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Journal articles on the topic 'Triple Alliance'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 February 2023

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1

Conybeare, John A. C., and Todd Sandler. "The Triple Entente and the Triple Alliance 1880–1914: A Collective Goods Approach." American Political Science Review 84, no. 4 (December 1990): 1197–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963259.

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The distribution of burdens in alliances may be explained in terms of public and private outputs. A joint product model is applied to the Triple Alliance and Triple Entente, using generalized least squares-auto regressive moving average (GLS-ARMA) techniques and time series data. Results indicate that countries regarded allies' military effort more as complements than as substitutes, though several examples of free-riding behavior are noted. The method used here may provide more accurate estimation of publicness problems than is found in the usual static tests.

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2

Le, Angelina Nhat Hanh, Tessa Tien Nguyen, and Julian Ming-Sung Cheng. "Enhancing sustainable supply chain management performance through alliance portfolio diversity: the mediating effect of sustainability collaboration." International Journal of Operations & Production Management 41, no. 10 (September 30, 2021): 1593–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijopm-08-2020-0505.

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PurposeWhile strategic alliances is a concept increasingly discussed in the field of sustainable supply chain management (SSCM), an emerging and more crucial concept regarding alliances—namely, the alliance portfolio—is mostly ignored in the SSCM context. Mainly drawing on the categorisation–elaboration model (CEM), this research develops a three-layer model to explore the effects of three alliance portfolio diversity facets on the three triple-bottom-line SSCM performances through the mediation of sustainability collaboration.Design/methodology/approachThe field data are collected from 321 Vietnamese manufacturers. Scale accuracy is assessed through the confirmatory factor analysis method. Hierarchical linear regressions are applied to test the proposed model and hypotheses.FindingsPartner, governance, and functional alliance portfolio diversities have a U-shaped, inverted U-shaped, and positive linear effect, respectively, on sustainability collaboration. Sustainability collaboration is in turn found to enhance the SSCM performances in terms of economic, environmental, and social.Originality/valueThis research introduced a new theoretical lens, CEM, to the SSCM field. It also provided findings that can help firms to manage their alliance portfolios more dynamically in terms of the nature and diversity level of the portfolio and in a way that adds to the triple bottom line through the mediating effect of sustainability collaboration.

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3

Nielsen, Hjørdis. "The 2:2:1 Tribute Distribution in the Triple Alliance." Ancient Mesoamerica 7, no. 2 (1996): 207–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100001413.

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AbstractTribute sources have played a significant role in reconstructions of the Triple Alliance's history and geography at the time just before the Spanish Conquest. The Tenochcan tradition has been the main source for these reconstructions. The critical historical analysis of the internal relationship of an alternative tradition, that of Tetzcoco, sheds new light on the Tenochcan tradition and on the tribute distributional ratio of 2:2:1, i.e., of the Triple Alliance tribute to Tenochtitlan, to Tetzcoco, and to Tlacopan. I conclude that this distribution only applied to a minor geographical area in the Triple Alliance conquests. This ratio shows only that Tetzcoco and Tenochtitlan had a major participation in the conquest of part of the northeastern area of central Mexico.

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4

Schödl, Günter. "Arms, Alliance, Security. Triple Alliance and Informal Imperialism 1900–1908." Philosophy and History 21, no. 1 (1988): 58–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist198821129.

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5

Daniela-Liliana, Pătrașcu, and Dumitru-Valentin Pătrașcu. "Tripla Alianță ȋn context european." Hiperboreea A1, no. 11 (January 1, 2012): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.1.11.0031.

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Abstract L' étude presente les conditions dans lesquelles la Triple Alliance a été formée. L' Austriche-Hongrie et Empire Allemand ont conclu un traité secret, qui a été signé a 7 octobre 1879, et qui avait un caractère offensif. Si l'un de les deux États était attaquée par Russie, les deux États seraient entraidé. L' Italie sera également rejoindre l' Alliance Trilpe aussi malhureux que l' Angleterre avait incorporé Chypre. Roumanie adhère a l' Entente au moyen de le traité signé à 18-30 octobre 1883, qui avait une validité de cinq ans et un caractère secret. Si l' Austriche-Hongrie était attaqué par Russie ou Serbie, Roumanie serait intervenue. Toutes ces evolutions ont conduit l' élaboration depuis 1904 à Triple Alliance, le bloc militaires politique qu' avait s'opposer a les tendances hégémoniques de l' Allemagne et Austrich-Hongrie en Europe. Cette alliance était de se joindre a lui la Roumaine à l' été de 1916, parce qu' elle désirait eliberer les territoires roumains qui étaient ocuppées par l' Emipre Austro-Hongrois.

