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Journal articles on the topic 'Tribunus plebis'
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1
Churchill, J. Bradford. "Sponsio quae in verba facta est? Two lost speeches and the formula of the Roman legal wager." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 1 (May 2000): 159–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.1.159.
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Our limited evidence for the formula of the Roman sponsio is enough to clear up lingering controversy about two otherwise obscure speeches preserved only in testimonia and fragments. The elder Cato wrote a speech whose title is variously cited by our sources: ‘si se Caelius tribunus plebis appellasset’; ‘in M. Caelium si se appellasset’; ‘contra M. Caelium’ (Fest. p. 266L); ‘in Marcum Cae[ci]lium’. On the reasonable postulate that these are variations on a single original, the fullest expression is relatively easy to reconstruct: ‘si se M. Caelius tribunus plebis appellasset’.Doubts about the sense of these words have led to more radical proposals which have little to recommend them, especially in view of the new analysis I intend to offer. The conclusion among those who have attempted to explain the obvious reading has been that the title of the speech is a condition contrary to fact referring to a hypothetical situation to which the speech responded: some have suggested that Cato wrote the speech against the possibility that Caelius might make an accusation against him; Antonio Cima suggested that Caelius had made a speech against Cato without naming him and that Cato had responded, ‘if Caelius had meant to refer to me… ’.
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Ferri, Rolando. "PS.-Seneca, Octavia 889 and Vergil, Aeneid 12.539FF." Classical Quarterly 46, no. 1 (May 1996): 311–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/46.1.311.
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At 876ff. Octavia's partisans lament the ruinous intervention of the Roman mob in support of the heroine's legitimate claims against Poppaea. A series of paradigmatic figures illustrates the sentence ‘o funestus multis populi dirusque fauor’: the two Gracchi, first, then Livius Drusus, the tribunus plebis of 91 B.C., stabbed to death in his house in the year of his tribunate. The gallery of historical characters suits the Roman atmosphere of the play, the fallen heroes of Republican times are presented as noble and disinterested figures, struck by disaster and evil fortune. This is the description of Livius' fate (887–90; text and colometry given as in Zwierlein's OCT):
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Tarwacka, Anna. "IMPERATOR CONTRA PRAEDONES UWAGI O „NIEKONSTYTUCYJNOŚCI” LEX GABINIA." Zeszyty Prawnicze 6, no. 2 (June 22, 2017): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2006.6.2.03.
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Imperator contra praedones Some Remarks on the Illegality of the lex GabiniaSummaryIn 67 BC Aulus Gabinius, a tribunus plebis, proposed a law appointing an imperator to deal with the pirates of the Mediterranean area. The law was passed as lex Gabinia de uno imperatore contra praedones constituendo and the senate was asked to choose the right candidate. The only possible choice was Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus, the most talented and famous general of the time. The senators opposed so violently that Gabinius was almost killed. Thus, another assembly was called which appointed Pompey to the task. His campaign against the pirates was amazingly fast and successful.There are several reasons for treating this case as a deviation from the republican constitution. Firstly, the imperium was given for a period of three years which was unusually long time for an extraordinary command. Secondly, the general was given power on the whole Mediterranean area, equal to this of the provincial governors. Thirdly, he could choose his own legati which was a case unknown to the republican system. Moreover, it was the first time when an extraordinary command was given by the concilia plebis regardless the senatorial opposition.The case of lex Gabinia was one of Pompey’s numerous victories over the republic. Notwithstanding, he managed to persuade everyone to picture himself as a hero and defender o f the republic.
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Barthas. "Interpreting Machiavelli's Tribunes of the Plebs." Good Society 26, no. 1 (2018): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/goodsociety.26.1.0055.
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Kondratieff, Eric J. "READING ROME'S EVOLVING CIVIC LANDSCAPE IN CONTEXT: TRIBUNES OF THE PLEBS AND THE PRAETOR'S TRIBUNAL." Phoenix 63, no. 3-4 (2009): 322–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2009.0062.
