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Journal articles on the topic 'Tribunal international pour le Rwanda'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Philpot, John. "Le tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda - La justice trahie (Note)." Études internationales 27, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 827–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703665ar.

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On November 8,1994, the Security Council of the United Nations adopted Resolution 955 creating an ad hoc international criminal tribunal to judge individuals responsible for violations of international humanitarian law committed in Rwanda between January 1, 1994 and December 31, 1994. In its form and structure, the Tribunal does not respect basic legal requirements required of a tribunal set up in international law. Us mandate - limited in time, in scope of potential indictment, and in jurisdiction to violations of international humanitarian law - mil prevent any light from being shed on the real issue raised by the Rwandan conflict, namely that of armed military intervention in Rwanda from Uganda. It will likely lead to the reinforcement of a one-sided view of the crisis in Rwanda and legitimate further unilateral interventionist policies in Africa and elsewhere. The Tribunal will institutionalize the de facto impunity for the members and supporters of the present government of Rwanda who undoubtedly committed many serious crimes between October 1, 1990 and the present.

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2

Aptel, Cécile. "À propos du Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda." Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge 79, no. 828 (December 1997): 721–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003533610005721x.

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Le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR) a été créé le 8 novembre 1994 par le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, dont il est un organe subsidiaire. Il a pour mission de contribuer au rétablissement et au maintien de la paix et à la réconciliation nationale, en jugeant les personnes présumées responsables d'actes de génocide ou d'autres violations graves du droit international humanitaire commis sur le territoire du Rwanda, ainsi que les citoyens rwandais présumés responsables de tels actes ou violations commis sur le territoire d'États voisins entre le 1er janvier et le 31 décembre 1994.

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3

Mirguet, Eric. "LE TRIBUNAL PÉNAL INTERNATIONAL POUR LE RWANDA." Revue québécoise de droit international 16, no. 1 (2003): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1069362ar.

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4

Wembou, Djiena. "Le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda: Rôle de la Cour dans la réalité africaine." Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge 79, no. 828 (December 1997): 731–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035336100057221.

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Devant les atrocités commises au Rwanda entre avril et juillet 1994, la communauté internationale s'est engagée à faire respecter le droit international humanitaire et à juger les responsables des infractions à ce droit. C'est ainsi que le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, par sa résolution 955 du 8 novembre 1994, a créé le Tribunal pénal international, chargé déjuger à la fois les personnes présumées responsables d'actes de génocide ou d'autres violations graves du droit international humanitaire commis sur le territoire du Rwanda, et les citoyens rwandais présumés responsables de tels actes ou violations commis sur le territoire d'États voisins.

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5

Sipowo, Alain-Guy Tachou. "Les aspects procéduraux de la participation des victimes à la répression des crimes internationaux." Les Cahiers de droit 50, no. 3-4 (March 4, 2010): 691–734. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/039338ar.

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La participation des victimes aux procès internationaux pénaux est une nouveauté de la Cour pénale internationale. Elle s’étend désormais aux Chambres extraordinaires au sein des tribunaux cambodgiens et au Tribunal spécial pour le Liban. Dans le texte qui suit, l’auteur affirme que, par cette innovation, le droit international pénal évolue vers un dédoublement de l’objet du procès. Sa fonction, à la base punitive, intègre désormais une dimension réparatrice significative. Elle augure un effet horizontal de la procédure pénale qui entraîne une confrontation entre l’accusé et les victimes. L’auteur analyse l’étendue des droits procéduraux qui rendent compte de cette confrontation. Dans la première partie de son étude, il explore les problématiques relatives à l’accès des victimes aux tribunaux internationaux et souligne les raisons pour lesquelles elles n’ont pu avoir un rôle actif dans la procédure du Tribunal pénal international pour l’ex-Yougoslavie, du Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda et du Tribunal spécial pour la Sierra Leone. Dans la seconde partie, il approfondit sa réflexion sur la portée des droits de participation effectivement reconnus aux victimes. Bien qu’ils s’articulent et s’exercent différemment selon les tribunaux, ces droits constituent, en conclut l’auteur, le trait commun qui traduit un souci profond de la communauté internationale de rendre les victimes parties prenantes de l’établissement de la vérité au sujet des atrocités endurées à l’occasion de conflits armés.