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6

Denis Lavnikevich. "BOLTON’S ‘TRIPLE ALLIANCE’: UKRAINE, BELARUS, POLAND." Current Digest of the Russian Press, The 71, no. 035-036 (September 8, 2019): 20–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/dsp.54991062.

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7

Abente, Diego. "The War of the Triple Alliance: Three Explanatory Models." Latin American Research Review 22, no. 2 (1987): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100022044.

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The Paraguayan War, or War of the Triple Alliance, fought by Paraguay against Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay (1864–1870), remains unique in the Latin American context in several respects. Dire in its duration and human toll, the war's underlying conflict was not directly related to specific boundary disagreements. Unlike other Latin American conflicts, the War of the Triple Alliance has stirred a passionate controversy involving heavy ideological connotations, with some analysts viewing it as a struggle between civilization (the Alliance) and barbarism (Paraguay) and others depicting it as a confrontation between British imperialism (the Alliance) and Latin American nationalism (Paraguay).

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8

Roberts, Geoffrey. "The Alliance that Failed: Moscow and the Triple Alliance Negotiations, 1939." European History Quarterly 26, no. 3 (July 1996): 383–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149602600303.

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9

Satskiy, Pavlo. "The Relationship Between the UPR and the Entente in December 1917 ‒ March 1918: Crisis of the Status of Ukraine As a Subject of International Relations." European Historical Studies, no. 7 (2017): 123–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.07.103-124.

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On the basis of the archival papers, the research of the relations of Ukrainian People’s Republic with the allies of The Triple Alliance agreement, in particular with France, has been made. The system of relations of the Ukrainian People’s Republic institutions with the representatives of The Triple Alliance in Kyiv has been researched. However, the analysis of these relations has been made in the context of the events taking place in the entire European system of relations. In particular, the analysis of works of the French representative in Kyiv, General J. Tabouis, aimed at establishing systematic relations with the General Secretariat of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Though, it has been determined that the activity of J. Tabouis in Kyiv had been driven on suppressing the Ukrainian People’s Republic activity and had also been concentrated at creating the situation of political instability at deterring the command of the German-Austrian troops from the movement of the troops from the “Ukrainian” territory from the Eastern front to other areas. General J. Tabouis has also been actively cooperated with the Ukrainian national organizations, among members of which were the prisoners of war of Austrian-Hungarian, German, Polish and Czech and Slovaks armies. After the signing of The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and the liberation of Kyiv from the Bolshevik army, the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian People’s Republic clearly expressed the hostile reaction to the mission of the Triple Alliance countries in Kyiv. In particular, some Ukrainian officials expressed the accusation regarding the participation of the French mission in creating chaotic conditions in Ukraine, in their subversive activity and their agreement with the Bolsheviks. Moreover, the Council of Ministers of Ukraine expressed the idea that due to the fact that the participation of Ukraine in the First World War was over, and The Triple Alliance did not accept the Ukrainian People’s Republic, the presence of the representatives of these countries in Kyiv was unsuitable. Thus, the Council of Ministers of Ukrainian People’s Republic and the command of the German troops in Ukraine demanded from the representatives of The Triple Alliance to leave the Ukrainian territory. So, the Ukrainian People’s Republic constrainedly put itself in the position of the actual collaborationist government, which had to withdraw the missions of the countries of The Triple Alliance because of the demand of occupation troops, which was not politically profitable in comparison to the state of the government of the Russian Federation.

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10

Davis, Mary. "The Triple Alliance, the miners and Black Friday 1921." Theory & Struggle 122, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 2–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ts.2021.2.

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11

T., Ajayan. "Midterm Election in Kerala in 1960 and the American Government." History and Sociology of South Asia 11, no. 2 (June 5, 2017): 212–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2230807517703002.