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Smith, Christopher. "The Origins of the Tribunate of the Plebs." Antichthon 46 (2012): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400000162.
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AbstractThe tribunes of the people at Rome were an immensely significant constitutional institution and are intimately associated with the early days of the Republic. The sources present a varied account of their origin and powers, and the debates visible in those versions are strongly related to the disputed nature of the plebs and its role in the formation of Rome's political community. Moreover, the close connections of the tribunes with writing, record-keeping and with Greekness all raise questions about the sophistication of the early Republic, but are also implicated in debates over the reliability of the historiographical tradition. This paper considers the arguments for accepting the reliability of some aspects of that tradition and presents an account of the tribunes' functions in the early Republic, including their sacrosanctity.
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Loska, Elżbieta. "‘CIVES PESSIMO IURE’. AKTORZY A UPRAWNIENIA RZYMSKICH OBYWATELI W PRAWIE PUBLICZNYM REPUBLIKI I WCZESNEGO PRYNCYPATU." Zeszyty Prawnicze 14, no. 3 (December 6, 2016): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2014.14.3.08.
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CIVES PESSIMO IURE: ACTORS AND THE RIGHTS OF ROMAN CITIZENS IN THE PUBLIC LAW OF THE REPUBLIC AND EARLY PRINCIPATESummaryRoman public law recognised the following citizens’ rights: the right to serve in the legions, ius suffragii (the right to vote at assemblies of the people), ius honorum (the right to hold office), ius provocationis (the right to appeal to the People’s Assembly against a magistrate’s decision), ius auxilii (the right to obtain assistance from the tribune of the plebs). Sometimes a restriction of a citizen’s civil rights was due to his profession, and the actor’s profession was such a case. The legal status of actors was the resultant of many factors. They performed in public, were paid for their services, and they had a bad reputation. Even actors who were Roman citizens were not entitled to all the public rights. Citizens’ rights were interlinked, hence the lack of one of them could entail further restrictions. A ban on the right to military service prevented actors from voting in the comitia centuriata; and their exclusion from the most important tribus deprived them of the vote in the comitia tributa. Hence there was a restriction on the availability of the ius provocationis to actors; and they could neither vote nor hold office. Thespians could thus be regarded as cives pessimo iure – second-class citizens.
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Pellam, Gregory. "SACER, SACROSANCTUS, and LEGES SACRATAE." Classical Antiquity 34, no. 2 (October 1, 2015): 322–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2015.34.2.322.
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This paper offers a challenge to the conventional view of the lex sacrata which the Romans believed to have accompanied the establishment of the plebeian tribunate. According to most scholars, the lex sacrata was not technically a lex (law), but was rather an oath sworn by the plebs, enjoining them to protect the persons of the tribunes and to punish with death anyone who should harm the holders of this office. Originally it was only this oath that gave the tribunes their power, which developed into a true office of the Roman state only gradually. This interpretation serves as one of the major props in the widely-held interpretation of the early Roman Republic as being characterized by a “struggle of the orders” in which the plebeians formed a revolutionary “state within the state,” separate and distinct from the legitimate state, which was controlled by the patricians. By reexamining the sources for the traditional interpretation of the lex sacrata, this paper shows that all of the evidence suggests that the lex sacrata which guaranteed the inviolability of the plebeian tribunes was, in fact, a law of the Roman community, and that there is little if any support for the “oath” interpretation. With this understanding, a major prop in the communis opinio about the early Republic is undermined. Finally, the paper offers an alternative hypothesis for the role of leges sacratae in the development of the Republic.
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Morgan, J. D. "The Death of Cinna the Poet." Classical Quarterly 40, no. 2 (December 1990): 558–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800043184.