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6

Dubois, Olivier. "Les juridictions pénales nationales du Rwanda et le Tribunal international." Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge 79, no. 828 (December 1997): 763–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035336100057257.

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La question de la concurrence de compétence, de la complémentarité et de la coopération entre un tribunal international et des juridictions nationales est inévitable. Potentiellement, elle se pose à l'endroit de tous les États de la planète, car nombre de crimes pour lesquels les tribunaux internationaux sont compétents sont également des crimes que peuvent connaître tous les États, quels que soient le lieu de commission ou la nationalité de l'auteur, en application du principe de compétence universelle.

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7

Manirakiza, Pacifique. "Les défis de la défense devant le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda." Revue générale de droit 38, no. 1 (October 23, 2014): 47–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1027046ar.

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La défense d’accusés de crimes internationaux n’est pas une tâche facile. Dans le contexte du Tribunal pénal international chargé de juger le génocide et autres crimes graves commis au Rwanda, les avocats de la défense font face à des contraintes de divers ordres qui parfois handicapent leur mission de représentation. Cela découle notamment du déséquilibre institutionnel entre le Procureur et la défense, de l’inaccessibilité des lieux des crimes, de l’indisponibilité des témoins à décharge, de la presque exclusion des avocats d’origine rwandaise, etc. L’auteur soutient que dans le contexte des poursuites pénales devant des tribunaux internationaux, la défense devrait être reconnue comme une institution indispensable pour la légitimité de la justice pénale internationale. Pour ce faire, il suggère quelques pistes d’amélioration, notamment l’institutionnalisation de la défense, l’implication plus accrue des avocats locaux, ainsi qu’une autonomie budgétaire qui permet une organisation efficace de la défense. De cette façon, les accusés peuvent effectivement exercer leur droit à des procès justes et équitables.

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8

Kendall, Sara, and Sarah M. H. Nouwen. "Speaking of Legacy: Toward an Ethos of Modesty at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda." American Journal of International Law 110, no. 2 (April 2016): 212–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.110.2.0212.

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Pour qu’un héritage soit réellement grand, il faut que la main du défunt ne se voie pas.In 2014, a year of memorial ceremonies commemorating the twentieth anniversary of the Rwandan genocide, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) marked its own twentieth year with the launch of a “legacy website.” With the closing of the Tribunal scheduled for December 2015, the question of its legacy had become increasingly pressing. The website premiered a video that “celebrates the accomplishments of the ICTR” in a “visually compelling” style. Blurring the distinction between documentary account and film trailer, the video begins with iconic images of the African continent: a boy rolling a hoop down a dirt road; laborers ferrying wares; women in colorful dresses tending children. These scenes of daily life are interrupted by images of men wielding machetes and corpses, interspersed with the figure of the radio, reminding the viewer that the 1994 genocide was encouraged through broadcasts inciting Hutus to take up arms against their Tutsi neighbors. The video lists the Tribunal’s contributions to international criminal law, but also describes a much broader impact: “a record of legal reform in Rwanda, and outreach, education, legal training, and healing.” Young boys leap into a body of water to punctuate the final term, suggesting the hope of a new Rwanda. The narrator proclaims, “today in Rwanda, it’s safe to listen to the radio again: the sound is of a nation rebuilding.” The film’s final words reach beyond the Rwandan context, affirming that ours is “a world pushing forward despite great imperfection, each day closer to a time when international law offers justice to all people, everywhere.”

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9

Roberge, Marie-Claude. "Compétence des Tribunaux ad hoc pour l'ex-Yougoslavie et le Rwanda concernant les crimes contre l'humanité et le crime de génocide." Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge 79, no. 828 (December 1997): 695–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035336100057191.

