Academic literature on the topic 'Tswana tradition'

The paper contrasts Tswapong puberty ritual, themothei, conceived of as effecting an ontological change in being and personhood, with the newly invented Kgatla puberty ritual. The latter, it is argued, while reflecting authority and embracing a collective tribal identity, lacks the ordeals of death and rebirth inherent in themotheiritual. I propose that rituals may lose aspects of their ontological inscription of gendered personhood and subjectivity while assuming new political or policy-related functions. The paradox highlighted is that despite endowing girls with ‘dignity’ and moral agency within a ‘society of women’, Tswapong girls are increasingly refusing to be initiated in the face of ‘modern times’, backed by teachers who regard the ritual as archaic, while concurrently southern Tswana Kgatla are enthusiastically mobilising mass girls’ initiations under the supervision of Kgatla royals with political agendas. My paper reflects on these apparent paradoxes of cultural authenticity as rituals change, hybridise, and are reinvented.

In the closing paragraph of his inaugural lecture Law and Language, Professor Allott referred to what he termed “a daunting obstacle” to the intensive study of African legal systems.That obstacle is the rapid disappearance, before our very eyes, of the traditional systems that we have proposed to study. A generation ago there would not have been that difficulty; but today the traditional tribunals have vanished in many African countries where their place has been taken by statutory local courts. Even where the traditional courts appear to have survived, at least in name, they are usually affected by the impact of western law and institutions and of central government control.Those words were written in 1965. How true and necessary they were is shown by the fact that more than fifty years previously—even more than “a generation ago”—the impact of “western” influences upon the Tswana peoples of the Bechuanaland Protectorate (now the Republic of Botswana) had already led to many changes in the indigenous legal system, although, at that time, the “traditional courts” still survived virtually intact and not merely “in name”.The nature and extent of those changes can be readily ascertained by the fortunate chance that, there are still available the records of approximately 470 cases tried, over a period of six and a half years, in the highest traditional court of the Ngwaketse, a major Tswana chiefdom.

SummaryIndigenous Tswana pigs are mostly found in Southern Botswana. There is concern that the breed may become extinct due to the low usage of the breed and the lack of implementation of a comprehensive conservation strategy. The objectives of this study were to identify places where indigenous Tswana pigs are kept in Gaborone Agricultural Region and document the numbers, distribution, management and utilisation of these pigs. A formal questionnaire was administered to all indigenous pig farmers who could be identified. The data was analysed using procedure frequency in Statistical System Analysis. A total of 51 indigenous pig farmers were interviewed, of these 71%, 16% and 14% were in Southeast, Kgatleng and Kweneng districts respectively. Only one farmer kept crossbreeds with the majority keeping pure indigenous Tswana. A total of 124 sows, 23 boars, 32 castrates and 211 piglets were counted in this region. All the pigs were kept under the communal system. None of the farmers surveyed kept records and they exhibited limited knowledge of pig farming and improved management. Pigs were kept for home consumption with very few sold, given out as gifts or loaned out. Pig fat was used as a by-product to make soap and a lubricant in traditional leather rope making. The farmers’ perception of indigenous pigs is good; they claim that the pigs posses traits of economic importance such as high heat and drought tolerance, which are of great significance in the harsh climatic conditions of Botswana. There is a need to undertake conservation efforts for this breed given that it survives and reproduces under harsh climatic conditions and sub-standard management. More research and further action is required to increase the production of this breed.

ABSTRACTChildren in many African societies have meaningful names – unlike their Western counterparts, whose names are primarily labels. In Zulu, Xhosa, Sotho, Tswana, and many other cultures, namegivers traditionally chose personal names that pointed to a range of people and circumstances that were relevant at the time of the child's birth. These highly individual or unique names were part of particular social frameworks that have long been evolving with Western acculturation. Like the social frameworks within which they are embedded, naming practices are in the process of change.This article investigates change in Zulu naming practices as a reflection of wider social changes. Taking historical accounts as the source of traditional namegiving, an analysis of rural, farm, and urban names shows quantitative and qualitative differences in naming practices. Contemporary names differ significantly from traditional ones, and provide evidence that the world view within which names are given is in the process of redefinition. (Anthropological linguistics, naming, South Africa, Zulu)