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In an essay entitled ‘Cinna the Poet’ published in 1974, T. P. Wiseman forcefully countered the arguments of Monroe E. Deutsch and others against the identification of the ‘neoteric’ poet Cinna with the tribune Gaius Helvius Cinna, who after Caesar's funeral was torn to pieces by an enraged mob, mistaken by it for the praetor Lucius Cornelius Cinna, who had applauded Caesar's murder. The identification of the poet with the tribune is supported by Plutarch, Brutus 20.4, where the murdered tribune is called a ποιητικ⋯ς ⋯ν⋯ρ. As Wiseman says, ‘there are six other ancient accounts of the murder, drawn from a source or sources unknown; five of them call the victim a tribune of the plebs, and none of them says he was a poet. Impressed by this, many scholars have thought that the victim was not in fact the poet Helvius Cinna, and M. E. Deutsch suggested in 1925 that either (i) the phrase in the Brutus describing him as a poet is a gloss, or (ii) “the tribune also dabbled in verse but was not the famous poet”.’ Wiseman's refutation of the various arguments of Deutsch and his followers against the identity of the poet and the tribune seems to me quite cogent, but the debate shows no sign of having been brought to a close: G. V. Sumner concludes his review of Wiseman's essay with an argument that the tribune was probably somewhat younger than the poet, and the suggestion that the tribune may have been ‘the adoptive, and hence homonymous, son of the poet’.
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Davies, Penelope J. E. "Vandalism and Resistance in Republican Rome." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 78, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 6–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2019.78.1.6.
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As political unrest seethed in late Republican Rome, a series of violent acts were perpetrated against well-known buildings, public and private, by the people (the plebs) and their elected representatives, the tribunes. On the rare occasions when scholars mention these events, they tend to treat them as random, isolated acts of vandalism; conspicuously missing is any accounting for them in commentaries on Rome's built environment. In Vandalism and Resistance in Republican Rome, Penelope J. E. Davies assesses these acts against a broad spectrum of political activism over the ages, as well as in the narrower context of contemporaneous politics, when strict, exclusionary norms governed the sponsorship of public architecture. She argues that the destructive acts were, in fact, deliberate, ideologically driven attempts by Rome's less powerful to defy and circumvent the language of power established by the dominant class.
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Winters, Jeffrey A. "Machiavellian Democracy by John P. McCormick." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 1 (March 2012): 140–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711004300.
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Imagine an America in which indictments by the people could be brought against Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger for the secret bombing of neutral Cambodia that killed thousands of civilians and paved the way for the rise of the murderous Khmer Rouge regime. Imagine a college of tribunes, drawn by lot exclusively from the pool of ordinary citizens, that could initiate charges against George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, and John Yoo as torturers, or indict the heads of financial institutions for the crimes that triggered economic ruin in 2008. Consider how different American democracy might be if its governing institutions included a body of and for the plebs, empowered to veto one major piece of legislation a year (perhaps the recent extension of the Bush tax cuts) or oversee an annual national referendum (maybe on a single-payer health insurance plan).
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Thommen, Lukas. "Sulla und der Kampf um das Volkstribunat." Klio 99, no. 2 (February 7, 2018): 545–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2017-0037.
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Zusammenfassung: L. Cornelius Sulla ging sowohl als Konsul des Jahres 88 v. Chr. als auch als Diktator im Jahre 81 v. Chr. gegen das Volkstribunat vor. Umstritten ist dabei schon lange, welche tribunizischen Kompetenzen er genau beschnitt. Der Aufsatz geht zunächst den betreffenden Beschränkungen nach und setzt sie zu den bekannten Handlungen der Volkstribunen und dem Charakter des Tribunats in vorsullanischer Zeit in Beziehung. Daraufhin wird der Kampf um die Restituierung der vollen tribunizischen Rechte in den 70er Jahren v. Chr. analysiert und gefragt, wer damit welche Interessen verfolgte. Das Volkstribunat erweist sich dabei als traditionsreiche Institution, die weniger vom Volk (populus/plebs) selbst als von führenden Kreisen sowohl für eigenständige Politik als auch für einen generellen Ausgleich des staatlichen Systems gestützt wurde.
