is a major site, virtually untouched, and the city offers a rare opportunity to examine an early Byzantine urban landscape. The excavation so far has been very successful, and has highlighted the site's great potential. Next year, we shall try to clarify the chronology, by more intensive excavation of the existing trenches.

The aim of this investigation was the paleoseismological characterization of eastern Antioquia, using trenches analysis and detailed study of indicators of neotectonic activity, some of which had been reported in previous seismic hazard assessment studies of the Aburra Valley.Through techniques of neotectonic, paleoseismology and also age correlation of Quaternary deposits obtained by several authors, it was found at Alcaravanes site (Marinilla Town), evidences of three seismic events with magnitudes Mw 6.4, 6.6 and 6.5 which displaced recent deposits with maximum ages of 440,000, 37,000 and 8,000 years respectively. Likewise, two prehistoric earthquakes, both with magnitude Mw 6.5 were recognized at the Hamburgo site (Guarne Town), dated between 880,000 and 37,000 years respectively, which proves the existence and activity of La Mosca fault. Finally, the Manantiales site (Rionegro Town) revealed a couple of seismic events with magnitude Mw 6.7 and 6.6 that displaced alluvial terraces in Rio Negro basin with a maximum age of onset of neotectonic deformation of 880,000 years.Latest neotectonic findings change the perspective of seismic hazard in Medellin city and surroundings. Prehistoric earthquakes have occurred in the last million years and created small surface rupture and faulting not related with active mountain fronts. Furthermore, the evidence shows obliterated active faults and efficiency of erosion factors in modeling relief and alluvial fill in the basins of Rionegro Erosion Surface.

August 1992 marked the sixth season of survey and excavation at the east Phrygian site of Amorium, located 170 km. south-west of Ankara. Excavation has so far sampled only a tiny part of what was in Roman and Byzantine times an extensive urban site, but results have consistently revealed that an exciting range of data can be drawn from this largely unexplored centre. Indeed, despite evident modern robbing for stone, the trenched areas have revealed that substantial zones may remain archaeologically intact.The ancient site of Amorium comprised two distinct fortified zones: a compact upper town, and a larger lower town, part of which is now overlain by the modern village of Hisarköy. A particular aim of the excavations so far carried out at Amorium has been to define the relationship between these two urban areas in the overall occupational sequence, with special interest placed on elucidating the transitional phase from the Early to Middle Byzantine period—a period in Amorium's long history which is fairly well documented by both Byzantine and Arab sources.

Polish excavations at the site of Beit Ras (ancient Capitolias) in the governorate of Irbid, northern Jordan, investigated an area in the northern part of the ancient town, to the west of the Roman-age theater. Three seasons of fieldwork were conducted, starting in 2014 with a survey using the electric resistivity method to detect ancient structures. The presence of architectural features was noted, dated by surface finds spanning a period from the 1st–2nd through the 12th–13th centuries AD. In the next two seasons, in 2015 and 2016, excavation of three archaeological trenches led to the discovery of the remains of a winery and a section of the city wall, as well as a sequence of floors. This established a chronology of usage from the Roman to the early medieval period and proved that this part of the town was mostly domestic in character, at least during the Byzantine and early Islamic periods. Evidence of destruction of a nearby church was also found, tentatively attributed to a Sassanian raid in AD 614 or soon after.

The state of ecological balance of cities is determined by the analysis of the qualitative composition of green space. The lack of green space inventory in small towns in the Kyiv region has prompted the use of express analysis provided by the EOS Land Viewer platform, which allows obtaining an instantaneous distribution of the urban and suburban territories by a number of vegetative indices and in recent years – by scene classification. The purpose of the study is to determine the current state and dynamics of the ratio of vegetation and built-up cover of the territories of small towns in Kyiv region with establishing the rating of towns by eco-balance of territories. The distribution of the territory of small towns by the most common vegetation index NDVI, as well as by SAVI, which is more suitable for areas with vegetation coverage of less than 30%, has been monitored. We found that the share of dense vegetation in the territory of towns increased on average from 2.4 to 49.3% during 1990–2018. The share of the vegetation cover of moderate density decreased from 40.8 to 27.1%, and of sparse one from 37.5 to 14.9%. High variability of these indicators is noted. The share of open area for small towns decreased on average from 15.4 to 3.8%. The vegetation-free areas in 1990, 2005 and 2018 accounted for 3.8, 2.6 and 4.4%, respectively, which may indicate the intensive expansion of built-up areas over the last fifteen years. The development of urban greening systems was completely individual and depended not only on natural conditions but also on the manifestations of anthropogenic activity. The reduction of the ecological balance of the territories of small towns as of 2018 took place in the following sequence – Irpin, Tarashcha, Boiarka, Rzhyshchiv, Kaharlyk, Skvyra, Myronivka, Yahotyn, Uzyn.

This paper aims to present the results of archaeological works carried out within the framework of a post-excavation project, “Per lineam munitionum”, between 2005–2016 around the fortification system of the Roman legionary fortress and the late Roman and early Byzantine town of Novae. The research concentrated generally on completing and recording old trenches as well as recording remains of the original building substance, stratigraphy and other archaeological remains using modern technologies and precise geodetic equipment. The archaeological data and stratigraphical observations were compared with the numismatic findings in an effort to improve the final interpretation and the reconstruction of the main construction phases.

AbstractIn October 1994, a small Anglo-Libyan team carried out a short field season on the site of Euesperides in the suburbs of Benghazi. The work was intended as the prelude to the renewal of excavation and more detailed investigation of this important Greco-Libyan town of the sixth to third century BC. Through selective recording of trenches dug recently by the Department of Antiquties on the north side of the site and of exposed sections in a redevelopment site close by, some important data on the nature of activity in this area has been gained. Palaeobotanical samples from these trenches have also yielded significant new information. In addition, surface collection of artefacts from the hill of Sidi Abeid and the northern part of the site will provide an opportunity to assess the phasing and zoning of Euesperides. Finally, a new theodolite survey of the site in its modern urban context demonstrates all too clearly the degradation of the ancient city in the face of intense modern development since the 1950s.

AbstractThe current geothermal and volcanic activity in the North Island of New Zealand is explained as a consequence of Pacific and Australian plate interactions over the last 20 million years. The primary hypothesis is that the Kermadec subduction zone has for the last 20 million years or more been retreating in a south-easterly direction at about five centimetres per year. It is surmised that this motion and interaction with another subduction zone almost at right angles to it under the North Island resulted in plate tearing due to the incompatibility of the plate geometry where these subduction zones interacted. The nature and consequences of this plate tearing are partially revealed in published maps of the plate currently under the North Island. If the subducted parts of this plate, as shown in Eiby’s maps, [G. A. Eiby, “The New Zealand sub-crustal rift”, New Zeal. J. Geol. Geophy.7 (1964) 109–133] are straightened, then the plate edge lies on a curve giving a rough picture of their position before being torn and subducted by the Kermadec trench motion. This map of the tear suggests the shape of the edge of a missing plate segment torn from the plate, and implies a rotation of the upper North Island, clockwise approximately 20 degrees, about a point just south of the Thames estuary. A consequence of this plate tearing is that the solid retreating crustal wave generating magma pressure beneath the crest of the solid wave has the potential to inject significant basaltic magma into the crust through the tears. These intrusive magma fluxes have the ability to generate geothermal fields and rhyolitic lavas from crustal melts. This could explain the geothermal activity along the Coromandel peninsula five to seven million years ago, the ignimbrite outcrops about Lake Taupo and the current geothermal and volcanic activity stretching from Taupo to Rotorua.

Abstract. Past slope instabilities at Quindici (one of the five towns of Campania that was hit by catastrophic landslides on 5 May 1998) and in the Lauro Valley are investigated to improve the understanding of the landslide history in the area, as a mandatory step for the evaluation of the landslide hazard. The research was performed by combining information on past slope instabilities from both historical and geological data. From numerous historical sources an archive consisting of 45 landsliding and flooding events for the period 1632–1998 was compiled. Landslide activity was also investigated by means of interpretation of multi-year sets of aerial photos, production of Landslide Activity Maps, and excavation of trenches on the alluvial fans at the mountain foothills. Detailed stratigraphic analysis of the sections exposed in the trenches identified landslide events as the main geomorphic process responsible for building up the fans in the study area. Integration of historical and geological approaches provides significant insight into past and recent instability at Quindici. This is particularly valuable in view of the limitations of individual sources of information. Application of such an approach offers potential for improved hazard assessment and risk mitigation.

There is growing environmental psychology and behavior literature with mixed empirical evidence about the influence of public risk perceptions on the adoption of environmentally friendly “green behaviors”. Adoption of stormwater green infrastructure on residential properties, while costlier in the short term compared to conventional greywater infrastructure, plays an important role in the reduction of nutrient loading from non-point sources into freshwater rivers and lakes. In this study, we use Bayesian Belief Networks (BBNs) to analyze a 2015 survey dataset (sample size = 472 respondents) about the adoption of green infrastructure (GSI) in Vermont’s residential areas, most of which are located in either the Lake Champlain Basin or Connecticut River Basin. Eight categories of GSI were investigated: roof diversion, permeable pavement, infiltration trenches, green roofs, rain gardens, constructed wetlands, tree boxes, and others. Using both unsupervised and supervised machine learning algorithms, we used Bayesian Belief Networks to quantify the influence of public risk perceptions on GSI adoption while accounting for a range of demographic and spatial variables. We also compare the effectiveness of the Bayesian Belief Network approach and logistic regression in predicting the pro-environmental behaviors (adoption of GSI). The results show that influencing factors for current adoption differ by the type of GSI. Increased perception of risk from stormwater issues is associated with the adoption of rain gardens and infiltration trenches. Runoff issues are more likely to be considered the governments’ (town, state, and federal agencies) responsibility, whereas lawn erosion is more likely to be considered the residents’ responsibility. When using the same set of variables to predict pro-environmental behaviors (adoption of GSI), the BBN approach produces more accurate predictions compared to logistic regression. The results provide insights for further research on how to encourage residents to take measures for mitigating stormwater issues and stormwater management.

The object of research is syncryogenic Holocene strata on the coast of the Onemen Bay, 2 km from the town of Anadyr. In July 2017, the outcrop of the first marine terrace uncovered by strong storms was examined. The stratigraphy of the outcrop was represented mainly by sandy loam (5–7 m thick) covered by peat (1–1.5 m) and underlain by sand. Numerous ice wedges were opened in the upper part of this outcrop. Along with that another outcropping of transect of a lakemarsh basin represented by a peat bog of 2–2.5 m thick underlain by sandy loam was also investigated. Ice wedges occur below the polygonal trenches. The present-day narrow ice wedges were found in the upper part of the peat bog. Two representative fragments of both the above outcrops were thoroughly examined. Radiocarbon dating had shown that accumulation of peat on surface of the first marine terrace started in early Holocene (about 8 ka BP). Accumulation of peatland within the lake-marsh basin was also dated to the beginning of the Holocene (about 9 ka BP). In the middle of the Holocene, it was most likely interrupted as a result of thermokarst processes and bogging of the surface. Formation of peatlands in Chukotka during the Holocene is known to be accompanied by active growth of the ice wedges inside them, so the age of the wedges studied by us was estimated as the beginning of the Holocene. The analysis of stable oxygen and hydrogen isotopes in the Holocene and the modern ice wedges had allowed establishing mainly the atmospheric type of moisture feeding of the wedges (due to melted snow) and lack of noticeable isotope fractionation during the ice formation. It has been found that δ18О and δ2Н values in the Holocene ice wedges were lower than in the modern wedges and snow by an average 2–3 and 7–12 ‰, respectively. Paleotemperature reconstructions performed on the basis of isotopeoxygen data showed that the air temperature of the coldest winter month in the first half of the Holocene in the Onemen Bay area was lower than the present-day ones by an average 2–3 °C, which is in a good agreement with the trend of rising winter temperatures throughout the Chukotka Peninsula, as well as in other areas of Eastern Siberia and Alaska.