African chiefs under colonial rule are conventionally described as collaborators. Those who failed to co-operate with their colonial masters were deposed. Tshekedi Khama, Regent of the Bangwato for his nephew, Seretse, from 1926 to 1950, does not fit this description. During the first ten years of his regency, he was almost continuously locked in conflict with the British on a whole range of issues both large and small. His sustained opposition to the British is the more remarkable in that he became regent at the age of merely twenty without having been specifically prepared for the governance of the largest of the Tswana states under British rule.This article explores the reasons for Tshekedi's opposition to the British and the way in which he conducted this opposition, and asks why the British did not depose him as they almost certainly would have deposed a chief who behaved remotely like him in one of their other African territories. It concludes that while Tshekedi basically accepted the colonial situation in the Bechuanaland Protectorate, he was determined that the British should make no inroads into the powers of the chiefs as determined at the end of the nineteenth century when his father Khama III had accepted British protection. He was also resolved to hand over the chieftaincy intact to his ward, Seretse. Furthermore Tshekedi, unlike most African chiefs of his day, was Western-educated, having attended Fort Hare, and believed that the function of the British Administration was to teach him ‘how to govern…not how to be governed’. He reacted strongly against measures that were imposed on him without consultation or explanation, especially, those which he suspected were designed to limit his power or might affect the welfare of his people. In opposing such measures, he employed both ‘traditional’ and ‘modern’ resources and was as skilful as any African nationalist of the time in mobilising press, parliament and public opinion in Britain in his support.While the British did consider deposing him, and in 1933 temporarily suspended him from office, they were confronted by the fact that there was no other leader in Gammangwato who would be accepted as a legitimate alternative by the Bangwato or who would be remotely as competent as he was. After ten years of wrangling with Tshekedi the British learnt that it was in their interests to collaborate with him. For the next decade Tshekedi and the Administration worked largely in harmony. It was only in the late 1940s that Tshekedi began to use his formidable intellectual powers and administrative experience to challenge the colonial system itself.