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Del Lucchese, Filippo. "Machiavellian Democracy, John P. McCormick, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011." Historical Materialism 20, no. 2 (2012): 232–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341237.
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AbstractMcCormick’s book engages with the theoretical and political positions discussed by the Italian philosopher Niccolò Machiavelli about five centuries ago, and, in particular, the creation of the tribunes of the plebs. In ancient Rome, plebeian power had been institutionalised through the creation of tribunes. According to McCormick, a similar institution would offer a legitimate forum for expression to the people in modern democracies. In fact, following Machiavelli’s suggestions, this would contribute to the implementation of a new form of democracy, more respectful of the people and more eager to defend values such as freedom and independence from the influence of the powerful and the rich. In this review, Filippo Del Lucchese comments on McCormick’s book from a Marxist point of view. One of the strongest points of the book is the discussion of the opposition between democracy and republicanism. Over the last decades, the latter has in fact been absorbed into the sphere of influence of the Cambridge School, and neutralised, or at least defused its most interesting and radical aspects. McCormick’s attempt to repoliticise the Machiavellian discourse is indeed praiseworthy, yet, by mainly focusing on the ‘institutionalisation’ of popular power, McCormick fails to discern the most radical elements of Machiavelli’s thought. From this angle, the review discusses McCormick’s use of the category of ‘class’ and offers a different perspective on the revolutionary dimension.
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Steel, Catherine. "RETHINKING SULLA: THE CASE OF THE ROMAN SENATE." Classical Quarterly 64, no. 2 (November 20, 2014): 657–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838814000421.
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Pressing and urgent domestic problems were the justification for L. Cornelius Sulla's election to the dictatorship in 82 b.c. He responded with an extensive legislative programme which reorganized the judicial and legislative processes of the res publica. While there is agreement, in broad terms, about the nature of these changes, their purpose and significance remain debated. None the less, there is general consensus that the Senate's role in Sulla's res publica was enhanced in comparison with earlier periods. This conclusion is based on the increase in the size of the Senate; on the monopoly it resumed of judicial decision-making in the iudicia publica; and on the extension, in practice, of its legislative capacity, given that its decrees could not be vetoed by tribunes of the plebs, who had also lost their capacity to put forward legislation. Flower offers a recent and concise summary: ‘This new “consensus” of Sulla was based on force and on the necessity of agreeing with Sulla himself, and subsequently with his new, mighty senate that was expected to wield unprecedented power and absolute authority.’
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Korolenkov, A. V., and V. K. Khrustalyev. "SULLA AND POPULAR ASSAMBLIES IN 88 B.C." Ancient World and Archaeology 21, no. 21 (2023): 181–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/0320-961x-2023-21-181-190.
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the paper examines the relationship between the consul Lucius Cornelius Sulla and the Roman plebs in 88 B.C. The first part of the paper considers the role of the popular assemblies in the political struggle around the bills of the plebeian tribune Publius Sulpicius. The authors take the view that the violent clashes between supporters and opponents of Sulpicius’ proposals were inspired by Sulla and his consular colleague Quintus Pompeius Rufus who thereby sought to disrupt the vote in the comitia. The riots in the streets were used by the consuls as a pretext for introducing non-attendance days (iustitium). In the second part of the paper the reform concerning the legislative powers of the comitia is discussed which was allegedly carried out by Sulla in 88 B.C. The authors come to the conclusion that in reality this reform never took place.
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Dyjakowska, Marzena Hanna. "POSTĘPOWANIE W SPRAWACH O CRIMEN MAIESTATIS W OKRESIE REPUBLIKI RZYMSKIEJ." Zeszyty Prawnicze 6, no. 1 (June 22, 2017): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2006.6.1.03.