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After toppling the first Communist ministry in Kerala the main attention of the US agencies—Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the US Embassy in India—was to install a non-communist stable government in Kerala to meet the dangers of communism in Asia. The US agencies adopted two ways to realise these objectives. First of all, they extended all out support to the triple alliance composed of the Congress Party, Praja Socialist Party (PSP) and the Muslim League against the Communist Party in 1960 election. The election campaign of the triple alliance was much funded by the CIA. However the triple alliance won the election, the Communist Party got more votes than in 1957 and it intensified the US agencies to beef up its anti-Communist operations in Kerala and outside. It led to the adoption of second method of anti-Communist activities that the US agencies began to give wide publicity in India and outside that the first Communist ministry in Kerala could not make any economic advancement in Kerala during their tenure nor could they redress the chronic problems of unemployment and food scarcity and if Communists were voted to power in other parts of Asia, they would follow the same trend and fall.

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12

Oelbaum, Jay. "Populist Reform Coalitions in Sub-Saharan Africa: Ghana's Triple Alliance." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 36, no. 2 (2002): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4107207.

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13

Ball, Christopher. "The Triple Alliance: what went wrong? What can be done?" Oxford Review of Education 11, no. 3 (January 1985): 227–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0305498850110302.

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14

Oelbaum, Jay. "Populist Reform Coalitions in Sub-Saharan Africa: Ghana’s Triple Alliance." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 36, no. 2 (January 2002): 281–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2002.10751244.

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15

Sansón Corbo, Tomás. "La historiografía uruguaya sobre la Guerra de la Triple Alianza. Trayectos, tradiciones, ¿resignificaciones?" Diálogos 19, no. 3 (May 6, 1997): 955–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.4025/dialogos.v19i3.33726.

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16

Alix-Garcia, Jennifer, Laura Schechter, Felipe Valencia Caicedo, and S. Jessica Zhu. "Country of Women? Repercussions of the Triple Alliance War in Paraguay." Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 202 (October 2022): 131–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2022.07.025.

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17

Weitsman, Patricia A. "Alliance Cohesion and Coalition Warfare: The Central Powers and Triple Entente." Security Studies 12, no. 3 (January 2003): 79–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09636410390443062.

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18

Watson, Derek. "Molotov's Apprenticeship in Foreign Policy: The Triple Alliance Negotiations in 1939." Europe-Asia Studies 52, no. 4 (June 2000): 695–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713663077.

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19

Izecksohn, Vitor. "The Road to Armageddon: Paraguay versus the Triple Alliance, 1866–70." Hispanic American Historical Review 99, no. 3 (August 1, 2019): 575–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-7575689.

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20

Manuel Casal, Juan. "La interpretación dominante en Uruguay sobre los orígenes de la Guerra de la Triple Alianza." Diálogos 19, no. 3 (May 6, 1997): 929–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.4025/dialogos.v19i3.33725.

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21

Hurt, Stephen R. "What’s left of ‘the left’ in post-apartheid South Africa?" Capital & Class 41, no. 2 (November 25, 2016): 291–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816816678579.

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This article addresses the question of ‘the left’ in contemporary South Africa in two senses: first, in terms of assessing the health of leftist politics; second, it asks to what extent are the self-identified left progressive in any meaningful sense. The first half of this article reflects on the current development situation in South Africa. Here, it is argued that within most sections of the South African left, there is broad agreement on the need to address the triple challenge of unemployment, rising inequality and poverty. The second half of this article identifies three broad sections to the contemporary left in South Africa (the Tripartite Alliance, the left outside the Alliance and the remnants of the revolutionary socialist left). It argues that the left within the Alliance, despite the launch of the New Growth Path, are failing to implement the sufficiently radical policy changes that are required to address the development challenges identified in the first half of this article. The left outside the Alliance, meanwhile, despite recent attempts at coordination, lacks influence and remains disconnected from the masses.

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22

Borucki, Alex. "Legacy of the Lash: Race and Corporal Punishment in the Brazilian Navy and the Atlantic World. By Zachary Morgan. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2014. Pp. xiv, 320. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $65.00 cloth. – CORRIGENDUM." Americas 75, no. 2 (April 2018): 449. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2018.1.

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An error introduced during the production process resulted in the following misstatement: “The explanations provided for this conflict and the Triple Alliance War (35–36, 69) are plagued with errors, for example, the identification of the Argentinean president during the latter conflict as Bartolomé Mitre instead of Justo J. Urquiza (whose name is misspelled).”

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23

Minc, Leah D. "Style and Substance: Evidence for Regionalism within the Aztec Market System." Latin American Antiquity 20, no. 2 (June 2009): 343–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1045663500002674.