  There are 80% municipalities under one thousand inhabitants in the CzechRepublic. The population trend observed in the region ofSouth Bohemia has proved a long-term and gradated depopulation of such small municipalities. While population has fallen in municipalities under one thousand inhabitants, towns and municipalities with more than one thousand inhabitants show the opposite trend. The possibility of changing this trend seems to lay in the state help for small municipalities parallel with the expected change of the situation after the EU accession because it is very probable, that many young families will be looking for the financially more convenient living in the country.

Caricin Grad, Justiniana Prima, urban planning, fortification, settlement, aerial photography, geophysical surveys, LiDAR, photogrammetry, excavations, GIS. Thanks to the application of modern non-destructive sensing and detection methods, in recent years a series of new data on urban planning in Caricin Grad was obtained. For the most part, the current research programme studies the Upper Town?s northern plateau, wooded until recently and hence the only previously unexplored unit of the city. In the course of this programme, the classical research method - the excavations started in 2009 - is for the first time combined with the systematic application of airborne and terrestrial sensing and detection techniques. The analysis of historic aerial photographs and topographic plans proved to be very useful as well. Along with them, LiDAR-derived DTMs, photogrammetric DEMs, different geophysical and orthophotographic plans are stored in the GIS database for Caricin Grad and the Leskovac Basin. In this way almost 80 percent of the plateau area was defined, and the obtained plan is hypothetical only to a small extent, which particularly refers to the unexcavated northern rampart of the Upper Town. Each source provided relevant information for the reconstruction of both the rampart and the settlement, which points to the value of a holistic approach to documentation from various dates. The first source to be studied were archival aerial photographs of Caricin Grad from 1938 and 1947 (Figs. 1, 2.1). The latter one was originally processed by Aleksandar Deroko and Svetozar Radojci}, who drew the plan of the town after it, labelling the unexplored Upper Town?s northern plateau as ?a probable habitation area?. The route of the northern rampart was aslo rather precisely determined by the authors (Fig. 2.2). Recently, these photographs were rectified and georeferenced in the GIS. The 1938 shot reveals the position of some towers as well, and it is also indicative of the way of construction of certain buildings. From the spatial layout of whitish zones, originating from mortar scattered along the slope, it can be deduced which buildings were constructed in opus mixtum - the horreum and the so-called Building with Pillars east of it. Traces of mortar can be observed along the route of the rampart too. These archival images are particularly important because they record the topography of the site before it was filled with heaps of earth from the excavations. The topographic mappings of this area were conducted in 1981 and 2006 (Fig. 3). The first plan was drawn after an airborne stereophotogrammetric survey of Caricin Grad, and in 2006, after the wood was cut down, this whole area was surveyed with the total station, with a density of nine points per square meter. This survey also resulted in a 3D terrain model (Fig. 3.2) indicating the layout of the buildings, which was to be proved by geophysical surveys and archaeological excavations. In the course of the Serbian-French reaearch programme, in 2007 geomagnetic surveys were carried out by Alain Kermorvan of the University of Tours. Thanks to the application of this method the remains of collapsed stone structures could be observed, and in 2015, in cooperation with the Roman-Germanic Central Museum, Mainz, and the Ludwig Boltzmann Institute from Vienna, the middle and eastern parts of the plateau were scanned with GPR (Fig. 4.2). Precise plans of the buildings were obtained in the areas in which LiDAR scanning and photogrammetric and geomagnetic surveys failed to produce clear images. Within the framework of the ArchaeoLandscapes Europe project, in 2011 we managed to organise an airborne LiDAR survey of the wider area of Caricin Grad. With its density of some 20 points per square meter, this scanning proved to be crucial for our comprehension of the town. The standard DTM provided numerous important data, especially its version calculated in the focal statistics function of the ArcGIS software package (Fig. 5. 1-2). These models show not only the route of the Upper Town?s northern rampart, the position of its towers and the layout of the buildings, but also the line of the Outer Town?s western rampart. Visible only in the DTM, this entirely new aspect of the Caricin Grad fortification has been attested by the excavations. Highly important plans of the town, and of the northern plateau of the Upper Town in particular, were obtained by UAV photogrammetric surveys. The first drone survey was conducted in 2014 within the scope of the same project. It resulted in a cloud with up to 1,600 points per square meter (Fig. 6.1-2). Unlike the LiDAR technology, photogrammetry cannot penetrate vegetation; therefore the preliminary clearing of the ground proved to be a most important step. After the 2015 campaign was finished, the excavation area in the Upper Town was documented again in the same manner. Regular photogrammetric surveys make possible the control of the works and reliable visual monitoring of the progress of exploration (Fig. 9). After the wood was cut down in 2006 and enormous heaps of earth from twentieth-century excavations and restoration works were carefully removed by machinery in 2008 and 2010, without disturbing the original layers of debris, wide excavations could begin. At first only the humus layer was removed from fifteen-meter squares, which was followed by technical drawing. In 2009 and 2010 we did not explore the debris or the cultural layers (Fig. 7.1-2). The additional two squares were opened and documented in the same fashion in 2011, when previously recorded buildings 11 and 15C were explored in detail, together with the part of the corridor between them where a bread oven was found. These buildings were oriented south-north, cascading along the mild slope towards the northern rampart of the Upper Town. Fragments of pithoi and carbonised fruits were found in the buildings, allowing for an economic interpretation. Judging by coinfinds, the buildings ended in fire after the year 602. Some of the buildings on the northern plateau were oriented differently, following the route of the northern rampart of the Acropolis in the east-west direction. In 2012 building 18 was excavated, leaning on the rampart. Rectangular in plan and some 12 by 7.5 meters large, it had a storey and a 7 by 5.5 meters spacious paved atrium in the west. Parallel to building 18 is building 20, the only one on the northern plateau constructed in opus mixtum. The two buildings are separated by a four-meter-wide street, running from east to west. This street, corridor 4, was partly cut in the rock. In some sections it had a substructure of fragmented debris. Building 20 has been carefully excavated for several years now. After the initial documenting, the surface layer of debris was removed, but not the collapsed structures with characteristic construction details; to the east of the building a collapsed wall was uncovered, containing as many as eight successive rows of stone and brick. Beneath these layers are the occupation ones, so far investigated only to a small extent. Building 20 is rectangular in plan, covering 25 by 12.5 meters. In its central axis there is a row of masonry pillars, dividing the building into two naves. On its western side there was a vestibule with a pair of doors matching the main entrances to the building. In the back of the vestibule, between these entrances and in axis with the pillars, there was a staircase. Adetailed analysis of these features led us to conclude that building 20 was a horreum, the first such edifice to be discovered in Caricin Grad. Taking into account the details of its ground plan, pillars, parts of collapsed walls and especially arches, it will be possible to reconstruct the original form of the horreum. Judging by the existing estimate, although somewhat rough, it was 13.5 meters high. It could be observed that in its later phases the horreum was partitioned into several rooms, and some of its entrances were walled up. In the vestibule only these later occupation phases were documented, as the original brick pavement was removed from its northern part. This was followed by a significant accumulation of cultural layers, which were sealed by the debris stratum. South of the horreum there is a spacious courtyard connected with the western street of the Upper Town. The Upper Town?s northern rampart has never been graphically reconstructed, despite the fact that Aleksandar Deroko and Svetozar Radojci} published its accurate (although schematic) ground plan as early as 1950 (Fig. 2.2). This part of the town has gradually been left out of the research focus, mainly due to the vegetation growth. Upon employing all the methods described above, however, it is possible to undertake such an effort. The ideal reconstruction suggested here includes the rampart route, the disposition and the form of the towers, and the possible locations of the posterns. The line of the rampart can be traced following the trenches left by the locals dismantling the walls. Only the section of the northwestern rampart in front of the western postern of the Acropolis cannot be presented, being still covered by massive earth deposits. On the other hand, the recently discovered western rampart of the Outer Town can be traced to its full length in the LiDAR-derived DTM. Its form can be easily reconstructed on the basis of the results of the 2012 excavations and the section of the same rampart uncovered east of the main fortifications in 1955-56 (Fig. 8). Having studied the microtopography of the terrain, we were able to determine the position of a number of towers. They were clearly indicated by bumps, regularly distributed along the northern and northeastern sections of the rampart. The position of the tower below the Acropolis? western postern could be easily determined as well, unlike the position of the tower opposite to the horseshoe-shaped one of the Acropolis fortification. Yet, it is hard to imagine that a hundred-meter-long section of the rampart was left unprotected. The rectangular shape of the towers is suggested because almost all the towers of the town?s outer fortification were constructed in that way. On the other hand, at present we cannot exclude the possibility that some towers were different, horseshoe-shaped in plan, like the ones on the Acropolis rampart. The disposition of the towers along the northeastern rampart of the Upper Town, in the area where the northern street presumably met the fortification, is not clear. This part of the site still lies under massive heaps of earth, and even the 1938 and 1947 aerial photographs are not indicative enough in this regard. However, the tower(s) might have been erected there, not only because the eighty-meter-long stretch of the rampart would be left without protection in an opposite scenario, but because it is likely that the northern street ended in a gate, or at least a postern. It is already known that some of the posterns on the Caric in Grad fortifications were defended by towers. The average distance between the towers of the town?s main fortification extends from 20 meters on the southern to 40 meters on the western rampart of the Lower Town; in our reconstruction the average interval on the Upper Town?s northern rampart is 44 meters. Another argument is that this gate might have connected the Upper and the Outer Towns. The position of the second postern is determined thanks to a depression in the terrain following the axis of another communication route in the Upper Town, leading from corridor 4 and running towards the north along the rows of buildings. Finally, the 3.8 meter width of the rampart in the section adjoining the northern tower of the Upper Town?s eastern gate may only indicate a staircase, the last reconstructed fortification element. On the plateau stretching between the northern ramparts of the Acropolis and the Upper Town fortifications a settlement developed with its radially distributed rows of buildings cascading down the slope. In the eastern part of the plateau there is the horreum, adjoined from the east by another building - the storage called Building with Pillars. Larger than the other buildings and constructed in opus mixtum, the two buildings follow the route of the Upper Town?s northern street, all of which indicates that they belong to the initial construction phase. One should not exclude the possibility that this part of the town was originally conceived as an economic district with storages and similar edifices. By all appearances, the original concept was soon abandoned. Already at the time of Justinian a settlement of numerous smaller buildings was created. With their walls of stone and wattle and daub, the buildings were roofed with tiles. Yet one should underscore that this construction phase, although less sophisticated than the first one, was accomplished according to a previously prepared plan; the spread of the buildings speaks to that effect. Shortly afterwards, if not at the same time, buildings were erected along the outer face of the Acropolis rampart - a clear indication of abandoning urban planning (Fig. 9). Public space was turned into private, in spite of the legal proscriptions of that time. During the last phase of the town?s life the buildings described, whether public or private, were partitioned into small rooms, often with fireplaces and with some of their entrances walled up. Just like the edifices constructed in opus mixtum, some of the more modest buildings from the second construction phase were used to store food - namely buildings 11 and 15C. The plan of this part of the site points to an organised settlement, most probably inhabited by persons servicing a significant clergy and administration. On the other hand, except for some houses - such as building 18 - small buildings along the Acropolis fortification, facing the main street, corridor 4, might have served as shops and workshops. Traces of furnaces, slag and bone working were also encountered in this area. The parallel application of classical research methods and modern techniques of sensing and detection enabled the reconstruction of the northern rampart and the urban matrix of the Upper Town?s northern plateau. Until recently among the least known parts of the town, this unit can now be regarded as one of the best defined. This is important not only for our understanding of Caricin Grad (Justiniana Prima), but also for the study of Early Byzantine urban planning in general.