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Procedural Issues of the crimen maiestatis in Roman RepublicSummaryThe article presents some procedural issues of crimen maiestatis in the Roman Republic. The first approach examines the process by which the public criminal law evolved rules for the protection of maiestas populi Romani, and the application o f these rules in particular cases. This topic is introduced by analysing the concept of maiestas with a particular reference to maiestas populi Romani. The crimen maiestatis was first brought within the ambit of the public criminal law by way of the fragmentation of a particular segment o f a diffuse crime of perduellio. The role of the duoviri perduellionis, as well the origin and nature o f the criminal jurisdiction of the tribuni and aedilesalso are to be discussed. The duoviri are recorded only three times: first there is the Livy’s account of the famous trial of Horatius under King Tullus Hostilius. It is also discussed in the article when and how provocatio against the higher fines was introduced. In the Roman Republic the maiestas cases were tried before the plebs or the comitia centuriata of the people. The lex Appuleia maiestatis established a permanent quaestio maiestatis and brought a particular category of wrongful acts under its jurisdiction.
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Smorchkov, Andrey. "Political Mythology in the Work of Valerius Maximus." ISTORIYA 14, no. 2 (124) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840024673-9.
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The article examines the ideas about the republic in the work of the Roman author Valerius Maximus, who lived at the beginning of the principate. The most revealing elements of the republican structure are taken for analysis: the People's Assembly, the Senate, the Tribunes of the Plebs, freedom, the enemies of freedom, as well as the image of Cato the Younger as the embodiment of the moral spirit of the republic. Valerius's narrative is dominated by outstanding personalities and the Senate, which fully corresponds to the current political situation. Such attention to the individual reflects a certain departure from polis collectivism. "Freedom" is perceived by Valerius undoubtedly as the antipode of the sole power, although the special position of the princeps in the new political system was also realized by our author. However, the contradiction here is only external, since already under Augustus an understanding of freedom as “security” (securitas) was formed, which linked freedom with authoritarian power. The views of Valerius Maximus basically correspond to the optimate’ worldview, i.e. the res publica of the past for him is primarily associated with the leadership of the Senate. But this optimate’ view reflects the opposition of the “best citizens” not only to the unreasonable people, but also to the claims of an outstanding personality to sole rule. In this respect, this “program” has come into clear contradiction with the new political situation, changing and adapting as the monarchical principle strengthens. The transformation of optimate’ views is shown by the example of an ardent supporter of the republic Cato the Younger, whose image in Valerius Maximus’ work reflects the transformation of past events into textbook examples outside the historical context.
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Bertrand, Edouard. "Sur le bon usage des sentences d’accord parties." ASA Bulletin 24, Issue 1 (March 1, 2006): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/asab2006003.
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Awards by consent are a common feature of international arbitration. Yet there are no commonly accepted rules defining precisely the elaboration, the effect and the recognition of awards by consent. One of the reasons for this situation is that an award by consent has a dual nature: it is an award but has a contractual origin. The purpose of this article is to look at some of the practical consequences flowing from this dual nature. First, it compares the relative merits, in relation to enforcement, of awards by consent and of the underlying settlement agreements and concludes that although awards by consent are on the whole easier to enforce there are situations where that is not necessarily the case. In particular, awards by consent can pose serious problems if as a result of unclear or incomplete drafting they raise questions of interpretation. A key concept proposed by this article is that an award by consent serves no purpose as an award if it does not have a jurisdictional effect (‘effet juridictionnel’) and thus that there is no point in issuing an award by consent if the underlying settlement agreement has been fully complied with by the parties when the issuance of the award is requested from the arbitral tribunal. Secondly, this article explores the extent to which the annulment of the underlying settlement agreement must cause the award by consent embodying this agreement, or the exequatur judgments declaring that award enforceable, to lapse. The article finds that there are possibly two approaches to this issue, depending on whether the award by consent is seen as a mere instrument created in order to facilitate the settlement agreement or whether it stands as an award on its own. This article considers several factual situations in which the question could arise and concludes that there can be no clear and predictable solution, irrespective of which approach is taken by the various courts or tribunals which may have to rule on the issue. In its conclusion, the article suggests that the problems which occur in relation to the enforcement of awards by consent are best avoided if both the agreement and the award are valid and functional. The arbitrator must therefore take a proactive role in ensuring that the underlying settlement agreement is as free as possible from defects and that it is reflected in the award in a manner which leaves no room for further disputes. The article pleads for the right of the arbitrator to refuse to issue an award by consent if the parties are unable or unwilling to correct perceived deficiencies in the settlement agreement which could later cause the agreement or the award to fall apart.