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AbstractThe emergence of the Triple Alliance empire and the consolidation of political power in the Basin of Mexico is traditionally associated with a high level of economic integration achieved through regional market exchange. Although researchers debate whether the market system was dominated by commercial factors or political forces, the assumption that the pax azteca led to a single, basin-wide exchange system is not generally challenged. Yet an increasing number of stylistic and compositional analyses indicate that significant regional subdivisions existed within the Aztec core, although the spatial scale, nature, and significance of these systems remains poorly understood. This study contributes to the body of evidence suggesting that economic divisions existed under the Triple Alliance, by presenting spatial patterning in Aztec Red Wares (guindaorrojo pulido) ceramics. By combining both stylistic and compositional analyses of this ceramic ware, it is possible to demonstrate both the strength of economic divisions as well as map their boundaries for a significant portion of the Basin. The regional patterns in artifact distribution highlighted in this and prior studies underscore the complexity of exchange interactions that evolved under Aztec rule and which must be explained by future models of the Aztec market system.

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24

Cooney, Jerry W. (Jerry Wilson). "To the Bitter End: Paraguay and the War of the Triple Alliance (review)." Journal of Military History 67, no. 3 (2003): 952–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2003.0210.

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25

Piorun, Micha. "Aztec Empire of the Triple Alliance as an Example of the Hegemonic Empire." Res Historica 42 (April 19, 2017): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/rh.2016.0.63.

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26

Doratioto, Francisco. "The Road to Armageddon: Paraguay versus the Triple Alliance ‐ by Whigham, Thomas L." Bulletin of Latin American Research 38, no. 4 (September 2019): 539–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/blar.13039.

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27

Tavinor, Marie. "The Reception of British Painting at the Venice Biennali, 1895–1914." International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity 4, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/hcm.502.

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The opening of the Venice Biennale in 1895 provided an unprecedented occasion to bring international art to the Italian public. It thus enabled intellectuals, art critics and the wider public to see and judge national productions side by side. This paper proposes to look at the way biases developed along with the Biennale – in relation to the peculiar political situation in Europe. By looking at articles written by leading Italian art critics on newspapers and magazines such as Emporium, Fanfulla della Domenica, Il Marzocco or Illustrazione italiana, the paper will show that art often served as a pretext for a political analysis which ultimately pointed to the rising conflict between the Triple Alliance and the Triple Entente.

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28

Smith, M. E. "The Tenochca Empire of Ancient Mexico: The Triple Alliance of Tenochtitlan, Tetzcoco, and Tlacopan." Ethnohistory 49, no. 2 (April 1, 2002): 451–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-49-2-451.

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29

Schmidt, Fred, Suzanne Chomycz, Carolyn Houlding, Alexandra Kruse, and Jessica Franks. "The Association Between Therapeutic Alliance and Treatment Outcomes in a Group Triple P Intervention." Journal of Child and Family Studies 23, no. 8 (July 3, 2013): 1337–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10826-013-9792-4.

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30

Zhu, Haiying, Chengyong Du, Meng Yuan, Peifen Fu, Qiaojun He, Bo Yang, and Ji Cao. "PD-1/PD-L1 counterattack alliance: multiple strategies for treating triple-negative breast cancer." Drug Discovery Today 25, no. 9 (September 2020): 1762–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.drudis.2020.07.006.

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31

Sater, William F. "Thomas L. Whigham. The Road to Armageddon: Paraguay versus the Triple Alliance, 1866–70." American Historical Review 124, no. 5 (December 1, 2019): 1934–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz1014.

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32

Potiekhin, Oleksandr. "Allied Cooperation in Europe on the Eve of World War I." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 98–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-5.