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Le Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie (ci-après le TPIY) et le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (ci-après le TPIR) ont été respectivement créés le 11 février 1993 et le 8 novembre 1994 par le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies pour poursuivre les personnes responsables de violations graves du droit international humanitaire. Le but du Conseil de sécurité était de faire cesser ces violations et de contribuer au rétablissement et au maintien de la paix. L'établissement de ces tribunaux ad hoc constitue indubitablement un pas important dans cette direction. De plus, il envoie — aux auteurs de ces crimes et aux victimes — un signal dépourvu de toute ambiguïté: un tel comportement ne sera plus toléré.

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10

Kama, Laïty. "Avant-propos du président du Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda." Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge 79, no. 828 (December 1997): 645–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035336100057154.

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11

Harhoff, Frederik. "Le Tribunal international pour le Rwanda: présentation de certains aspects juridiques." Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge 79, no. 828 (December 1997): 711–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035336100057208.

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Une question fondamentale paraît avoir retenu l'attention des premiers législateurs, dès les origines du droit de la guerre: pourquoi, en fait, des limites juridiques devraient-elles venir entraver l'action menée par les belligérants pour détruire un ennemi extérieur ? De prime abord, en effet, de telles contraintes — quelles qu'elles soient — paraissent en contradiction avec le but même de la guerre et n'avoir, par conséquent, aucune valeur aux yeux de ceux qui se sont trouvés obligés de résister à une attaque armée ou qui, au contraire, ont eux-mêmes décidé de faire la guerre à un ennemi.

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12

Tavernier, Paul. "L'expérience des Tribunaux pénaux internationaux pour l'ex-Yougoslavie et pour le Rwanda." Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge 79, no. 828 (December 1997): 647–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035336100057166.

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La juridiction pénale internationale est un vieux rêve qui peu à peu devient réalité. Le traité de Versailles de 1919 avait prévu à son article 227 le jugement de l'empereur d'Allemagne Guillaume Il par un tribunal international pour répondre à l'accusation d'«offense suprême contre la morale internationale et l'autorité sacrée des traités». Mais les Pays-Bas ayant refusé de livrer l'accusé, le procès n'eut jamais lieu et Guillaume Il devait mourir en 1941 dans son exil néerlandais. Quant aux articles 228 et 229, ils organisaient le jugement des criminels de guerre et ils trouvèrent une application décevante dans le procès de Leipzig. Les procès de Nuremberg et de Tokyo, après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, ont marqué incontestablement un progrès vers une véritable juridiction pénale internationale. Ils restaient cependant fortement marqués par leur origine et constituaient plutôt l'application de la loi et de la justice des vainqueurs que celle de la communauté universelle des États.

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13

Cissé, Catherine. "PREMIER BILAN DES ACTIVITES JUDICIAIRES DU TRIBUNAL PENAL INTERNATIONAL POUR LE RWANDA." African Yearbook of International Law Online / Annuaire Africain de droit international Online 4, no. 1 (1996): 269–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221161796x00131.

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14

Erasmus, Gerhard, and Nadine Fourie. "Le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda: Tous les tenants et aboutissants ont-ils bien été pesés? Que révèle la comparaison avec la Commission sud-africaine pour la vérité et la réconciliation?" Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge 79, no. 828 (December 1997): 751–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035336100057245.

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La réaction de la communauté internationale aux massacres et au génocide du Rwanda a été par moments «indécise» et «inadéquate». L'une des explications réside sans doute dans le fait qu'il aurait fallu disposer de ressources humaines et matérielles considérables pour rétablir la paix et pour répondre aux questions plus fondamentales posées par l'effondrement de l'État lui-même. Il n'en reste pas moins que le cas rwandais soulève de graves interrogations quant à l'adequation des structures internationales et régionales responsables du maintien et du rétablissement de la paix.

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15

Cissé, Catherine. "The End of a Culture of Impunity in Rwanda? Prosecution of Genocide and War Crimes before Rwandan Courts and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 1 (December 1998): 161–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900000088.

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Following the death of Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana in a plane crash on 6 April 1994, Hutu extremists, members of the Presidential Guard, Rwandan army troops, theInterhamwe(‘Those who work together’) militia affiliated to the ruling party, the M.R.N.D. (Mouvement Révolutionaire National pour la Démocratie) and theImpuzamugambi(‘Those with a single purpose’) militia of the extremist CDR Party (Coalition pour la Défense de la République) began the systematic and widespread killings of Tutsi civilians in the capital Kigali. Hutu moderates were also targeted. Early victims of the violence included Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana along with ten Belgian soldiers of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR). This incident prompted the withdrawal of UNAMIR which left the perpetrators of the genocide a free rein. Ministers and the President of the Constitutional Court were also killed within hours of the plane crash.