The study of the history of the first excavations on prehistoric Therasia in the nineteenth century, which were carried out in the context of contemporary scientific interest in the volcanic eruptions of Santorini, has led to the systematic archaeological investigation of the island from 2007 onwards. The intensive archaeological surface survey, the geological survey of the geological structure and palaeotopography of Therasia, and geophysical investigations, undertaken in conjunction with the ongoing excavation of the prehistoric settlement at the site of Panaghia Koimisis at the southern end of modern Therasia, have created the conditions for a more comprehensive approach to the archaeological landscape of the island. Based on the results from the excavation trenches in the south and south-east terraces of the Koimisis hill, which have been excavated down to the virgin soil, we present findings on the organisation, architecture and habitation phases of the Koimisis settlement. The site emerges as an important settlement located on the imposing hilltop rising on the west side of the pre-eruption Santorini caldera in the Early Bronze Age, with a long period of habitation to the end of the Middle Cycladic period, when it was definitively abandoned. The excavation of the settlement provides new information on its architecture and spatial organisation during the Early and Middle Bronze Age, completing the picture from Akrotiri, whose early phases are preserved in a piecemeal fashion under the buildings of the Late Cycladic town.

Purpose: Solid waste is the remnant of the refuse that is collected and discarded by the public either in a managed system or in a mismanaged way. It also includes garbage or trash which consists of everyday items discarded by the public, for example plastic papers and containers, kitchen refuse, and market waste. The general objective of the study was to examine influence of stakeholder’s participation and management of solid waste disposal. A critical literature review.
 Methodology: The paper used a desk study review methodology where relevant empirical literature was reviewed to identify main themes and to extract knowledge gaps.
 Findings: The study concludes that the stakeholders are local and national government municipalities; city corporations; non-governmental organizations (NGO's); households, private contractor; Ministries of Health and Environment. The authorities, local and national municipalities, are largely responsible for the Waste Collection in the waste management chain. The Ministry of Health was is the most important stakeholder, followed by municipalities and solid waste management councils.
 Recommendations: The study recommends that there should be good drainage and proper town planning especially building standards like spacing and reserved areas; urban planning, infrastructural maintenance, and waste management like garbage clearing, and waste channeling; early warning system, reliable forecast, awareness, and inspections; community involvement through farming, afforestation, environmental sanitation, and stoppage of illegal mining; flood protection like dams, gabion, digging trenches, and water harvesting.
 Keywords: influence, stakeholders, participation and management solid waste disposal

On 23 November 1980, a major earthquake (Ms = 6.9) struck a large area of the southern Apennines (Campania and Lucania regions, southern Italy). This seismic event, the largest in Italy over the last 80 years, almost completely destroyed 15 villages and caused extensive damage to other towns, including Naples. The quake produced the first well-documented example in Italy of surface dislocation, represented by a fault scarp 38 km long. We undertook a study that included 14C dating of organic materials from layers displaced by paleoseismic events to assess the seismologic hazard for the area. We collected peat and charred wood samples from the walls of two trenches excavated across the 1980 fault at Piano di Pecore di Colliano, Salerno, where the sedimentary suite is faulted and warped by five quakes (including that of 1980). This produced comparable vertical throw and deformation patterns. Chronological data for pre-1980 events, coupled with detailed stratigraphic analysis, yielded a dip-slip rate and a recurrence interval of 0.4 mm/yr and 1700 yr, respectively.

Relevance. Heavy rainfall in June July 2019 and a rise of water levels in rivers caused flooding in the Irkutsk region. About 11 thousand houses, 49 road sections were flooded, 22 bridges were destroyed and damaged. Over 45 thousand people were affected by the flood, 25 people died, 6 went missing. In the areas of disaster, emergency regime was declared. 10 meter dam on the Iya River was broken, the most dangerous flood was in the Tulun town, Irkutsk Region. The powerful pressure of the river, sweeping and destroying everything in its path, surged into the town. Residential houses and farm buildings floated along the river, breaking against a bridge. On June 29 at 2 p.m. there was a maximum water level of 13 m 87 cm, which was almost 2 times higher than the critical level, after which the water began to decline. The flood divided the city into 2 parts.Intention is to present the results of emergency recovery work and analyze the medical support during the flood elimination in the Irkutsk region.Methodology. The airmobile group (AMG) of the Tula Rescue Center of the EMERCOM of Russia was formed in the amount of 100 persons to participate in the emergency response. From July 6 to August 15, 2019 military personnel of AMG performed emergency recovery work during a flood in the Tulun town, Irkutsk Region.Results and analysis. Due to the unfavorable sanitary and epidemiological situation in the area of emergency response, military personnel of the AMG were vaccinated against hepatitis A. During emergency recovery operations, 4941 dump trucks (123,525 m3) of solid waste were removed, 122 houses and adjoining territories were cleared from household rubbish as a result of a bypass and targeted assistance to the population, 210 destroyed residential buildings and 345 outbuildings were dismantled, 390 m of drainage trenches were dug, 23,396 m3 of water was pumped out from courtyards and streets, 10 tons of humanitarian aid were loaded, transported and unloaded, and other works. On August 13, 2019, AMG employees were involved in a rescue operation with the subsequent air medical evacuation of the victim. 47 cases of treatment of the affected people within primary health care were registered. The general morbidity (help seeking) of AMG military personnel was 1190 ‰, i.e. each soldier turned for medical help 1.2 times. In the structure of the general morbidity, the 1st rank was taken by diseases of the skin and subcutaneous tissue (XII chapter according to ICD 10), the 2nd – diseases of the respiratory system (X chapter), the 3rd – diseases of the digestive system (XI chapter). The prevaling cases of treatment were infected foot and leg scuffs, acute respiratory infections, acute toothache, enterocolitis.Conclusion. An algorithm for cooperation with local authorities of the State system for the prevention and liquidation of emergency situations in the territory of the Angara region has been developed. The experience gained in organizing medical support for military personnel of the Tula Rescue Center of the EMERCOM of Russia will allow detailed planning of the forces and means of the medical service in the formation of an airmobile group.

Kastraki Hill on the eastern Argolic Gulf, with visible remains of impressive fortifications, has been identified since the mid-19th century as the position occupied by the acropolis of ancient Asine. The first systematic excavations were carried out by the Swedish Institute in the 1920s and revealed the continuous habitation of the site from the Early Helladic period (3rd millennium BC) up to the late 4th-early 5th century AD. Many additions and repairs on the acropolis were made during the Byzantine period and the 2nd Venetian Occupation of the Peloponnese (1686–1715). However, the most destructive interventions in the area are the works carried out by the Italians during World War II. Fearing an invasion of the Allies on this side of the Peloponnese, the Italians fortified the acropolis by making additions to the ancient walls and constructing auxiliary buildings, pillboxes, observation posts and trenches around the rocky outcrop using materials from buildings of the Lower Town. Their departure after the war revealed the extent of the destruction of the antiquities. During the past few decades we have seen interest in approaching sites of recent conflict using archaeological methods that could help researchers understand these transformations of matter in a deeper way. Such is the case of Asine, a palimpsest landscape with archaeological and historical remains of human activity extending from prehistoric to modern European times. This article will attempt to reveal this hidden side of contemporary history and offer a glimpse into the lives of the last inhabitants of the ancient city.


 
 Forensic archaeology is a scientific discipline that can expose past crime(s) against humanity by recovering the bodies of victims and meticulously documenting any proof of torture, trauma or human rights violations. Archaeological recovery of human remains deposited in pre-existing structures or features such as wells, potholes, natural ravines, roadside trenches, sewage systems etc., have been reported from many sites worldwide. In April, 2014, thousands of human bones, teeth as well as a number of personal effects including coins, medals and beaded armbands were unscientifically excavated from a well—presumably dating from the nineteenth century—located under a religious structure in the heart a North Indian town. Without the assistance of scientific expertise or local administration, locals excavated the remains to verify whether the well containing human bones was a result of an event which had been documented in the written records. The unscientific excavation by locals with no formal qualifications in archaeology or anthropology, resulted in the enhanced damage and commingling of human remains limiting information on the minimum number of individuals, age-at-death, sex, pathological conditions, trauma, etc. which may have assisted in identification and a stronger corroboration with the historical records. This paper aims to emphasize that if scientific protocols had been followed—including the participation of a multidisciplinary excavation team with experts from diverse scientific disciplines like forensic archaeology, anthropology, geology, skeletal biology, history, forensic medicine etc.—data and context would have been greatly enhanced and information may have been obtained about the deceased individuals and whether they were the victims of crimes dating to the nineteenth century.
 

Between 1993 and 2001 a British team led by S. Esmonde Geary, M. J. Jones and the author examined the Late-Roman defences of the ‘ville haute’ of Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges (SW France). The project fell within the overall theme of studying the transition from the classical to the late antique/early mediaeval town, a principal objective of the international Trojet Collectif de Recherches’ at Saint-Bertrand. The primary aim of the British investigation was to document and analyse the construction of the Late-Roman defences and their subsequent development through a combination of architectural survey and excavation. During the nine seasons of fieldwork, the architectural remains of the entire wall circuit were analysed and 11 separate trenches excavated. The evidence obtained from these excavations dates the wall's construction to the early years of the 5th c.The architectural survey included collating old photographs and unpublished excavation records; preparing a plan showing the surviving original and rebuilt stretches of the walls; making a general survey of the principal external and internal elevations, and recording the outline of all visible Roman facing and corework, vertical and horizontal breaks, offsets, tile courses, drains, re-used masonry and later building and repairs; making stone-by-stone drawings of the best surviving elevations and features; making a detailed analysis of the wall fabric, interpreting its building periods and phases of construction, and identifying changes in alignment of the defences, the presence of external towers, work-gang divisions, and so on. For ease of reference, the circuit was divided into 26 sectors on the basis of criteria such as change of alignment and state of preservation.

AbstractThis paper reports on the work carried out during the 2009 field season of the prehistory sub-theme of the Desert Migrations Project. The work consisted of detailed survey and small-scale excavations in two wadis that drain the Messak Settafet, near the town of Jarma. Both wadis were found to contain evidence of Palaeolithic and Neolithic occupation, as well as of having been used as migratory routes between the Ubari and Murzuq sand seas. One of the wadis (WJAR-E-O1) was surveyed intensely along a few kilometers of its tributary margins. This revealed archaeological material ranging from Oldowan (Mode 1) to historic. The distribution of the various industries and structures had a distinct spatial patterning; the Palaeolithic scatters were spatially discrete, but Holocene remains were often found superimposed on earlier industries. Among the finds were a spatially discrete Oldowan assemblage, an extensive Acheulean industry which included the exploitation of fossil wood as a raw material, the identification of at least five major outcrops of fossil trees, and a number of more recent structures dating from Neolithic to Islamic times and consisting of graves, cairns, rock engravings, and stone features. Middle Stone Age lithics, so predominant over the surface of the Messak plateau, were absent. The second wadi (WJAR-W-02) was geomorphologically different, being comparatively narrow and deeply incised, and containing a number of terraces on the wadi bed resulting from cut and infill processes in the past. The surface of these terraces contained an extensive Aterian lithic industry, while evidence of late Holocene use of the area was also recorded in the form of Tifinagh inscriptions, rock engravings, cairns and graves. Besides mapping the archaeological distributions, a number of trenches were dug at the edge of the river terraces. These revealed an in situ stratigraphic sequence, within which Aterian lithics were found at a depth of > 1 m. Samples for OSL dating were taken. Overall, the work of the 2009 field season was extremely successful in that, besides the fascinating range of archaeological material recorded and studied, it provided important insights into the role of the north-south wadis that cross the Messak, the southern boundary of the area being explored by the DMP, and their differential use in prehistory.