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The article puts forward an opinion that the current crisis of world order requires reverting to discovering the reasons of World War I. The author states that in 1914, a majority of decision-makers believed they had a dominant strategy; thus, the policy they followed was the best, irrespective of another party’s actions. The complicated task of clarifying the concerns and intentions of others as well as predicting the aggravation of the situation as a result of their actions was not taken into account. The quest for minimising responsibility and increasing comfort while taking bellicose measures hindered the realisation of the fact that a more cautious strategy was a safer option. The military and political alliances, including the Entente Cordiale (the Triple Entente) and the Triple Alliance (after Italy’s withdrawal, the Central Powers), the defence purposes enshrined in secret agreements notwithstanding, were established for waging wars but not for maintaining peace by mutual containment. Fragile arrangements between the two alliances did not allow them to prevent opponents or partners from unleashing the war and subsequently halt hostilities after the failure of a range of envisaged strategic operations. The states continuously threatened each other with their actions, and repeated attempts to create the impression of a threat of aggression, although without any intention to use military force, undermined international stability. The efforts of European leaders constituted a diplomatic game, as the parties bluffed and sought to play trump cards they never had. The initial stakes, particularly colonial and territorial claims of actors, were negligible as compared with the incommensurably higher payback – the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian, Russian, German, and Ottoman empires, and the two totalitarian revolutions in the 20th-century Europe, Russian (Bolshevist) and German (Nazi). The author concludes that it was not allied obligations that prompted states to choose a certain side; rather, each country’s government decided to join the war on their own, guided by spurious ‘national interests’. Keywords: World War I, Entente, military and political alliances, Europe, 20th century.

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33

Delson, Roberta M. "The Beginnings of Professionalization in the Brazilian Military: The Eighteenth Century Corps of Engineers." Americas 51, no. 4 (April 1995): 555–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007680.

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Historians often date the “professionalization” of the Latin American military establishments to the late nineteenth century. At that time, widely accepted “positivist ” beliefs equating technological modernization with “progress” resulted in the military's perceived need for superior defense forces, to be commanded by officer graduates of newly inaugurated military academies. In Brazil, the military was already emboldened by its successes in the War of the Triple Alliance against Paraguay (1864-1870); it now sought to consolidate its gains in the competitive institutional climate of the late 1800s by presenting a more recognizably professional appearance.

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34

Whigham, T. L. "Brazils "Balloon Corps": Pride, Desperation, and the Limits of Military Intelligence in the Triple Alliance War." Luso-Brazilian Review 52, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/lbr.52.2.1.

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35

Kudeyarova, Nadezhda Yu. "The War of Paraguay against the Triple Alliance. Historical memory and search for the identity foundations." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 1 (2022): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0013612-2.

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The war of Paraguay against the Triple alliance is the national-state identity central element. The war fought a century and a half ago had catastrophically devastated the country thus being the most powerful traumatic event for Paraguayan society. The six months long dispute on the Paraguayan war causes and consequences between J. O'Leary and C. Baez in 1902 constitutes the turning point in the historical revisionism development. The rehabilitation of Marshal F.S. Lopez after the 1936 February Revolution had finished the gradual process of reassessing the past and opened a new page in the country's political life. Throughout the entire authoritarian period, historical concept by J.O'Leary, later called as the "Paraguayan revisionism", served as the ideological basis for authoritarian power and for the A.Stroessner dictatorship reinforcement. This doctrine is no longer relevant to the current democratic period ideology. However, it still persists as a historical narrative underlying national-state identity. The resulting contradiction has an important impact on the nature of modernization, the foreign policy trajectory and has a conflict potential for public discussions about the past. At the same time, the ongoing changes are shaping the need to identity narratives change.

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36

Liu, John Jen-wei, and Pradeep Kanta Ray. "The ‘Triple-alliance’ perspective for new industry creation: Lessons from the flat panel industry in Taiwan." Journal of Asian Economics 23, no. 5 (October 2012): 585–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.asieco.2012.06.006.

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37

Aniskov, A. S. "COUNTRIES OF THE TRIPLE ENTENTE AND THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE AND THE PROVINCIAL SOCIETY ATTITUDE TO THEM IN 1907-1914. (ON THE MATERIALS OF KALUGA PROVINCE)." History: Facts and Symbols 15, no. 2 (2018): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2410-4205-2018-15-2-31-40.

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38

Warner, Erica T., Karla V. Ballman, Aman Buzdar, Lisa A. Carey, William M. Sikov, Carrie Strand, and Ann H. Partridge. "Age, race, BMI, and pathologic complete response following neoadjuvant chemotherapy: An analysis of four alliance clinical trials." Journal of Clinical Oncology 33, no. 28_suppl (October 1, 2015): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2015.33.28_suppl.33.