Thesis (MSc)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The majority of South Africans still depend on the use of traditional remedies, as these are sometimes the only types of health care systems available, especially within rural communities. South Africa comprises approximately 400 000 traditional healers and an estimated 60 to 80% of individuals consulting such traditional healers. As a result, the over-harvesting of many traditional medicinal plants has become a threat to the country’s species diversity and has resulted in the scarcity of certain medicinal plant species. The non-sustainable use of traditional medicinal plants stems from their intense harvesting from the wild to supply the high demands from urban and rural markets. As a result of the escalating population growth rate; high rural unemployment; and fundamental value attached to traditional medicinal plants (socio-economic factors), the national and regional trade of traditional medicines is currently higher than it has ever been. Another reason for the increased threat to traditional medicinal plants is the degradation and weakening of customary laws that have previously regulated such resources. This study focuses on the use of traditional medicinal plants by the Setswana-speaking community for self-medication and as a form of primary health care. Research was conducted in Kimberley, Northern Cape of South Africa and focuses on the issue of the sustainability of medicinal plant use in the area, specifically on use and users as well as the acquisition of material sold by a single trader and harvesting techniques. This is to determine whether harvesting of medicinal plants is a potential threat to plant communities in the area. To address the shortcomings of medicinal anthropology the study also investigates the impacts of relocation and resettlement of various communities in the area, on plant use, methods of collection, the sustainability of the natural resource, as well as the transmission of Setswana indigenous knowledge inter-generationally. most abundant under high disturbances. Certain species reacted positively to disturbance and were most abundant in disturbed habitats. These included Elephantorrhiza elephantina and a Helichrysum sp. To minimise destructive harvesting in the Kimberley area and to ensure the sustainable harvesting of plant material, it is important that local harvesters are educated on proper harvesting techniques and that local gatherers are educated on sustainability issues as well as other ecologically fundamental issues.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die meeste Suid-Afrikaners is steeds afhanklik van tradisionele geneesmiddels aangesien dit soms, veral in landelike gemeenskappe, die enigste beskikbare gesondheidsorg is. Suid-Afrika het sowat 400 000 tradisionele geneeshere wat deur ’n geraamde 60% tot 80% van individue geraadpleeg word. As gevolg hiervan hou die oorontginning van talle tradisionele medisinale-planthulpbronne ’n bedreiging vir die land se spesiediversiteit in en het dit reeds tot ’n skaarste aan sekere medisinale plante gelei. Tradisionele medisinale plante word tans nievolhoubaar aangewend aangesien dit op groot skaal in die veld geoes word om in die groot vraag van stedelike en landelike markte te voorsien. As gevolg van die stygende bevolkingsgroeikoers, hoë landelike werkloosheidsyfer en die grondliggende waarde wat aan tradisionele medisinale plante geheg word (sosio-ekonomiese faktore), is die nasionale en streekhandel in tradisionele geneesmiddels tans groter as ooit tevore. Nog ’n rede vir die toenemende bedreiging van tradisionele medisinale plante is die verslapping en versagting van gewoonteregwetgewing wat voorheen sodanige hulpbronne gereguleer het. Hierdie studie fokus op die gebruik van tradisionele medisinale plante deur die Setswanagemeenskap vir selfbehandeling en as ’n vorm van primêre gesondheidsorg. Die navorsing vir die studie is in Kimberley in die Noord-Kaapprovinsie van Suid-Afrika gedoen en fokus op die kwessie van volhoubare medisinale-plantgebruik in die gebied, met bepaalde klem op gebruik en gebruikers, die verkryging van middels wat deur ’n enkele handelaar verkoop word, en oestegnieke. Die doel van die navorsing was om te bepaal of die oes van medisinale plante ’n moontlike bedreiging vir plantgemeenskappe in die gebied inhou. Om die tekortkominge van medisinale antropologie aan te pak, ondersoek die studie ook die uitwerking van die verskuiwing en hervestiging van verskeie gemeenskappe in die gebied op plantgebruik, oesmetodes, die volhoubaarheid van die natuurlike hulpbronne, asook die oordrag van inheemse Setswana-kennis oor geslagte heen. Selfbehandeling en die gebruik van tradisionele medisinale plante speel steeds ’n groot rol in Kimberley, aangesien die meeste van die individue wat aan die navorsing deelgeneem het steeds tradisionele geneesmiddels as deel van hulle kultuur en tradisie gebruik. Daar word in ’n uiteenlopende verskeidenheid plantmateriaal handel gedryf. Hoewel sommige van die middels plaaslik ingesamel word, word die meeste van ander dele van die land, en in party gevalle van buurlande soos Lesotho en Swaziland, ingevoer. Hoewel die meeste van die materiaal dus nie plaaslik ingesamel word en dus nie bepaald op hierdie studie betrekking het nie, is dit steeds aanduidend van oes- en volhoubaarheidskwessies in ander dele van die land. Die kruiekenner dryf in sewentig tradisionele medisinale-plantsoorte handel, waarvan party beskermd en erg bedreig is, waaronder Prunus africana en Warburgia salutaris wat slegs in beskermde gebiede in die land voorkom. Prunus africana is ’n gelyste spesie in CITES, aanhangsel 2. Ander bedreigde spesies sluit Ocotea bullata, Bersama lucens, Curtisia dentata en ’n Eugenia-spesie in. Die meeste van die plante wat (in Kimberley) geoes word, is in die vorm van ondergrondse bergingsorgane (uitlopers en bolle). Hoewel hierdie plante van stingelskade en die skade aan ondergrondse bergingsorgane kan herstel, vat hulle swak pos indien hulle oorgebruik en oorontgin word, en kan hulle dus mettertyd al hoe minder voorkom. In hierdie studie word die mettertydse afname in plantbevolkings deur die toename in reisafstande na insamelingspunte aangetoon. Hierdie tendens is egter nie in die handelsprys en -materiaalhoeveelhede oor die afgelope eeu weerspieël nie. Die meeste van die studiedeelnemers het bevestig dat die prys en hoeveelheid van die handelsmateriaal deurentyd betreklik stabiel gebly het. Van die teikenspesies wat vir kwesbaarheid of sensitiwiteit vir ontwrigting ondersoek is, het Withania somnifera, Boophane disticha, Dicoma anomala en Bulbine natalensis die laagste oorlewingspotensiaal en die hoogste ontwrigtingsensitiwiteit getoon. Die meeste van hierdie spesies het in baie klein hoeveelhede op die gekose terreine voorgekom. In die geval van Withania somnifera kon die negatiewe resultate egter met die laereënvalseisoen gedurende daardie betrokke jaar in verband gebring word. Hierdie spesie word oor die algemeen as ’n onkruid in ontwrigte gebiede geklassifiseer en kom meestal onder erg ontwrigte toestande voor. Sekere spesies, soos Elephantorrhiza elephantina en ’n Helichrysum-spesie, het positief op ontwrigting gereageer en het volop in ontwrigte habitatte voorgekom. Om vernietigende oestery in die Kimberley-omgewing te minimaliseer en die volhoubare ontginning van planthulpbronne te verseker, is dit belangrik dat plaaslike plukkers in gepaste oestegnieke, en plaaslike insamelaars oor volhoubaarheidskwessies en ander ekologies belangrike sake opgelei word.