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Demir, Okan. "GAIUS GRACCHUS UN REFORM PROGRAMININ GENEL KARAKTERİ VE ROMA CUMHURİYETİ NİN SOSYO-POLİTİK SINIRLARI." History Studies International Journal of History, November 15, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.9737/hist.2022.1105.
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Tiberius Gracchus’un İÖ II. yüzyıldan itibaren giderek derinleşen ve Roma ordusunun bel kemiği niteliğindeki çiftçiaskerlerin mülksüzleşmesiyle gün yüzüne çıkan krizi toprak reformuyla aşmayı hedefleyen programı, nobilitastan (soylu ailelerden) terkip eden senatus oligarşisi tarafından kanla bastırılmıştır. Gaius Gracchus, ağabeyi Tiberius ve takipçilerinin öldürülmesinden yaklaşık on yıl sonra tribunus seçilerek halk partisinin (populares) liderliğine geçmiştir. Gaius Gracchus’un koloni kurulumu ve küçük üreticileri koruyan çeşitli yasalar üzerinden ağabeyinin reformlarını sürdürmüştür. Gaius’un stratejisini farklılaştıran Roma siyasetinde kökleri patricii-plebes mücadelesi dönemine değin uzanan populares (halkçılar) optimates (“en iyiler”- muhafazakarlar) şeklinde İÖ III. yüzyıldan itibaren tebarüz eden siyasi kutuplaşma içerisinde populares yararına toplumun farklı kesimlerinden destek sağlama çabasıdır. O, reform programını başarılı kılmak amacıyla equites (atlılar), plebs urbana (şehirli avam) ve plebs rustica (taşralı halk) gibi Roma toplumunun farklı kesimlerine imkanlar ve imtiyazlar yaratmıştır. Italia’daki müttefik hukuklu topluluklara oy hakkını vererek siyasi mücadelesine tüm İtalya sathına yayarak destek toplamak istemesi, senatus oligarşisini meydana getiren optimatesin engellemesiyle karşılaşmıştır. Gaius Gracchus’un reform programı kapsamında izlediği strateji, Geç Cumhuriyet Dönemi’ndeki siyasi kutuplaşmada Cumhuriyeti sosyo-politik sınırlarına ulaştıracak tayfı sunmuştur.
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Pilatti, Adriano. "A plebe multitudinária e a constituição de seus tribunos na sociedade global." Revista Direito, Estado e Sociedade, no. 34 (September 12, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.17808/des.34.224.
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Este trabalho propõe uma reflexão acerca do episódio da fuga dos plebeus de Roma para o Monte Sagrado e a conseqüente criação do Tribunato da Plebe como instituição de contrapoder. Apresentado no seminário acadêmico organizado pela Comuna e pela Universidade de Roma (La Sapienza) para comemorar os 2.500 anos do episódio em 2008, nele busco recuperar a interpretação dada ao acontecimento por Maquiavel, sobretudo sua valorização do dissenso e das revoltas como base das boas instituições. A partir daí, exploro as dimensões constituintes do episódio do Aventino, os impactos e reverberações que teve acontecimentos revolucionários da modernidade. Finalmente, busco esboçar uma reflexão, que prosseguirá em outro ensaio, sobre as possíveis inspirações que do acontecimento e da instituição duas vezes e meia milenares podem retirar os pesquisadores identificados com o constitucionalismo democrático insurgente em construção pela multidão latinoamericana, já no horizonte de uma nova configuração do poder mundial.