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33 Background: Pathologic complete response (pCR) is an important prognostic indicator and surrogate endpoint, particularly for patients with hormone receptor-negative breast cancer. Previous studies have suggested differential response to pre-operative therapy by age and body mass index (BMI), though no association has been seen by race. We assessed associations of age at diagnosis, BMI and race with pCR accounting for breast cancer subtype. Methods: Women enrolled in four clinical trials of neoadjuvant chemotherapy (CALGB 40601 and 40603; ACOSOG Z1031 and Z1041) were eligible for this analysis. Age, race, and BMI were abstracted from patient records at baseline. Tumor subtype was assessed using immunohistochemical staining and/or fluorescence in situ hybridization. Logistic regression models were used to determine the association of race/ethnicity and age at diagnosis with pCR, the absence of residual invasive disease in the breast after neoadjuvant chemotherapy, adjusting for subtype (HER2+, ER+/ HER2-, triple negative), age, study arm, lymph node status, tumor size, and tumor grade. Results: 1,146 women with a mean age of 51.5 years were included. 156 (13.6%) were of black race. 590 (51.5%) of tumors were HER2+, 169 (14.7%) were ER+/HER2- and 387 (33.8%) were triple negative. In multivariate analyses controlling for tumor characteristics and other factors, black race (OR: 1.07, 95% CI: 0.67-1.70), age (OR: 0.99, 95% CI: 0.97-1.00) and BMI (OR: 0.99, 95% CI: 0.96-1.01) were not significant predictors of pCR. Similar associations we observed when stratified by subtype, and we found no interaction between age and black race (p=0.06), black race and BMI (p=0.54) or age and BMI (p=0.73). Conclusions: After accounting for tumor characteristics, we observed no differences in pCR rates according to race, age or BMI.

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39

Abente, Diego. "Foreign Capital, Economic Elites and the State in Paraguay during the Liberal Republic (1870–1936)." Journal of Latin American Studies 21, no. 1-2 (June 1989): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00014425.

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The Paraguayan liberal republic, spanning from the end of the War of the Triple Alliance until the end of the Chaco War, is one of the most under-researched and probably one of the most undervalued periods of Paraguayan history and has only recently elicited some scholarly interest.1 During this period capital accumulation developed exclusively in the private domain, economic policies were informed by laissez–faire doctrines, and the political arena embodied, if mostly theoretically, the liberal principles of public contestation and elite competition. Those basic and distinctive traits, and in that particular combination, are found in no other period of Paraguayan history. It therefore makes conceptual sense to speak of the liberal republic as a distinct period in Paraguayan history.

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40

Sinitsyn, A. A. "Remarks on the History of the “Triple Alliance”: Perdiccas II, Brasidas, and Chalcidian Poleis in the Thracian Campaign." Ancient World and Archaeology 18 (2017): 37–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/0320-961x-2017-18-37-69.

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41

Vasiliev, Vladimir. "ANGLO-SAXON GUIDESTONES OF GROWING GLOBAL CONFRONTATION BETWEEN CIVILIZATIONS." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 4 (2022): 234–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.04.10.

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The article analyzes the origins and implementation progress of the agreement between the United States, Great Britain and Australia on the formation of the triple military alliance AUKUS, which was announced on September 15, 2021. It is emphasized that the emerging military alliance is based on the concept of integrating the military-industrial complexes of the three Anglo-Saxon countries, aimed at containing and confronting the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the Indo-Pacific region. The main program of action of the emerging military alliance is to equip the Australian Navy with 8 submarines with nuclear power plants. The serious military-technical difficulties that this program will face and is already facing are indicated. At the same time, the process of involving the Australian military-technical potential in the creation of a number of other weapons systems, in particular, hypersonic weapons, is also underway. The formation of AUKUS is considered in a broader aspect as a reflection of the desire of Great Britain and the United States to build a hierarchy of control of the global world order, subject to its subordination to the «collective West», in which the «closed club» of the Anglo-Saxon countries plays the main role. The transformation of the union of Anglo-Saxon countries into the main «bearing» element of the system of global hierarchical governance occurs in the context of the growing crisis of the neoliberal model of globalization, which was given universal civilizational significance at the turn of the 1980 s-1990 s. Thus, a new geopolitical and geo-economic fracture is implanted into the world civilizational space, based on the confrontation of the Western system of values and the Asian system of values, built on the synthesis of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism.

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42

Żywczak, Jerzy. "French-Italian politics in the period from 1870 until the signing of the Treaty of the Triple Alliance in 1882." Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego. Acta Politica 35 (2016): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18276/ap.2016.35-01.

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Ailianos, Costis J. "The Balkan Conundrum and Relations between Austria-Hungary and Greece, 1912–1914." Südost-Forschungen 73, no. 1 (August 8, 2014): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2014-0103.