In the introduction to their excellent survey of the First World War in Central Europe, Our War (Nasza wojna), Polish historians Włodzimierz Borodziej and Maciej Górny begin by wondering why the name of Przasnysz, a small Polish town north of Warsaw, carries today no connotations of misery or horror. In late 1914 and early 1915, they note, the Germans and Russians fought several ferocious battles in its vicinity, battles that ultimately claimed hundreds of thousands of casualties. And yet its name never became a part of the shared historical memory of the First World War. Przasnysz and its battles are long forgotten, not only, as might be expected, in Belgium, France and Great Britain, but also in Germany, Russia and the rest of Poland. This, Borodziej and Górny note, is symptomatic of the hold that the war's Western Front has exercised for generations on the imaginations of scholars and the wider public alike – even within the states that now occupy the territory on which the titanic clashes of the Russian, Austrian and German empires claimed millions of lives. To schoolchildren in Warsaw no less than to scholars in Great Britain and the United States, the First World War is synonymous with the trenches of Belgium and France, and with the haunted names of Ypres, Passchendaele and Verdun. But the evidence of Nasza wojna and the other three books under review here suggests that the Eastern Front is finally emerging as a subject of scholarly and popular interest. Moreover, these books illustrate that careful study of that Front has the potential to deepen our understanding of the war's complex dynamics and their impact on the states and societies that grappled with them. The sweeping conquests and extended occupations of ethnically, linguistically and religiously diverse populations; the migration of ethnic hostilities from the front lines to the home fronts of multinational states; the profound divide between urban and rural experiences of the war; the ways in which military institutions adapted to the industrialised brutality of modern warfare and the ways that venerable but sprawling imperial state systems tried to come to grips with the war's demands are just a few of the themes addressed by the books under review here. The history of the period, and of modern European history in general, stands to be greatly enriched by a renewed interest in ‘the forgotten Great War’.

Kastre (sometimes called Uue-Kastre) Castle on the north shore of the Emajõgi River has been almost totally destroyed. At one time it belonged to the Tartu bishops, and a trade route connecting the Baltic Sea countries and Russia through Tartu and Pskov ran past the castle. In the Middle Ages, this also marked the actual boundary of the Tartu bishopric, since only unsettled wetlands covered the area between the castle and the lake. The Kastre Castle is mentioned in the written records for the first time in 1392 as a customs checkpoint, in connection with a treaty between the Hanseatic towns and Novgorod. There was a barrier near the castle that was stretched over the river with a rope or chain, which stopped the boats and ships from sailing through without stopping. When the Pskovians launched a military expedition on their lodʼya boats against the Tartu bishopric in 1342, there is no mention of the Kastre Castle. The place name is probably based on the Old Russian word kosterʼ (костеръ), which meant stronghold and has been used as a loan word in the eastern Finnic languages. The German name of Kastre is Warbek, and the current explanation is that this meant “river defence” (Middle German were des bekes). However, were has also meant fish barrier, i.e. a fishing structure built across the flow of the river.In 1993, the owner of the castle property had the moats around surrounding the castle and outer bailey dredged and widened, which changed their location and appearance notably. The first archaeological studies at the castle were conducted to verify the damage caused by this unauthorised excavation work. In 1994, the profile of the ground exposed by excavator rooting around in the moats was documented. In 2001, the first archaeological excavations took place at the site of the Kastre Castle. There were plans to build a new structure between the walls of the tavern that had been built on the site of the castle in the late 18th and 19th century, and the necessary trenches were dug in the course of the archaeological rescue excavations. Supervision of the construction work, as well as excavation work related the cleanup of the moats and surrounding property, continued for the next few years. Depending on the location, the excavations reached the cobblestone paving that was located 40–120 cm below the prior ground level in the courtyard and interiors of the castle.In 2001, wood samples were taken from the logs that were revealed on the western slope of the western moat of the Kastre outer bailey, and had been used to fortify the incline. The dendrochronological study shows that the logs were fell after the 1376 growth period (summer). Therefore, the moat of the Kastre outer bailey was probably fortified in 1377. The direct motivation for building the castle may have been the border war between Pskov and the Tartu bishopric that lasted from 1367 to 1371. The main battlefield of the war was Lake Peipsi, and a dispute about the fishing rights in Lake Lämmijärv has been given as the main explanation for the war.Kastre was a very important medieval fishery centre for the lower Emajõgi River and Lake Peipsi. Here the import of fish was taxed. In the vicinity, one could find the fishing grounds of the Tartu bishop, the Cathedral Chapter, the town of Tartu, monasteries and private manors, as well as of the Teutonic Order. The water and winter roads that ran through Kastre from Tartu toward Russia or Narva comprised an important traffic zone, which the castle controlled. Kastre was the centre of the relevant Tartu bishopric’s administrative division. The bishops are said to have visited the border castle personally on many occasions, so suitable rooms must have existed at the castle. An idea of the castle is provided by plans from 17th century.The castle was built in at least two stages. Its foundations were built on log floats. First an unusual rectangular building of fieldstones and bricks was built, the longest wall of which was 17,5 metres and the shortest 12 metres; the walls were 2,5 to 2,8 metres thick. The walls on the north and northwest side of the castle were built later against the originally planned walls; whereas the upper parts of the original northern and eastern walls were demolished. A subsequent addition was the cannon tower on the southeast corner of the castle, which is indicted on plans from the late 17th century, and the diameter of which, based on these plans, would have been about 9,5 metres. Considering the location of the walls that have been revealed, most of the tower’s foundation walls have been washed away by the Emajõgi River. Apparently a wooden building was located in the northern part of the castle’s courtyard. The castle was surrounding by a moat that was up to 15 metres wide. It is not possible to determine the exact time of the different stages of construction. From the dendrochronological studies we can conclude that the outer bailey, or at least the area surrounded by moats, is not a later construction but most probably one of the oldest parts of the castle. Bricks typical of the 14th and 15th centuries have been used in the walls of the first construction stage; the addition, based on the dimensions of the bricks, is a later construction. There have been no finds on the entire property that date back to the period before the 15th century.On the west side of the castle, there is an area that is about 60 metres long and wide, and surrounded by a 10-metre-wide moat. The cultural layer here is only a ten or so centimetres thick. There were probably no stone buildings here; but it’s possible that wooden outbuildings were already located here when it was a bishopric castle. A tavern and outbuildings are indicated on the 17th century plans. In the course of cleaning the moats, wooden shore fortifications came to light in the northeast corner of the outer bailey. There was a small settlement near the castle, which, in 1601, included 21 households – 20 of them fishers and one brewer. A Mary Magdalene chapel is mentioned in 1613 here. A cemetery is located on the western side of the castle, which could have surrounded a chapel.The Kastre Castle has been repeatedly associated with military events, such as border wars and internal conflicts. In the Livonian War, Kastre was one of the first castles that fell into the hands of the Russians in 1558. Based on the Truce of Yam-Zapolsky, the castle was transferred to Poland in 1582. During the Russo-Swedish War in 1656, the Swedes were able make repairs the castle and make it defensible, and they stationed garrison there. However, it still fell into Russian hands until the Treaty of Kärde was signed in 1661. In the late 17th century, the Swedes planned to completely rebuild the castle. But as of 1704, the castle was still in ruins. After the Great Northern War, being inside the borders of the Russian Empire, the Kastre Castle lost its potential military importance. By the second half of the 18th century, the castle had turned into “a pile of stones”, from which a tavern was built.

This paper presents the results from an archaeological excavation at the Neolithic site of Rašinovac, near Ždrapanj in the Piramatovci Valley (in the hinterland of the town of Skradin in Northern Dalmatia). This previously unknown site was test excavated in 2013 when a 2x2-metre trench was opened to determine the site’s stratigraphy and chronology. Excavations suggested that Rašinovac was a single-layer open-air settlement and subsequent analyses of the material culture (mostly pottery and chert) confirmed that it was an Impressed Ware site. Two radiocarbon dates also reveal that Rašinovac is among the earliest known Early Neolithic sites in the region (first century of the 6th millennium BC).

Replacement and upgrading of the mains water system in North Berwick provided an opportunity to identify and record deposits and structures across the core of the medieval burgh. The methods of trench excavation used meant that archaeological features were largely only seen in section, however, a large amount of information about the development of the burgh, and its layout, was collected despite this. Over much of the central core of the medieval burgh, layer upon layer of occupation deposits and more mixed material were interspersed with obvious inundations of wind-blown sand. The existence of a rough surface running east-west along much of the High Street could suggest that this is the more likely candidate for the earliest focus for the burgh, rather than the north/south running Quality Street further to the east. Road surfaces were also seen along East Road, running out of the town. The density of occupation deposits markedly lessened along Westgate, the continuation of the High Street, indicating the limits of the medieval core. A number of structures were also identified, including a wall at the east of the town that may represent the town wall, or at least define the limit of settlement to the east. The data collected from the watching brief will allow better assessments for future planning decisions, and also shows the importance of archaeological monitoring of this type of construction work.

ABSTRACT The Alpine fault is a high slip-rate plate boundary fault that poses a significant seismic hazard to southern and central New Zealand. To date, the strongest paleoseismic evidence for the onshore southern and central sections indicates that the fault typically ruptures during very large (Mw≥7.7) to great “full-section” earthquakes. Three paleoseismic trenches excavated at the northeastern end of its central section at the Toaroha River (Staples site) provide new insights into its surface-rupture behavior. Paleoseismic ruptures in each trench have been dated using the best-ranked radiocarbon dating fractions, and stratigraphically and temporally correlated between each trench. The preferred timings of the four most recent earthquakes are 1813–1848, 1673–1792, 1250–1580, and ≥1084–1276 C.E. (95% confidence intervals using OxCal 4.4). These surface-rupture dates correlate well with reinterpreted timings of paleoearthquakes from previous trenches excavated nearby and with the timing of shaking-triggered turbidites in lakes along the central section of the Alpine fault. Results from these trenches indicate the most recent rupture event (MRE) in this area postdates the great 1717 C.E. Alpine fault rupture (the most recent full-section rupture of the southern and central sections). This MRE probably occurred within the early nineteenth century and is reconciled as either: (a) a “partial-section” rupture of the central section; (b) a northern section rupture that continued to the southwest; or (c) triggered slip from a Hope-Kelly fault rupture at the southwestern end of the Marlborough fault system (MFS). Although, no single scenario is currently favored, our results indicate that the behavior of the Alpine fault is more complex in the north, as the plate boundary transitions into the MFS. An important outcome is that sites or towns near fault intersections and section ends may experience strong ground motions more frequently due to locally shorter rupture recurrence intervals.