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16

Adjovi, Roland, and Florent Mazeron. "CHRONIQUE DE LA JURISPRUDENCE DU TRIBUNAL PENAL INTERNATIONAL POUR LE RWANDA (2002-2004)." African Yearbook of International Law Online / Annuaire Africain de droit international Online 12, no. 1 (2004): 525–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221161704x00141.

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17

Adjovi, Roland, and Florent Mazeron. "CHRONIQUE DE LA JURISPRUDENCE DU TRIBUNAL PENAL INTERNATIONAL POUR LE RWANDA (1995-2002)." African Yearbook of International Law Online / Annuaire Africain de droit international Online 10, no. 1 (2004): 493–591. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116176-90000112.

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18

Ayat, Mohammed. "Justice pénale internationale pour la paix et la réconciliation." International Criminal Law Review 7, no. 2-3 (2007): 391–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156753607x204275.

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AbstractInternational criminal justice has made a tremendous leap forward since the mid-1990s. Gradually, it tends to reacting more and more to situations of armed conflict with declared objectives aiming at restoring peace and bringing about reconciliation among people. To what extent have these objectives been achieved?This article is revolves around this important question. The analysis is particularly focused on the case of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, where the author has been working for the past ten years. Ad hoc international tribunals have helped formalizing the judicial recognition by the international community of crimes that go against the conscience of the entire mankind. They consecrate their disapproval of the commission of such offences. In so doing, they contribute towards fighting impunity, which has for long been associated with those offences. They function in an environment where conventional national jurisdictions would have found it difficult to operate with efficiency. The author is neither overestimating nor underestimating their contribution. It is presented as one of the components in a reply that is inescapably of a multiple nature, to some complex situations where a remedy is as difficult as the illness to be cured. It is in this perspective that such contribution is indeed appreciated.

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19

Peter, Chris Maina. "Le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda: obliger les tueurs à rendre compte de leurs actes." Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge 79, no. 828 (December 1997): 741–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035336100057233.

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Peu importe le nombre total de cas d'atrocités que ces Tribunaux internationaux auront en fait à connaître, leur seule existence envoie un puissant message. Leur Statut, leur Règlement de procédure et de preuve, de même que leur pratique, stimulent le développement du droit.

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20

van den Herik, Larissa. "Frédéric Mégret, Le Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda, Perspectives Internationales 23, Paris, Pedone, 2002, ISBN 2233004108, 249 pp., €24.00." Leiden Journal of International Law 16, no. 3 (September 2003): 653–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156503231381.

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21

Fomété, Jean-Pelé. "DE L’ARTICULATION ENTRE LE NATIONAL ET L’INTERNATIONAL A LA LUMIERE DE LA STRATEGIE D’ACHEVEMENT DU TRIBUNAL PENAL INTERNATIONAL POUR LE RWANDA." African Yearbook of International Law Online / Annuaire Africain de droit international Online 14, no. 1 (2006): 125–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116176-90000021.

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22

Agbor, Avitus A. "The Substantial Contribution Requirement: The Unfortunate Outcome of an Illogical Construction and Incorrect Understanding of Article 6(1) of the Statute of the ICTR." International Criminal Law Review 12, no. 2 (2012): 155–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181212x634423.

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The jurisprudence of the Trial Chambers of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) requires that criminal responsibility under Article 6(1) of the Statute of the ICTR can only be imposed where an individual’s participation substantially contributed to any of the crimes over which the ICTR has jurisdiction. Given the fact that instigation is one of the modes of participation under Article 6(1), I argue that this requirement is the outcome of a poor understanding and illogical construction of Article 6(1). This problem has been compounded by the inclusion of the crime of direct and public incitement to genocide under Article 2(3)(c) of the Statute.