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Abstract Relations between Greece and Austria-Hungary had never been particularly cordial, despite some brief periods of a certain rapprochement, and Vienna displayed a total lack of consideration for the interests of Athens also during the Balkan Wars. Greek ‘dreams’ were only marginally ‘tangent’ to Vienna’s interests and the Ballhausplatz did not envisage any point of convergence of their political goals. The cooperation, let alone the alliance, between Greece and Serbia proved to be a thorn in the Greco-Austrian relations. All issues of Greek interest met with Vienna’s strong opposition: the drawing of the southern/southeastern borders of Albania; the fate of Thessaloniki and Kavalla; the future of the East Aegean islands. While Austria was aiming at bringing Bulgaria in her sphere of influence, Germany wanted to attract Athens closer to the Triple Alliance, which led to serious misunderstandings between the two empires. Ultimately, this divergence of policy worked in favour of Greece that obtained Thessaloniki and its hinterland, Kavalla, a large part of Epirus, safeguarded her titles on the Aegean islands and secured a common Greco-Serbian borderline. However, the issue of Northern Epirus was left in abeyance until after the First World War. Finally, the Ballhausplatz, re-evaluating the new geopolitical realities in the Balkans, started looking constructively to the future role of Greece in the region.

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Ailianos, Costis J. "The Balkan Conundrum and Relations between Austria-Hungary and Greece, 1912–1914." Südost-Forschungen 73, no. 1 (January 8, 2014): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2016-0103.

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AbstractRelations between Greece and Austria-Hungary had never been particularly cordial, despite some brief periods of a certain rapprochement, and Vienna displayed a total lack of consideration for the interests of Athens also during the Balkan Wars. Greek ‘dreams’ were only marginally ‘tangent’ to Vienna’s interests and the Ballhausplatz did not envisage any point of convergence of their political goals. The cooperation, let alone the alliance, between Greece and Serbia proved to be a thorn in the Greco-Austrian relations. All issues of Greek interest met with Vienna’s strong opposition: the drawing of the southern/southeastern borders of Albania; the fate of Thessaloniki and Kavalla; the future of the East Aegean islands. While Austria was aiming at bringing Bulgaria in her sphere of influence, Germany wanted to attract Athens closer to the Triple Alliance, which led to serious misunderstandings between the two empires. Ultimately, this divergence of policy worked in favour of Greece that obtained Thessaloniki and its hinterland, Kavalla, a large part of Epirus, safeguarded her titles on the Aegean islands and secured a common Greco-Serbian borderline. However, the issue of Northern Epirus was left in abeyance until after the First World War. Finally, the Ballhausplatz, re-evaluating the new geopolitical realities in the Balkans, started looking constructively to the future role of Greece in the region.

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45

Li, Wang. "Big Data Precision Marketing Approach under IoT Cloud Platform Information Mining." Computational Intelligence and Neuroscience 2022 (January 12, 2022): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/4828108.

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In this article, an in-depth study and analysis of the precision marketing approach are carried out by building an IoT cloud platform and then using the technology of big data information mining. The cloud platform uses the MySQL database combined with the MongoDB database to store the cloud platform data to ensure the correct storage of data as well as to improve the access speed of data. The storage method of IoT temporal data is optimized, and the way of storing data in time slots is used to improve the efficiency of reading large amounts of data. For the scalability of the IoT data storage system, a MongoDB database clustering scheme is designed to ensure the scalability of data storage and disaster recovery capability. The relevant theories of big data marketing are reviewed and analyzed; secondly, based on the relevant theories, combined with the author’s work experience and relevant information, a comprehensive analysis and research on the current situation of big data marketing are conducted, focusing on its macro-, micro-, and industry environment. The service model combines the types of user needs, encapsulates the resources obtained by the alliance through data mining for service products, and publishes and delivers them in the form of data products. From the perspective of the development of the telecommunications industry, in terms of technology, the telecommunications industry has seen the development trend of mobile replacing fixed networks and triple play. The development of emerging technologies represented by the Internet of Things and cloud computing has also led to technological changes in the telecommunications industry. Operators are facing new development opportunities and challenges. It also divides the service mode into self-service and consulting service mode according to the different degrees of users’ cognition and understanding of the service, as well as proposes standardized data mining service guarantee from two aspects: after-sales service and operation supervision. A customized data mining service is a kind of data mining service for users’ personalized needs. And the intelligent data mining service guarantee is proposed from two aspects of multicase experience integration and group intelligence. In the empirical research part, the big data alliance in Big Data Industry Alliance, which provides data mining service as the main business, is selected as the research object, and the data mining service model of the big data alliance proposed in this article is applied to the actual alliance to verify the scientific and rationality of the data mining service model and improve the data mining service model management system.