Papanoa earthquake broke the plate interface NW of the Guerrero seismic gap. In this region, previous large earthquakes occurred in 1943 (MS 7.4), 1979 (Mw7.4) and 1985 (Mw7.5). The earthquake was recorded in the near-source region by several accelerographs. Severe damage was reported in Papanoa (where PGA of ~ 0.9 g was recorded on one of the horizontal components at a soft site) and other nearby coastal towns. It was also felt strongly in Mexico City where the ground motions were comparable to those recorded during the 1979 and 1985 events. A careful analysis of the near-source data, including P-wave polarization, yields an epicenter at 17.375 ºN, 101.055 ºW, close to the coast, near the town of Papanoa. Effective duration of ground motion at near-source coastal stations to the NW of the epicenter is 10-15 s, while it is 20-35 s to the SE, demonstrating rupture directivity towards Zihuatanejo. Three (in some cases only two) bursts of high-frequency radiation are visible in the accelerograms. Near-field records show that the slip was small during the initial 2-3 s of rupture which, subsequently, cascaded in two or three larger subevents. Slip inversion using teleseismic waves, along with GPS data from a couple of near-source sites, reveals that the rupture mainly consisted of two subevents. The first one was centered close to the hypocenter and had a radius of ~ 15 km. The second subevent, roughly of the same dimension as the first, was centered ~ 25 km SSE of Zihuatanejo. Previous analysis of three slow slip events (SSEs) in the region (2001-2002; 2006; 2009-2010) had revealed that this region had a high inter-SSE coupling ratio (> 0.5) with a slip deficit about four times greater than in the adjacent NW Guerrero seismic gap (Radiguet et al., 2012). It seems that the large slip patch corresponding to the first subevent of the 2014 earthquake experienced a cumulative slip of ~ 20 cm during the SSEs, suggesting that seismic and SSE slip may share the same area of the interface. Alternatively, the SSE slip may have occurred over an area surrounding the large slip patch, a physically more plausible model. Epicenters of aftershocks (M ≥ 3.5), which occurred in the next 36 hours, define a rectangular area of ~ 40 km • 70 km, oriented ~ N75ºE; about half of this area lies onshore. This area encloses the inverted slip region. More than half of the aftershock area overlaps with that of the 1979 earthquake and a small fraction with that of the 21 September 1985 earthquake. As we only know the slip distribution of the 2014 earthquake, it is not known if the two large-slip patches had also slipped similarly during the previous earthquakes. The earthquake was followed by two moderately large events that occurred on 8 May (Mw6.5) and 10 May (Mw6.1). The epicenters of these events fall near Tecpan, within the NW Guerrero seismic gap (which extends from 100 ºW to 101 ºW), outside the aftershock area of the Papanoa earthquake. No large earthquake has occurred in this part of the gap, between Papanoa and Acapulco, since the events of 1899 (MS7.5) and 1911 (MS7.6). However, seismicity in the region (at Mw ≥ 5 level) appears normal. A few moderate earthquakes of unusually large duration and deficient high-frequency radiation have been identified near the trench. In contrast to the Papanoa - Zihuatanejo region, in this segment the inter-SSE coupling ratio from ~ 10 km inland towards sea is very low (< 0.2) and the slip deficit is about one-fourth that of the Papanoa- Zihuatanejo region (Radiguet et al., 2012). As a consequence, the expected recurrence period of large/great earthquakes may be relatively long, in agreement with the seismicity of the Papanoa-Acapulco region.

Historic-Archaeological Research of the Catholic University of the Sacred Heart of Milano on the Indus Delta (2010-2018). The following text is only an abridged note on the excavations at Banbhore and some significant extra-moenia surveys carried out by the Italian Team within the Institutional framework of a “Pak-French-Italian Historical and Archaeological Research at Banbhore” on the basis of a Licence issued by the competent Pakistani Authorities (2010-2015 - Coordinator of the Project Dr Kaleemullah Lashari), and, some later, within a new institutional asset: a “Memorandum of Understanding” (MoU) signed in the 2017 between the Director General of the Department of Antiquities of Sindh (Manzoor A. Kanasro) and the Magnifico Rettore of the Catholic University of the Sacred Heart of Milan (Prof. Franco Anelli). Aims of the said MoU are: (a) historical-archaeological research-work at Banbhore and Rani Kot; (b) training (theoretical and on the job) to selected students and officers of the DAS. The Italian group works under the sponsorship of the Italian Ministry for Foreign Affairs (now Ministry for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation/MAECI). Scientific director for the Italian Team is Prof. Valeria Piacentini, member of the Board of Directors of the Research Centre CRiSSMA of the Catholic University.
 In the following dissertation I won’t linger on the debated issue about the identification of the site of Banbhore with historic sites on the Indus delta (the historical Mihrān river) mentioned and described in the written sources of the past. Too many respected scholars and archaeologists have entered this debate since the end of the 19th Century, for which I refer to a well-known exhaustive literature. In the “50s of the previous century, Leslie Alckok – then official to the Department of Archaeology of Pakistan – carried out some preliminary excavations, followed by Dr Rafique Mughal and F.A. Khan. This latter carried out a systematic and extensive archaeological campaign of several years between the “50s and the “60s, well backed by one of the most authoritative Pakistani historians, N.A. Baloch. Khan brought to light extraordinary archaeological and architectural evidence, but, unfortunately, his excavation-notes have gone lost and little or nothing has been published. Thence, our research-work had to start from nothing.
 First of all and most urgent was an updated planimetric and altimetric study of the site by kite-photos: a massive wall of c. 1,4 km with 55 towers, 7 posterns, and major and secondary accesses to the citadel (2010-2012 by Y. Ubelman, S. Reynard, A. Tilia), regularly updated with advanced technologies (A. Tilia).
 Then, in collaboration with Dr M. Kervran, head of the French Team, we undertook an accurate study of the bastions and the shapes of its towers (squared, U-shaped, circular), which has brought to envisage three main occupational phases of the intra-moenia area: 1. Indo-Parthian/Indo-Kushan phase (c. III-II Century b.CE – III-IV Century CE); 2. Sasanian/Indo-Sasanian phase (c. III-IV Century – early VIII Century CE); 3. Islamic phase (VIII – XII/early XIII Century CE). Decay and/or abandonment and end of any settled life on the site can be dated around the XII-early XIII Century, due to attacks and pillaging by Turco-Mongol nomadic tribes, and/or the deviation of this branch of the Indus delta and consequent filling of the harbour, or both. Archaeological evidence come to light confirms the historical information.
 Our third aim (2010-2015) was to arrive to a first chronological panorama of the site through levels in stratigraphy and the assemblage of pottery and other significant evidence with the individual levels (N. Manassero – A. Fusaro – A. Tilia). Deep trenches were excavated (T/7 and T/9 on the Italian side; T/1 on the French side near the western portion of the bastions skirting the Hindu Temple. These brought to the very early Sasanian period or late Indo-Parthian (c. II-III Century CE), then the water-table invaded the trenches preventing us to go deeper; however, drillings (T/9) have allowed to go deeper for c.1,8 mt of shards …thus reaching a much earlier occupational phase. The question about an Hellenistic occupation at the bottom of the site (Arrian’s harbour of Alexander) is still unanswered… a dream…but the importance of Banbhore has induced to take it seriously and include it within our priorities.
 Ours and the French trenches have also produced significant information on the architectural panorama of the site for its earlier periods of life. A main N-S and E-W road axis was traced. The site was organised in insulae, each insula with its pits of organic and inorganic refusals, densely built along narrow roads by small mono-nuclear houses, roofed, bases in local stones and the elevation in unbacked bricks. Interesting the presence of refusals of some crafts, as if each building had at the same time the function of “home” and workshop. The refusals shew activities of ivory-working (T/1,T/4, T/9), and other crafts carried out “within the bastions of the citadel”, such as glass, shells and mother of pearl, alloys and various metallurgic activities, too, and so on. Significant the presence of a wealth of clay-moulds. T/5 has produced a clay-mould nearly intact in its shape. No less interesting, in the deeper layers, the presence of a well arranged organisation of the hydraulic resources (small canals, little domed cisterns in roughly cut local stones, wells..: T/9).
 One element of the site attracted our attention: the so called “Partition Wall”. It has a North-South direction; then, it bends Eastwards, including the Mosque and the Eastern lagoon, but cutting out the majestic Southern Gate. So far, it had been interpreted as a Wall that had a “religious” or “social” function to separate – after the Islamic conquest – the Muslims from the non-Muslim inhabitants of the site. Manassero dedicated the 2014 Field-Season to investigate: T/7 and T/8 were the trenches that gave a new profile to this structure and to the general occupational organisation of the citadel during its last period of life. The round-shaped tower in mud-bricks and the walls on both sides show that they had been hurriedly erected in a late phase of the life of the citadel (around the end of the X – early XI Century CE). They had been built on the top of pre-existing buildings either abandoned and collapsed or hastily flatted-down, likely to defend this eastern portion of the site and its Mosque by some human ravage that had succeeded to open a breach in the lower western bastion leaving the higher north-eastern area exposed to attacks (the skeleton found by Dr Kervran on her portion of the wall, and Khan’s skeletons with arrow-heads in their skulls and chests). According to F.A. Khan’s excavations and what he left us in his little booklet that so far – printed and re-printed – is the guide for visitors to Banbhore, in the eastern portion of the site during the latest stage of its life still stood beautiful palaces, the Friday Mosque, markets, and an eastern gate where a staircase (still in situ in the 2015) brought to a lagoon at the foot of the eastern bastions and to the river.
 At the end of this first stage of our historical and archaeological research-work, the identification of the site of Banbhore with the historic Sasanian/Indo-Sasanian fortified harbour-town seemed quite feasible. When we resumed our field-work in the 2017, we decided to go deeper in this direction. In the meantime, Dr Manassero had resigned due to personal choices of life. Dr Simone Mantellini bravely accepted to be our Field-Director for the archaeological sector. T/9 had unearthed an imposing Building (Building 1) running along the East-West road-axis, parallel to a second Building (Building 2). The road – wide about 5 meters – must have been a major road, that had played a central role within the general architectural urban asset of the site. Building 2 had the typical structure of the local houses: base in rough stones, elevation in mud-bricks. Excavations of Building 1 produced fillings well flatted and an endless chronological procession of floors in row mud, likely the re-occupation of an important palace during the last phase of the occupational life of Banbhore. The material (pottery and others) associated with the various levels in stratigraphy (Dr A. Fusaro) confirmed the dating of the dug portion from c. the early XIII to the XI Century CE. Historically speaking, it makes sense: chronicles of the time report about the invasion of Lower Sindh by the Seljuks (second half of the XI Century CE); they indulge on the assaults against the walls of its great harbour-town named Daybul, its long siege concluded with a peace-treaty that fixed the border with Makrān at Gwadar and gave to Daybul an autonomous status (nāḥiya) within the Seljuk dominion of Qāvurd-Khān ibn Chaghrī Beg. More interesting was the copious filling with ivory refusals. Along Building 2, were found semi-worked shells, glass, iron and brass rivets, iron instruments, alloys, coins and other. This induced to think to a late quarter of work-shops outside the Partition Wall, built on previous buildings. Lastly, some surveys extra-moenia and in the Lahiri Bandar and Mullah-ka Kot islands have revealed a close connection and interaction between these spaces and the citadel. Around the bastions: the remains of a densely settled area and a well organised regulation of the waters and the territory, rock quarries, urban quarters, dwellings, cairn-tombs (some of them re-used), an artificial lake of sweet water delimited to the south by a “barrage”, wells, and a vast so called “industrial area” to the north-northwest of the bastions, pottery kilns and others completed the image of a urban asset at least for a given span of time. Architectural and archaeological evidences have regularly been graphically, photographically and topographically documented (A. Tilia).
 Archaeometric analyses on the job (pottery, metals, alloys, coins…) and in Italy (ivory, glass, clay-moulds, shards…) have provided precious support and new elements to the archaeological work.
 We are now confronted with the plan of a positive shahristān. Banbhore is no longer only a fortified citadel. Written sources in Arabic and Persian confirm this feature. After the Jan.-Feb. 2018 field-season, the Islamic occupational phase of Banbhore and the “archaeological park” surrounding it enhanced this image: a positive fluvial and maritime system stemmed out, a well-fortified system and harbour-town, a centre of mercantile power, production and re-distribution of luxury goods, an international centre of pilgrimage and religious learning, too, outlet to the sea of the capital-city of the moment.
 For the forthcoming field-seasons, it was decided to concentrate the attention on the sector where the North-South axis crosses the East-West one. In particular: to further investigate Building 1; to look for the ivory-workshops that must be there around – given the copious pieces so far brought to light and used as refilling (more than 9.000 fragments) and some fragments of rough ivory (specialist of the Italian Team G. Affanni); to organise a deep-trench in the Pakistani sector (T/11), in order to resume Manassero’s investigations on the urban and architectural features of the pre-Islamic phases...and (why not?) try to overcome the water-table problem with the technological support offered by the Bahrya University of Karachi…the much dreamed quest of Alexander the Macedonian’s port.
 All in all and to conclude. Nowadays, at the end of this first stage of historical and archaeological research-work in collaboration with the DAS, the identification of the site of Banbhore and its surrounding area with the Sasanian/Indo-Sasanian and the Early-Islamic well-fortified harbour-town of Daybul/Debol can be confirmed. No other site with the characteristics described by the written sources of the time (chronicles, geographies, travelogues…plus Marco Polo and some significant Genoese archival documents) has so far come to light on the Indus deltaic region. Conversely, still un-answered are other queries: Banbhore can be identified also with the great harbour of Alexander the Macedonian? Or with the Barbaricum/Barbarikon/Barbariké, harbour-town of Parthian rulers or local lords of “Skuthia”, also mentioned in the Periplus Maris Erythraei? Or again with Dib/Deb, harbour mentioned in a Parthian-Manichaean text? Or again the Dibos of Greek sources? Or the Dêbuhl/Dêphul of an Arminian text à propos of the Prophet Mani? Wishful thinking; however, these queries represent some amongst the ambitious aims of our future research-work.