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23

Reydams, Luc. "Rwanda’s Genocide: The Politics of Global Justice. By Kingsley Moghalu. New York: Palgrave Mac-Millan, 2005. Pp. xi, 239. Index. $45, £25.50. - Le tribunal des vaincus: Un Nuremberg pour le Rwanda? By Thierry Cruvellier. Paris: Calmann-Levy, 2006. Pp. 269. €19." American Journal of International Law 101, no. 4 (October 2007): 928–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000037830.

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24

Thornton, Brenda Sue. "International Tribunal for Rwanda." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 90 (1996): 333–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272503700086493.

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25

Lee, Roy S. "The Rwanda Tribunal." Leiden Journal of International Law 9, no. 1 (March 1996): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156596000039.

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The Rwanda Tribunal is an independent judicial institution established by the Security Council under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. It is the first international court having competence to prosecute and punish individuals for egregious crimes committed during an internal armed conflict. While the Government of Rwanda was a member of the Security Council and participated in the negotiations regarding the creation of the Tribunal, there were significant differences of opinion between it and the Council regarding the Tribunal's jurisdiction and competence. This article discusses the special features of the Rwanda Tribunal, as compared to the Yugoslavia Tribunal.

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26

Aptel, Cécile. "The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda." International Review of the Red Cross 37, no. 321 (December 1997): 675–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400077767.

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The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda was created on 8 November 1994 by the United Nations Security Council, of which it is a subsidiary body. Its task is to help restore and maintain peace and bring about national reconciliation by trying persons allegedly responsible for acts of genocide and other grave breaches of international humanitarian law committed in Rwanda and Rwandan citizens suspected of committing such acts and violations in the territory of neighbouring States between 1 January and 31 December 1994.

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27

Shraga, D., and R. Zacklin. "The International Criminal Tribunal For Rwanda." European Journal of International Law 7, no. 4 (January 1, 1996): 501–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/7.4.501.

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28

Human Rights Law in Africa, Editors. "THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR RWANDA (ICTR)." Human Rights Law in Africa Online 1, no. 1 (2004): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160604x00035.

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Human Rights Law in Africa, Editors. "THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR RWANDA (ICTR)." Human Rights Law in Africa Online 3, no. 1 (1998): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160698x00041.

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30

Karhilo, Jaana. "The Establishment of the International Tribunal for Rwanda." Nordic Journal of International Law 64, no. 4 (1995): 681–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181095x00904.

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31

Ryngaert, Cedric. "State Cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda." International Criminal Law Review 13, no. 1 (2013): 125–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01301003.

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This contribution discusses the mismatch between States’ duties to cooperate with the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and the reality of State non-cooperation. It focuses on two issues of cooperation which have been particularly important to the Tribunal: the arrest of fugitives by States, and the referral of cases to national jurisdictions under the Tribunal’s completion strategy. The articles demonstrates how Rwanda has used cooperation - which it knows is indispensable for the Tribunal’s functioning - as a bargaining chip to obtain certain concessions from the Tribunal, but argues that also the ICTR itself and the international community should receive a portion of the blame for State non-cooperation.

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32

Fazi, Muhammad Abdullah, Pardis Moslemzadeh Tehrani, Mian Waqar Ahmed, and Sardar Ali Shah. "Bangladesh's Approach towards International Criminal Law: A Case Study of International Crimes Tribunal Bangladesh." Journal of Politics and Law 12, no. 3 (August 14, 2019): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n3p80.

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The International Crimes Tribunal Bangladesh that has been found by the Bangladeshi Government to try war crimes during India Pakistan war of 1971. The tribunal is violating the fair trial rights as guaranteed by Constitution, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and International Humanitarian Law and the standard of the International Crimes Tribunal Bangladesh is far below than that setup by The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the International Criminal Court. These irregularities imply serious concern over the proceedings of the said tribunal. Study seeks to describe the International Law about war crimes particularly with respect to fair trial provisions and it compare the proceedings of the Bangladeshi tribunal with the other internationally recognized tribunals.

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33

Bitti, Gilbert. "Les droits procéduraux des victimes devant la Cour pénale internationale." Criminologie 44, no. 2 (September 12, 2011): 63–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1005792ar.