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Moog, J., L. G. Saw, R. Hashim, and U. Maschwitz. "The triple alliance: how a plant-ant, living in an ant-plant, acquires the third partner, a scale insect." Insectes Sociaux 52, no. 2 (May 2005): 169–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00040-005-0791-3.

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Pastore, Mario. "State-led Industrialisation: The Evidence on Paraguay, 1852–1870." Journal of Latin American Studies 26, no. 2 (May 1994): 295–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00016230.

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In the last three decades, the economic history of Paraguay has been subject to an intense reexamination. It has been claimed that the state in Paraguay led a ‘spectacular industrialisation effort’ in the second half of the nineteenth century and that this effort was prematurely truncated by war. One author, for example, has stated thatFrom 1852 on, free circulation on the river Paraná permitted a rapid increase of exports, mostly under state control. The resources thus freed were devoted to the development of the modern manufacture of industrial goods and plant: iron and steel, engineering, shipbuilding, brickmaking, etc. A railway and a telegraph were installed without incurring an external debt. The experiment was nevertheless spoiled by the war with the ‘Triple Alliance’ (1864–1870), which opposed Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay to Paraguay, and resulted in the demographic and economic collapse of the country.

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Curet, L. Antonio, Barbara L. Stark, and Sergio Vásquez Z. "Postclassic Changes in Veracruz, Mexico." Ancient Mesoamerica 5, no. 1 (1994): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100001000.

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AbstractWith systematic surface collections from the Mixtequilla region of Veracruz, Mexico, multidimensional scaling and cluster analysis distinguish two Postclassic complexes and permit examination of their associated settlement patterns. Comparison of pottery types to other assemblages provides cross dating and allows judgments about stylistic affinities. The earlier of the two complexes, assigned to the Middle Postclassic, ca.a.d.1200–1350, exhibits characteristics of the “Mixteca-Puebla horizon.” The second complex dates to the Late Postclassic,a.d.1350–1521, when the region was affected by imperial expansion of the Aztec Triple Alliance. Both complexes, but particularly the one from the Middle Postclassic, show marked changes in settlement pattern, material culture, and trade patterns. Changes in trade, stylistic emulation, or major population movement are insufficient to account for the evidence. Instead, political realignment, likely coupled with other factors, is a more promising interpretation.

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Tafla, Bairu. "The Impact of Dogali on the International Policy of the Central European Powers." Aethiopica 5 (May 8, 2013): 112–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.5.1.449.

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The victory of Dogali (1887) represents the first successful resistance to European colonialism in Northeast Africa, and as such its historical significance has been immense. For some obscure reason, however, it was neglected in Ethiopian historiography until the last quarter of the 20th century when it was popularized for academic and political purposes. Its impact in history was twofold: on the international level, it cracked the Triple Alliance which ʿAdwa, the historical culmination of Dogali, subsequently rendered ineffective for good. On the national or regional level, Dogali initiated a campaign for liberty and sovereignty which was to last for decades and in which ʿAdwa and Maycäw were to stand as landmarks. These landmarks were nonetheless fought deep in the heart of the country, and in this respect Dogali, which took place way out of the effective control of the Empire, is no doubt exemplary.

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Reyes Novaes, André. "Maps in Newspapers." Brill Research Perspectives in Map History 1, no. 1 (April 23, 2019): 1–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25893963-12340001.

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Abstract Maps in newspapers generated many discussions among cartographers and geographers working from different approaches and theoretical backgrounds. This work examines these maps from a historiographical as well as a historical perspective. It considers three main questions, namely how maps in the press should be conceptualized, how cartographic images in newspapers have been studied, and how these images changed over time. In order to provide a perspective on the origins, development, and impact of war maps in the press, this work will explore maps representing three geopolitical conflicts for Brazilian audiences: The War of the Triple Alliance (1864–1870), World War II (1939–1945) and the War on Drugs in Rio de Janeiro’s favelas (1994–2010). By exploring these war maps, specific cartographic practices used in this genre as well as the connections that this mode has with other types of map production and consumption will be identified.

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