Abstract— Between 1914 and 1918, deteriorating living standards and inequalities in food supply generated powerful subjective meanings in France. A moral vocabulary arose that castigated hoarders and profiteers and exalted front-line soldiers who made the ultimate sacrifice in the trenches. This moral language helped to regulate social tensions by defining acceptable and unacceptable behaviour. As this article demonstrates, however, this moral economy did not function in a uniform manner across the country but developed highly localized inflections. This is evident from the case of civilians living in towns under fire and under military occupation at the Western Front, who suffered greater hardships than civilians in the interior. At the front, local wartime experiences shaped attitudes towards other social groups, the state and the national community. Social class was not the only category that defined the moral economy of wartime; so too did a sense of community generated by local war experiences.

Abstract Popular perceptions of 1914–18 focus on the trenches. Yet, much of soldiers’ time was spent in rear areas and many men never reached the frontlines. By studying life behind the lines it is possible to offer new perspectives on the experience of the Great War. In August 1917 and 1918, the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) took over the usually quiet paths and lawns of Le Havre's Jardin St Roche, which the mayor of the town had agreed to loan to the base commandant. Rather than engaging in battle with the enemy, BEF servicemen and Belgian military personnel, alongside French civilians, were displaying the fruits (and vegetables) of their more peaceful labours. As part of a programme encouraging the cultivation of unused land around the surrounding camps, a vegetable competition was organized in which it was onions, beets, and kale rather than bullets, grenades, and shells that were the produce of war. This article explores the ways in which the organization of these events can throw light on the broader history of the British Army during the First World War. In doing so, it provides novel insights into the functioning of the BEF and the experiences of the men serving in it.

A Estrada Real entre as Minas Geraes e o Rio de Janeiro entre os séculos XVII e XVIII, partia inicialmente da Vila de Paraty, no litoral sul fluminense, e atravessava a Serra do Mar na altura da cidade paulista de Cunha, no vale do Paraíba. Utilizava uma trilha de índios Goianás que atravessava a Serra do Facão, antiga toponímia local. Com o novo traçado da Estrada Real finalizado em 1725, o trecho ficou conhecido como “Caminho Velho”. Em 2004, cerca de 4 km do Caminho Velho na localidade da Penha foram recuperados e abertos à visitação. Neste local é possível observar: a) pavimento com blocos rochosos com arestas e faces arredondadas ou retilíneas assentados em base de solo compactado com espessura de até 15 cm; b) geometria do pavimento em mosaico com rejunte de seixos arredondados centimétricos; c) matacões autóctones em matriz argilosa ao longo de trechos pavimentados e não pavimentados indicando que, neste trecho, ao caminho percorre um depósito de tálus; d) matacões maiores e proeminentes na paisagem utilizados como “pedra de vigia”; e) matacões semidesmontados indicando extração de blocos no local. Petrografia macroscópica de matacões e de blocos e seixos do pavimento revelaram constituição única por granito megaporfirítico da Suíte Paraty, composta por granitos pós-colisionais Eopaleozóicos. O mapeamento geológico na vertente da Serra do Mar acima de Paraty demonstra que, na região, ocorre um largo corpo intrusivo da Suíte Paraty, que produz afloramentos nas cotas superiores, matacões em depósitos de tálus nas encostas e seixos em pequenos alvéolos aluvionares. O material rochoso utilizado no pavimento mais antigo (século XVII) foi retirado em depósito aluvionar situado na transição entre o trecho de subida e a planície costeira. As rochas utilizadas na renovação feita no século XVIII foram extraídas de matacões de granito distribuídos ao longo do caminho.Palavras-chave: Estrada Real; arqueologia colonial; proveniência geológica. ABSTRACTPROVENANCE OF THE MATERIAL USED IN THE PAVEMENT OF THE OLD PATH OF THE ROYAL ROAD BETWEEN PARATI (RJ) AND CUNHA (SP). The Royal Road between Minas Geraes and Rio de Janeiro between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, initially departed from the town of Paraty, on the southern coast of Rio de Janeiro, and crossed the Coast at the city of Cunha, in the valley of Paraiba do Sul River. It used an old Indian trail crossing the Serra do Facão, ancient toponymy site. With the new layout of the Royal Road completed in 1725, the section was known as Caminho Velho (Old Path). In 2004, about 4 km from the Old Path in the Penha Village were recovered and open to visitors. At this site you can see: a) a pavement with boulders with rounded edges and faces seated on compacted soil base with thickness up to 15 cm b) a mosaic pavement filled with centimetric rounded pebbles c) boulders in clay matrix along paved and unpaved areas indicating that the path traverses a deposit of tálus d) prominent large boulders used as "stone guard" e) fractured boulders indicating extraction of blocks in site. Macroscopic petrography classify boulders, blocks and pebbles revealed as megaporphyritic granite. This is known as the Paraty Granite from a Eopaleozoci post-collisional granite suite. Geological mapping on the slope of the Serra do Mar shows that in the region there is a large body of the Paraty Granite that produces outcrops at higher elevations, boulders in tálus slopes and pebbles in small alluvial plains. The rocky material in the old pavement (seventeenth century) was extracted from a nearby alluvial deposit. The rocks used in the renovation made in the eighteenth century were extracted from granite boulders spread along the way.Keywords: Royal Road; colonial archeology; geological provenance.

In summer and fall 2002, personnel with Prewitt and Associates, Inc., undertook data recovery excavations at prehistoric site 41MM341 for the Texas Department of Transportation, Environmental Affairs Division, to address the requirements of Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act and the Texas Antiquities Code. Site 41MM341 is in central Milam County, Texas, just southeast of the town of Cameron, on a low rise in the modern floodplain of the Little River. The excavations were necessitated by the planned replacement of the State Highway 36 bridge spanning the Little River floodplain, which will directly affect the archeological deposits at 41MM341. The site, which was tested in 2001 and determined eligible for listing in the National Register of Historic Places and designation as a State Archeological Landmark, is well preserved and contains stratified, multicomponent prehistoric materials encased in late Holocene alluvium. The data recovery excavations focused on broad exposure of the remains of a series of Late Prehistoric occupations dating from A.D. 800 or 900 to 1300, with more-limited sampling of a component dating to the A.D. 600– 700s. The excavations consisted of 4 backhoe trenches, 11 initial 1x1-m units, and 3 hand-excavated blocks covering 208 m2. The excavations identified a variety of cultural features and recovered the following: 303 shaped chipped stone tools; 494 expedient stone tools; 168 cores; 39,872 pieces of unmodified debitage; 30 stone tools modified by grinding or battering; 30 bone tools or modified bones; 4 ceramic sherds; 6,540 pieces of vertebrate faunal remains; more than 58.2 kg of invertebrate faunal remains; 1.6 kg of macrobotanical remains; 163.0 kg of burned and unburned rocks; and 30.0 kg of burned clay. The records generated by the excavations and later analyses and the artifacts and other materials retained for curation are housed at the Center for Archaeological Research, The University of Texas at San Antonio. Analysis of the data recovered indicates that 41MM341 was a campsite occupied perhaps mostly during the summer months by hunter-gatherers who took mussels and fish from the river and hunted a variety of game, especially deer, on the Little River floodplain and the surrounding uplands. They may have used botanical resources less, although they did consume hardwood nuts and wild onion and false garlic bulbs. One important activity performed at the site was manufacture of stone tools—mostly arrow points, knives, and expedient flake tools—using chert collected from gravel bars in the river. Many of these tools were used in the wide variety of procurement, processing, and manufacturing activities that typified daily life at 41MM341, but some appear to have been made because they would be needed later in the year after people left the site. One anticipated need was for trade with the Caddo Indians of east Texas. The people who lived at 41MM341 and other sites in the Little River valley interacted regularly with the Caddo, perhaps in trade relationships that helped cement cooperative alliances aimed at regulating competition among groups. Site 41MM341 contributes important information on this topic, which remains an interesting research issue for Native American groups who used the Blackland Prairie between central and east Texas during the Late Prehistoric period.