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Si l’instauration de droits procéduraux pour les victimes devant la Cour pénale internationale a constitué sans aucun doute une innovation fondamentale par rapport aux deux tribunaux ad hoc pour l’ex-Yougoslavie et le Rwanda, cette innovation se caractérise par son imprécision. Dans cet article nous étudierons le droit des victimes à participer aux procédures. On étudiera d’abord les droits procéduraux des victimes de la situation, puis les droits procéduraux des victimes de l’affaire. Nous conclurons que la mise en oeuvre de la participation des victimes par la jurisprudence leur laisse encore un sentiment d’incertitude. La solution pour une meilleure intégration des victimes à la procédure devant la CPI devrait passer par une codification de leurs droits.

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34

SáCouto, Susana, and Katherine Cleary. "International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda: Tharcisse Muvunyi V Prosecutor." International Legal Materials 47, no. 6 (December 2008): 875–922. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020782900005684.

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35

Frolich, Ruth. "The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda: Prosecutor v. Uwinkindi." International Legal Materials 50, no. 6 (December 2011): 1051–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.50.6.1051.

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36

Del Ponte, Carla. "Ex-Yougoslavie, Rwanda. Les défis du Tribunal pénal international." Pierre d'angle 6 (2000): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/pda200066.

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37

Donat-Cattin, David. "INTRODUCTION TO THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR RWANDA (ICTR)." Human Rights Law in Africa Online 3, no. 1 (1998): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160698x00078.

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BUCYANA, J. "The International Penal Tribunal for Rwanda and National Reconciliation." International Journal of Refugee Law 8, no. 4 (October 1, 1996): 622–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijrl/8.4.622.

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Karagiannakis, Magdalini. "Case Analysis: The Definition of Rape and Its Characterization as an Act of Genocide – A Review of the Jurisprudence of the International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda and the Former Yugoslavia." Leiden Journal of International Law 12, no. 2 (June 1999): 479–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156599000230.

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Despite the clear prohibition of rape by international law, no conventional or other international instrument defines this international crime or explains its relation to the international crime of genocide. This article reviews the recent precedent-setting judgments of the international criminal tribunals for the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda which have sought to define rape in international law using different approaches. It also analyses the recent Akayesu Judgment of the Rwanda Tribunal. This is the first decision of an international tribunal to consider the question of whether rape can constitute genocide.

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Peter, Chris Maina. "The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda: bringing the killers to book." International Review of the Red Cross 37, no. 321 (December 1997): 695–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400077780.

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In the spring of 1994 more than 500,000 people were killed in Rwanda in one of the worst cases of genocide in history. The slaughter began on 6 April 1994, only a few hours after the plane bringing the Presidents of Rwanda and Burundi back from peace negotiations in Tanzania was shot down as it approached Kigali Airport.

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Franceschet, Antonio. "The International Criminal Court's Provisional Authority to Coerce." Ethics & International Affairs 26, no. 1 (2012): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679412000056.

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The United Nations ad hoc tribunals in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda had primacy over national judicial agents for crimes committed in these countries during the most notorious civil wars and genocide of the 1990s. The UN Charter granted the Security Council the right to establish a tribunal for Yugoslavia in the context of ongoing civil war and against the will of recalcitrant national agents. The Council used that same right to punish individuals responsible for a genocide that it failed earlier to prevent in Rwanda. In both cases the Council delegated a portion of its coercive title to independent tribunal agents, thereby overriding the default locus of punishment in the world order: sovereign states.

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Wilson, Tamfuh Y. N. "Procedural Developments at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR)." Law & Practice of International Courts and Tribunals 10, no. 2 (2011): 351–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180311x582161.

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AbstractThe author seeks to expose the fact that the Rwandan genocide and its aftermath has many lessons for African leaders, especially that modern international criminal law is committed to punishing perpetrators of heinous crimes. The procedural processes at the Arusha International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda have also operated a successful jurisprudence that has immensely contributed to the development of modern international law. This article looks at the historical context of the genocide, the jurisprudence and case law of the ICTR, the novel concepts that have contributed to the growth of international law, and the significance of rebuilding a post-genocide Rwanda.