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Pilatti, Adriano. "A plebe multitudin�ria e a constitui��o de seus tribunos na sociedade global." Revista Direito, Estado e Sociedade, no. 34 (August 28, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.17808/des.34.82.
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Este trabalho prope uma reflexo acerca do episdio da fuga dos plebeus de Roma para o Monte Sagrado e a conseqente criao do Tribunato da Plebe como instituio de contrapoder. Apresentado no seminrio acadmico organizado pela Comuna e pela Universidade de Roma (La Sapienza) para comemorar os 2.500 anos do episdio em 2008, nele busco recuperar a interpretao dada ao acontecimento por Maquiavel, sobretudo sua valorizao do dissenso e das revoltas como base das boas instituies. A partir da, exploro as dimenses constituintes do episdio do Aventino, os impactos e reverberaes que teve acontecimentos revolucionrios da modernidade. Finalmente, busco esboar uma reflexo, que prosseguir em outro ensaio, sobre as possveis inspiraes que do acontecimento e da instituio duas vezes e meia milenares podem retirar os pesquisadores identificados com o constitucionalismo democrtico insurgente em construo pela multido latinoamericana, j no horizonte de uma nova configurao do poder mundial.
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Ziółkowski, Adam. "From seditiones, certamina civilia, secessiones, to intercessio." Palamedes: A Journal of Ancient History 14, no. 1 (October 6, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.5913/palamedes.14.2021-22.ar04.
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The paper examines the significance of political crises (seditiones, certamina civilia, secessiones) in the history of the Early and Late Republic. Its main contentions are as follows. (1) The plebeian organization, created by a part of the ‘hoplite class’ (classis) as a syndicate of self-defence against what they considered persecution by the state authorities, became the champion of the Roman poor only after the viritane assignation of the ager Veientanus Capenas, which, by depriving the great landowners, i.e. the patricians, of the client labour force made debt-slavery an acute socio-political problem. Tribunes’ auxilium offered in 380 to the insolvent debtors led to a prodigious growth of the plebeian organisation which by 367 broke the patricians’ monopoly on political power. (2) The military revolt of 342 and the resulting upheaval of 341–339 fixed the democratic formula of the Republic’ empire, the principle of constant participation of the whole community in profits it generated, thus making possible the acceptance of horrible losses which went with continuous imperial expansion. (3) The third secession of 287/286 was a part of a revolutionary period when the plebeian organisation reverted to its original position of a counter-state, inherently antagonistic to the state institutions, winning for the tribunes unrestrained political initiative (lex Hortensia) and giving them an instrument for paralysing actions of state authorities aiming at thwarting it or putting in peril social, economic and political gains of the preceding century (re-formulation of the tribunes’ intercessio as their right to veto actions of the magistrates and resolutions of the senate they found harmful to the plebs’ interests).
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Rung, Ádám. "Jóshiány Rómában." Studia Litteraria 54, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.37415/studia/2015/54/4072.
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Etruscans are often portrayed as greedy, effeminate, and cruel in Roman literature – but they can also be an example to follow when it comes to religious piety. It is generally thought that Livy portrays the Romans’ successful siege of the Etruscan city of Veii with much approval in his fifth book, but I argue that this text alludes to ambivalence around that nation. I propose a reading of the text which says that Camillus, the very pious-looking Roman leader, in fact reacts impiously to this dilemma when destroying an old city with immediate cultural and religious ties to Rome. Moreover, he does so against pious warnings of the Roman plebs, who, in turn, are likely to be seen as impious at first reading. This layer of meaning is probably most tangible in Livy’s equivocal use of Homeric epic here: the indignant speeches of the people’s tribunes show as much motivic affinity to Achilles’ speeches in the Iliad as to those of Thersites, the seemingly obvious parallel character. All this (along with other factors pointing in this direction) can also have an effect on the political reading of the text, especially if one has in mind the war of Perusia, with its merciless destruction of an ancient city, and its masses of Etruscan victims.