 
 
 From elephants to ABBA fans, silicon to hormone, the following discussion uses a new research method to look at printed text, motion pictures and a teenage rebel icon. If by ‘print’ we mean a mechanically reproduced impression of a cultural symbol in a medium, then printing has been with us since before microdot security prints were painted onto cars, before voice prints, laser prints, network servers, record pressings, motion picture prints, photo prints, colour woodblock prints, before books, textile prints, and footprints. If we accept that higher mammals such as elephants have a learnt culture, then it is possible to extend a definition of printing beyond Homo sapiens. Poole reports that elephants mechanically trumpet reproductions of human car horns into the air surrounding their society. If nothing else, this cross-species, cross-cultural reproduction, this ‘ability to mimic’ is ‘another sign of their intelligence’. Observation of child development suggests that the first significant meaningful ‘impression’ made on the human mind is that of the face of the child’s nurturer – usually its mother. The baby’s mind forms an ‘impression’, a mental print, a reproducible memory data set, of the nurturer’s face, voice, smell, touch, etc. That face is itself a cultural construct: hair style, makeup, piercings, tattoos, ornaments, nutrition-influenced skin and smell, perfume, temperature and voice. A mentally reproducible pattern of a unique face is formed in the mind, and we use that pattern to distinguish ‘familiar and strange’ in our expanding social orbit. The social relations of patterned memory – of imprinting – determine the extent to which we explore our world (armed with research aids such as text print) or whether we turn to violence or self-harm (Bretherton). While our cultural artifacts (such as vellum maps or networked voice message servers) bravely extend our significant patterns into the social world and the traversed environment, it is useful to remember that such artifacts, including print, are themselves understood by our original pattern-reproduction and impression system – the human mind, developed in childhood. The ‘print’ is brought to mind differently in different discourses. For a reader, a ‘print’ is a book, a memo or a broadsheet, whether it is the Indian Buddhist Sanskrit texts ordered to be printed in 593 AD by the Chinese emperor Sui Wen-ti (Silk Road) or the US Defense Department memo authorizing lower ranks to torture the prisoners taken by the Bush administration (Sanchez, cited in ABC). Other fields see prints differently. For a musician, a ‘print’ may be the sheet music which spread classical and popular music around the world; it may be a ‘record’ (as in a ‘recording’ session), where sound is impressed to wax, vinyl, charged silicon particles, or the alloys (Smith, “Elpida”) of an mp3 file. For the fine artist, a ‘print’ may be any mechanically reproduced two-dimensional (or embossed) impression of a significant image in media from paper to metal, textile to ceramics. ‘Print’ embraces the Japanese Ukiyo-e colour prints of Utamaro, the company logos that wink from credit card holographs, the early photographs of Talbot, and the textured patterns printed into neolithic ceramics. Computer hardware engineers print computational circuits. Homicide detectives investigate both sweaty finger prints and the repeated, mechanical gaits of suspects, which are imprinted into the earthy medium of a crime scene. For film makers, the ‘print’ may refer to a photochemical polyester reproduction of a motion picture artifact (the reel of ‘celluloid’), or a DVD laser disc impression of the same film. Textualist discourse has borrowed the word ‘print’ to mean ‘text’, so ‘print’ may also refer to the text elements within the vision track of a motion picture: the film’s opening titles, or texts photographed inside the motion picture story such as the sword-cut ‘Z’ in Zorro (Niblo). Before the invention of writing, the main mechanically reproduced impression of a cultural symbol in a medium was the humble footprint in the sand. The footprints of tribes – and neighbouring animals – cut tracks in the vegetation and the soil. Printed tracks led towards food, water, shelter, enemies and friends. Having learnt to pattern certain faces into their mental world, children grew older and were educated in the footprints of family and clan, enemies and food. The continuous impression of significant foot traffic in the medium of the earth produced the lines between significant nodes of prewriting and pre-wheeled cultures. These tracks were married to audio tracks, such as the song lines of the Australian Aborigines, or the ballads of tramping culture everywhere. A typical tramping song has the line, ‘There’s a track winding back to an old-fashion shack along the road to Gundagai,’ (O’Hagan), although this colonial-style song was actually written for radio and became an international hit on the airwaves, rather than the tramping trails. The printed tracks impressed by these cultural flows are highly contested and diverse, and their foot prints are woven into our very language. The names for printed tracks have entered our shared memory from the intersection of many cultures: ‘Track’ is a Germanic word entering English usage comparatively late (1470) and now used mainly in audio visual cultural reproduction, as in ‘soundtrack’. ‘Trek’ is a Dutch word for ‘track’ now used mainly by ecotourists and science fiction fans. ‘Learn’ is a Proto-Indo-European word: the verb ‘learn’ originally meant ‘to find a track’ back in the days when ‘learn’ had a noun form which meant ‘the sole of the foot’. ‘Tract’ and ‘trace’ are Latin words entering English print usage before 1374 and now used mainly in religious, and electronic surveillance, cultural reproduction. ‘Trench’ in 1386 was a French path cut through a forest. ‘Sagacity’ in English print in 1548 was originally the ability to track or hunt, in Proto-Indo-European cultures. ‘Career’ (in English before 1534) was the print made by chariots in ancient Rome. ‘Sleuth’ (1200) was a Norse noun for a track. ‘Investigation’ (1436) was Latin for studying a footprint (Harper). The arrival of symbolic writing scratched on caves, hearth stones, and trees (the original meaning of ‘book’ is tree), brought extremely limited text education close to home. Then, with baked clay tablets, incised boards, slate, bamboo, tortoise shell, cast metal, bark cloth, textiles, vellum, and – later – paper, a portability came to text that allowed any culture to venture away from known ‘foot’ paths with a reduction in the risk of becoming lost and perishing. So began the world of maps, memos, bills of sale, philosophic treatises and epic mythologies. Some of this was printed, such as the mechanical reproduction of coins, but the fine handwriting required of long, extended, portable texts could not be printed until the invention of paper in China about 2000 years ago. Compared to lithic architecture and genes, portable text is a fragile medium, and little survives from the millennia of its innovators. The printing of large non-text designs onto bark-paper and textiles began in neolithic times, but Sui Wen-ti’s imperial memo of 593 AD gives us the earliest written date for printed books, although we can assume they had been published for many years previously. The printed book was a combination of Indian philosophic thought, wood carving, ink chemistry and Chinese paper. The earliest surviving fragment of paper-print technology is ‘Mantras of the Dharani Sutra’, a Buddhist scripture written in the Sanskrit language of the Indian subcontinent, unearthed at an early Tang Dynasty site in Xian, China – making the fragment a veteran piece of printing, in the sense that Sanskrit books had been in print for at least a century by the early Tang Dynasty (Chinese Graphic Arts Net). At first, paper books were printed with page-size carved wooden boards. Five hundred years later, Pi Sheng (c.1041) baked individual reusable ceramic characters in a fire and invented the durable moveable type of modern printing (Silk Road 2000). Abandoning carved wooden tablets, the ‘digitizing’ of Chinese moveable type sped up the production of printed texts. In turn, Pi Sheng’s flexible, rapid, sustainable printing process expanded the political-cultural impact of the literati in Asian society. Digitized block text on paper produced a bureaucratic, literate elite so powerful in Asia that Louis XVI of France copied China’s print-based Confucian system of political authority for his own empire, and so began the rise of the examined public university systems, and the civil service systems, of most European states (Watson, Visions). By reason of its durability, its rapid mechanical reproduction, its culturally agreed signs, literate readership, revered authorship, shared ideology, and distributed portability, a ‘print’ can be a powerful cultural network which builds and expands empires. But print also attacks and destroys empires. A case in point is the Spanish conquest of Aztec America: The Aztecs had immense libraries of American literature on bark-cloth scrolls, a technology which predated paper. These libraries were wiped out by the invading Spanish, who carried a different book before them (Ewins). In the industrial age, the printing press and the gun were seen as the weapons of rebellions everywhere. In 1776, American rebels staffed their ‘Homeland Security’ units with paper makers, knowing that defeating the English would be based on printed and written documents (Hahn). Mao Zedong was a book librarian; Mao said political power came out of the barrel of a gun, but Mao himself came out of a library. With the spread of wireless networked servers, political ferment comes out of the barrel of the cell phone and the internet chat room these days. Witness the cell phone displays of a plane hitting a tower that appear immediately after 9/11 in the Middle East, or witness the show trials of a few US and UK lower ranks who published prints of their torturing activities onto the internet: only lower ranks who published prints were arrested or tried. The control of secure servers and satellites is the new press. These days, we live in a global library of burning books – ‘burning’ in the sense that ‘print’ is now a charged silicon medium (Smith, “Intel”) which is usually made readable by connecting the chip to nuclear reactors and petrochemically-fired power stations. World resources burn as we read our screens. Men, women, children burn too, as we watch our infotainment news in comfort while ‘their’ flickering dead faces are printed in our broadcast hearths. The print we watch is not the living; it is the voodoo of the living in the blackout behind the camera, engaging the blood sacrifice of the tormented and the unfortunate. Internet texts are also ‘on fire’ in the third sense of their fragility and instability as a medium: data bases regularly ‘print’ fail-safe copies in an attempt to postpone the inevitable mechanical, chemical and electrical failure that awaits all electronic media in time. Print defines a moral position for everyone. In reporting conflict, in deciding to go to press or censor, any ‘print’ cannot avoid an ethical context, starting with the fact that there is a difference in power between print maker, armed perpetrators, the weak, the peaceful, the publisher, and the viewer. So many human factors attend a text, video or voice ‘print’: its very existence as an aesthetic object, even before publication and reception, speaks of unbalanced, and therefore dynamic, power relationships. For example, Graham Greene departed unscathed from all the highly dangerous battlefields he entered as a novelist: Riot-torn Germany, London Blitz, Belgian Congo, Voodoo Haiti, Vietnam, Panama, Reagan’s Washington, and mafia Europe. His texts are peopled with the injustices of the less fortunate of the twentieth century, while he himself was a member of the fortunate (if not happy) elite, as is anyone today who has the luxury of time to read Greene’s works for pleasure. Ethically a member of London and Paris’ colonizers, Greene’s best writing still electrifies, perhaps partly because he was in the same line of fire as the victims he shared bread with. In fact, Greene hoped daily that he would escape from the dreadful conflicts he fictionalized via a body bag or an urn of ashes (see Sherry). In reading an author’s biography we have one window on the ethical dimensions of authority and print. If a print’s aesthetics are sometimes enduring, its ethical relationships are always mutable. Take the stylized logo of a running athlete: four limbs bent in a rotation of action. This dynamic icon has symbolized ‘good health’ in Hindu and Buddhist culture, from Madras to Tokyo, for thousands of years. The cross of bent limbs was borrowed for the militarized health programs of 1930s Germany, and, because of what was only a brief, recent, isolated yet monstrously horrific segment of its history in print, the bent-limbed swastika is now a vilified symbol in the West. The sign remains ‘impressed’ differently on traditional Eastern culture, and without the taint of Nazism. Dramatic prints are emotionally charged because, in depicting Homo sapiens in danger, or passionately in love, they elicit a hormonal reaction from the reader, the viewer, or the audience. The type of emotions triggered by a print vary across the whole gamut of human chemistry. A recent study of three genres of motion picture prints shows a marked differences in the hormonal responses of men compared to women when viewing a romance, an actioner, and a documentary (see Schultheiss, Wirth, and Stanton). Society is biochemically diverse in its engagement with printed culture, which raises questions about equality in the arts. Motion picture prints probably comprise around one third of internet traffic, in the form of stolen digitized movie files pirated across the globe via peer-to-peer file transfer networks (p2p), and burnt as DVD laser prints (BBC). There is also a US 40 billion dollar per annum legitimate commerce in DVD laser pressings (Grassl), which would suggest an US 80 billion per annum world total in legitimate