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Oxman, Bernard H., and Diane Marie Amann. "Prosecutor v. Akayesu." American Journal of International Law 93, no. 1 (January 1999): 195–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2997961.

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Prosecutor v. Akayesu. Case ICTR-96-4-T.International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, September 2, 1998.This pioneering opinion marks the first time an international criminal tribunal has tried and convicted an individual for genocide and international crimes of sexual violence. The case arose out of the massacres of perhaps a million Tutsi in Rwanda in 1994. At least two thousand died in Taba, a rural commune where defendant Jean-Paul Akayesu was mayor. A trial chamber of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda concluded that, although Akayesu may at first have tried to prevent killings, he eventually donned a military jacket and participated in or ordered atrocities. The Tribunal found him guilty of one count each of genocide and incitement to commit genocide and seven counts of crimes against humanity. It acquitted Akayesu of five counts brought under common Article 3 of the 1949 Geneva Conventions and Protocol Additional II to those Conventions on the ground that he was not within the class of perpetrators contemplated by them.

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SCHABAS, WILLIAM A. "The Special Tribunal for Lebanon: Is a ‘Tribunal of an International Character’ Equivalent to an ‘International Criminal Court’?" Leiden Journal of International Law 21, no. 2 (June 2008): 513–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156508005074.

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AbstractThe Special Tribunal for Lebanon is the latest international criminal tribunal to be established by the United Nations. Similar in many respects to the earlier institutions – for the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, and Sierra Leone – it stands alone in the fact that its subject-matter jurisdiction does not contain any international crimes. It is thus international in some respects, but it is arguably not an international criminal tribunal in the sense that was intended by the International Court of Justice in the Yerodia case. The drafting history of the Statute of the Special Tribunal is examined with a view to determining whether the new court should treat sovereign immunity in the same manner as the other three UN criminal tribunals.

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박선기. "(특별기고)Jurisprudence of United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda." KYUNGPOOK NATIONAL UNIVERSITY LAW JOURNAL ll, no. 32 (February 2010): 63–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.17248/knulaw..32.201002.63.

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Field, Sean. "Court of Remorse: Inside the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda." Oral History Review 39, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 130–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ohr/ohs026.

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Soussan, Audrey. "LE TRIBUNAL PÉNAL INTERNATIONAL POUR L’EX-YOUGOSLAVIE." Revue québécoise de droit international 16, no. 1 (2003): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1069363ar.

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Rojo, Enrique Carnero, and Maria Nybondas. "INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURTS ROUND-UP." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 9 (December 2006): 311–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135906003114.

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AbstractThe International Criminal Courts Round-Up reports on the most interesting judgements and decisions rendered by international(ized) criminal courts and tribunals during the reporting period. In addition, important developments within the various organs of the courts are highlighted, such as the appointment of new judges and significant amendments to the procedural rules of the courts. The Round-Up presently covers issues concerning the International Criminal Court, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the Special Court for Sierra Leone.

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Guellai, Amna, and Enrique Carnero Rojo. "INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURTS ROUND-UP." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 10 (December 2007): 133–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s138913590700133x.

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AbstractThe International Criminal Courts Round-Up reports on the most interesting judgements and decisions rendered by international(ized) criminal courts and tribunals during the reporting period. In addition, important developments within the various organs of the courts are highlighted, such as the appointment of new judges and significant amendments to the procedural rules of the courts. The Round-Up presently covers issues concerning the International Criminal Court, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the Special Court for Sierra Leone.

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Guellali, Amna, and Enrique Carnero Rojo. "INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURTS ROUND-UP." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 11 (December 2008): 255–372. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135908002559.

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AbstractThe International Criminal Courts Round-Up reports on the most interesting judgements and decisions rendered by international(ized) criminal courts and tribunals during the reporting period. In addition, important developments within the various organs of the courts are highlighted, such as the appointment of new judges and significant amendments to the procedural rules of the courts. The Round-Up presently covers issues concerning the International Criminal Court, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the Special Court for Sierra Leone.

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