laser disc print culture. The actively screen literate, or the ‘sliterati’ as I prefer to call them, research this world of motion picture prints via their peers, their internet information channels, their television programming, and their web forums. Most of this activity occurs outside the ambit of universities and schools. One large site of sliterate (screen literate) practice outside most schooling and official research is the net of online forums at imdb.com (International Movie Data Base). Imdb.com ‘prints’ about 25,000,000 top pages per month to client browsers. Hundreds of sliterati forums are located at imdb, including a forum for the Australian movie, Muriel’s Wedding (Hogan). Ten years after the release of Muriel’s Wedding, young people who are concerned with victimization and bullying still log on to http://us.imdb.com/title/tt0110598/board/> and put their thoughts into print: I still feel so bad for Muriel in the beginning of the movie, when the girls ‘dump’ her, and how much the poor girl cried and cried! Those girls were such biartches…I love how they got their comeuppance! bunniesormaybemidgets’s comment is typical of the current discussion. Muriel’s Wedding was a very popular film in its first cinema edition in Australia and elsewhere. About 30% of the entire over-14 Australian population went to see this photochemical polyester print in the cinemas on its first release. A decade on, the distributors printed a DVD laser disc edition. The story concerns Muriel (played by Toni Collette), the unemployed daughter of a corrupt, ‘police state’ politician. Muriel is bullied by her peers and she withdraws into a fantasy world, deluding herself that a white wedding will rescue her from the torments of her blighted life. Through theft and deceit (the modus operandi of her father) Muriel escapes to the entertainment industry and finds a ‘wicked’ girlfriend mentor. From a rebellious position of stubborn independence, Muriel plays out her fantasy. She gets her white wedding, before seeing both her father and her new married life as hollow shams which have goaded her abandoned mother to suicide. Redefining her life as a ‘game’ and assuming responsibility for her independence, Muriel turns her back on the mainstream, image-conscious, female gang of her oppressed youth. Muriel leaves the story, having rekindled her friendship with her rebel mentor. My methodological approach to viewing the laser disc print was to first make a more accessible, coded record of the entire movie. I was able to code and record the print in real time, using a new metalanguage (Watson, “Eyes”). The advantage of Coding is that ‘thinks’ the same way as film making, it does not sidetrack the analyst into prose. The Code splits the movie print into Vision Action [vision graphic elements, including text] (sound) The Coding splits the vision track into normal action and graphic elements, such as text, so this Coding is an ideal method for extracting all the text elements of a film in real time. After playing the film once, I had four and a half tightly packed pages of the coded story, including all its text elements in square brackets. Being a unique, indexed hard copy, the Coded copy allowed me immediate access to any point of the Muriel’s Wedding saga without having to search the DVD laser print. How are ‘print’ elements used in Muriel’s Wedding? Firstly, a rose-coloured monoprint of Muriel Heslop’s smiling face stares enigmatically from the plastic surface of the DVD picture disc. The print is a still photo captured from her smile as she walked down the aisle of her white wedding. In this print, Toni Collette is the Mona Lisa of Australian culture, except that fans of Muriel’s Wedding know the meaning of that smile is a magical combination of the actor’s art: the smile is both the flush of dreams come true and the frightening self deception that will kill her mother. Inserting and playing the disc, the text-dominant menu appears, and the film commences with the text-dominant opening titles. Text and titles confer a legitimacy on a work, whether it is a trade mark of the laser print owners, or the household names of stars. Text titles confer status relationships on both the presenters of the cultural artifact and the viewer who has entered into a legal license agreement with the owners of the movie. A title makes us comfortable, because the mind always seeks to name the unfamiliar, and a set of text titles does that job for us so that we can navigate the ‘tracks’ and settle into our engagement with the unfamiliar. The apparent ‘truth’ and ‘stability’ of printed text calms our fears and beguiles our uncertainties. Muriel attends the white wedding of a school bully bride, wearing a leopard print dress she has stolen. Muriel’s spotted wild animal print contrasts with the pure white handmade dress of the bride. In Muriel’s leopard textile print, we have the wild, rebellious, impoverished, inappropriate intrusion into the social ritual and fantasy of her high-status tormentor. An off-duty store detective recognizes the printed dress and calls the police. The police are themselves distinguished by their blue-and-white checked prints and other mechanically reproduced impressions of cultural symbols: in steel, brass, embroidery, leather and plastics. Muriel is driven in the police car past the stenciled town sign (‘Welcome To Porpoise Spit’ heads a paragraph of small print). She is delivered to her father, a politician who presides over the policing of his town. In a state where the judiciary, police and executive are hijacked by the same tyrant, Muriel’s father, Bill, pays off the police constables with a carton of legal drugs (beer) and Muriel must face her father’s wrath, which he proceeds to transfer to his detested wife. Like his daughter, the father also wears a spotted brown print costume, but his is a batik print from neighbouring Indonesia (incidentally, in a nation that takes the political status of its batik prints very seriously). Bill demands that Muriel find the receipt for the leopard print dress she claims she has purchased. The legitimate ownership of the object is enmeshed with a printed receipt, the printed evidence of trade. The law (and the paramilitary power behind the law) are legitimized, or contested, by the presence or absence of printed text. Muriel hides in her bedroom, surround by poster prints of the pop group ABBA. Torn-out prints of other people’s weddings adorn her mirror. Her face is embossed with the clown-like primary colours of the marionette as she lifts a bouquet to her chin and stares into the real time ‘print’ of her mirror image. Bill takes the opportunity of a business meeting with Japanese investors to feed his entire family at ‘Charlie Chan’’s restaurant. Muriel’s middle sister sloppily wears her father’s state election tee shirt, printed with the text: ‘Vote 1, Bill Heslop. You can’t stop progress.’ The text sets up two ironic gags that are paid off on the dialogue track: “He lost,’ we are told. ‘Progress’ turns out to be funding the concreting of a beach. Bill berates his daughter Muriel: she has no chance of becoming a printer’s apprentice and she has failed a typing course. Her dysfunction in printed text has been covered up by Bill: he has bribed the typing teacher to issue a printed diploma to his daughter. In the gambling saloon of the club, under the arrays of mechanically repeated cultural symbols lit above the poker machines (‘A’ for ace, ‘Q’ for queen, etc.), Bill’s secret girlfriend Diedre risks giving Muriel a cosmetics job. Another text icon in lights announces the surf nightclub ‘Breakers’. Tania, the newly married queen bitch who has made Muriel’s teenage years a living hell, breaks up with her husband, deciding to cash in his negotiable text documents – his Bali honeymoon tickets – and go on an island holiday with her girlfriends instead. Text documents are the enduring site of agreements between people and also the site of mutations to those agreements. Tania dumps Muriel, who sobs and sobs. Sobs are a mechanical, percussive reproduction impressed on the sound track. Returning home, we discover that Muriel’s older brother has failed a printed test and been rejected for police recruitment. There is a high incidence of print illiteracy in the Heslop family. Mrs Heslop (Jeannie Drynan), for instance, regularly has trouble at the post office. Muriel sees a chance to escape the oppression of her family by tricking her mother into giving her a blank cheque. Here is the confluence of the legitimacy of a bank’s printed negotiable document with the risk and freedom of a blank space for rebel Muriel’s handwriting. Unable to type, her handwriting has the power to steal every cent of her father’s savings. She leaves home and spends the family’s savings at an island resort. On the island, the text print-challenged Muriel dances to a recording (sound print) of ABBA, her hand gestures emphasizing her bewigged face, which is made up in an impression of her pop idol. Her imitation of her goddesses – the ABBA women, her only hope in a real world of people who hate or avoid her – is accompanied by her goddesses’ voices singing: ‘the mystery book on the shelf is always repeating itself.’ Before jpeg and gif image downloads, we had postcard prints and snail mail. Muriel sends a postcard to her family, lying about her ‘success’ in the cosmetics business. The printed missal is clutched by her father Bill (Bill Hunter), who proclaims about his daughter, ‘you can’t type but you really impress me’. Meanwhile, on Hibiscus Island, Muriel lies under a moonlit palm tree with her newly found mentor, ‘bad girl’ Ronda (Rachel Griffiths). In this critical scene, where foolish Muriel opens her heart’s yearnings to a confidante she can finally trust, the director and DP have chosen to shoot a flat, high contrast blue filtered image. The visual result is very much like the semiabstract Japanese Ukiyo-e woodblock prints by Utamaro. This Japanese printing style informed the rise of European modern painting (Monet, Van Gogh, Picasso, etc., were all important collectors and students of Ukiyo-e prints). The above print and text elements in Muriel’s Wedding take us 27 minutes into her story, as recorded on a single page of real-time handwritten Coding. Although not discussed here, the Coding recorded the complete film – a total of 106 minutes of text elements and main graphic elements – as four pages of Code. Referring to this Coding some weeks after it was made, I looked up the final code on page four: taxi [food of the sea] bq. Translation: a shop sign whizzes past in the film’s background, as Muriel and Ronda leave Porpoise Spit in a taxi. Over their heads the text ‘Food Of The Sea’ flashes. We are reminded that Muriel and Ronda are mermaids, fantastic creatures sprung from the brow of author PJ Hogan, and illuminated even today in the pantheon of women’s coming-of-age art works. That the movie is relevant ten years on is evidenced by the current usage of the Muriel’s Wedding online forum, an intersection of wider discussions by sliterate women on imdb.com who, like Muriel, are observers (and in some cases victims) of horrific pressure from ambitious female gangs and bullies. Text is always a minor element in a motion picture (unless it is a subtitled foreign film) and text usually whizzes by subliminally while viewing a film. By Coding the work for [text], all the text nuances made by the film makers come to light. While I have viewed Muriel’s Wedding on many occasions, it has only been in Coding it specifically for text that I have noticed that Muriel is a representative of that vast class of talented youth who are discriminated against by print (as in text) educators who cannot offer her a life-affirming identity in the English classroom. Severely depressed at school, and failing to type or get a printer’s apprenticeship, Muriel finds paid work (and hence, freedom, life, identity, independence) working in her audio visual printed medium of choice: a video store in a new city. Muriel found a sliterate admirer at the video store but she later dumped him for her fantasy man, before leaving him too. One of the points of conjecture on the imdb Muriel’s Wedding site is, did Muriel (in the unwritten future) get back together with admirer Brice Nobes? That we will never know. While a print forms a track that tells us where culture has been, a print cannot be the future, a print is never animate reality. At the end of any trail of prints, one must lift one’s head from the last impression, and negotiate satisfaction in the happening world. References Australian Broadcasting Corporation. “Memo Shows US General Approved Interrogations.” 30 Mar. 2005 http://www.abc.net.au>. 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Muriel’s Wedding. Dir. PJ Hogan. Perf. Toni Collette, Rachel Griffiths, Bill Hunter, and Jeannie Drynan. Village Roadshow, 1994. O’Hagan, Jack. On The Road to Gundagai. 1922. 2 Apr. 2005 http://ingeb.org/songs/roadtogu.html>. Poole, J.H., P.L. Tyack, A.S. Stoeger-Horwath, and S. Watwood. “Animal Behaviour: Elephants Are Capable of Vocal Learning.” Nature 24 Mar. 2005. Sanchez, R. “Interrogation and Counter-Resistance Policy.” 14 Sept. 2003. 30 Mar. 2005 http://www.abc.net.au>. Schultheiss, O.C., M.M. Wirth, and S.J. Stanton. “Effects of Affiliation and Power Motivation Arousal on Salivary Progesterone and Testosterone.” Hormones and Behavior 46 (2005). Sherry, N. The Life of Graham Greene. 3 vols. London: Jonathan Cape 2004, 1994, 1989. Silk Road. Printing. 2000. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.silk-road.com/artl/printing.shtml>. Smith, T. “Elpida Licenses ‘DVD on a Chip’ Memory Tech.” The Register 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.theregister.co.uk/2005/02>. —. “Intel Boffins Build First Continuous Beam Silicon Laser.” The Register 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.theregister.co.uk/2005/02>. Watson, R. S. “Eyes And Ears: Dramatic Memory Slicing and Salable Media Content.” Innovation and Speculation, ed. Brad Haseman. Brisbane: QUT. [in press] Watson, R. S. Visions. Melbourne: Curriculum Corporation, 1994. 
 
 
 
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