This thesis states that the concepts of MODIMO [GOD] (Setiloane 1976) in Sotho Traditional Religion are different to the concepts of the Christian God. The notions of MODIMO are panentheistic (all pervading), whilst the notions of the Christian God are monotheistic. The notions of MODIMO are impersonal whilst those of the Christian God are personal. The monotheistic notions of the Christian God are Hellenized (p'Bitek 1970). The task of this thesis is to de-Hellenize the notions of MODIMO. The Sotho Traditional Religion attributes of deities emphasize their nature and the pragmatism more than their natural and moral attributes. The notions of the Christian God, on the other hand, are conceived through their moral and natural attributes. In addition, the conceptual content of the attributes of the Christian and Sotho Traditional Religion concepts of deities differ. This investigation seeks to present the Sotho concepts of MODIMO as Basotho would express them, to unearth the Sotho concepts of MODIMO and to present them with the concern and the consciousness of the syncretistic fusion (Kgatla 1992) that has inevitably happened due to contact with missionary Christianity and western culture. One feature of this contact was coercion and domination, as missionary-colonizers imposed their Hellenized concepts of the Christian God, as well as imposing the British capitalist mode of production on the African agrarian and pastoral communities in South Africa. The notion of the cultural superiority of western European culture, in which the missionaries and colonizers were immersed, blinded them. This was because of the 'world' from which they came from. Unfortunately, the Christian God they preached to Africans was a strange deity that had no consideration for African people as 'full' humans. The African concepts of MODIMO have been resilient and it is possible to unearth them.<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2002.

In transmitting the Gospel, Western missionaries passed on their portrayal of Christ as a European. Conversion to Christianity was aimed more at promoting Western cultural, moral and spiritual issues. Western culture has thus been an obstacle or hindrance to effective cross-cultural communication of the Christian message. Batswana believers are challenged to peel the Western cultural layers off Christianity, in order to reclaim Christ. Batswana Christians will have to dress Christianity in the Tswana cultural heritage if it is to be of any lasting significance to them. Christian spirituality is centred on Jesus Christ, in the worldview of all Christians. Jesus joins faith and culture together. If Christianity is truly universal, then every culture should surrender to Jesus Christ and not to any other culture. Jesus’ question “who do you say that I am?” (Mk 8: 29), challenges Batswana Christians to write their own fifth Gospel.<br>Christian Spirituality Church History & Missiology<br>Thesis (M. Th. (Christian Spirituality))

Text in German, summaries in English and German<br>This dissertation is a missiological research on reports of first and second generation missionaries from the Hermannsburg mission society in Germany. The missionaries worked for their lifetime among the Batswana. An important point in the first chapter is the attempt to clarify the theological foundation for the understandung of inculturation, from which my conception later arose. The second chapter deals with the founders of the Hermannsburg missionary society and describes the spiritual background of the missionaries. The following three chapters cover the work of the missionaries, in each case father and son at Dinokana, Bethanie and Phokeng chronologically from 1857 - 1940. Special attention is given to their socio-cultural expierences and traditional-religious knowledge. The last chapter evaluates the work of the missionaries and takes into account the present missiological debate on mission. Here again it becomes clear what I mean by Inculturation.<br>Die vorliegende Arbeit ist eine missionsgeschichtliche und -theologische Untersuchung uber die ersten beiden Generationen Hermannsburger Missionare unter den Batswana in Transvaal. Im ersten Kapitel stelle ich verschiedene Konzepte zum Verstandnis von lnkulturation vor, aus denen ich Anstosse fur meine eigene Konzeption gewonnen habe. Das zweite Kapitel beschreibt die spirituelle Herkunft der Missionare und ihre theologische Pragung. In den folgenden drei Kapiteln untersuche ich die Arbeit der Missionare, jeweils Vater und Sohn, auf ihren Stationen Dinokana, Bethanie und Phokeng von 1857 - 1940 in chronologischer Reihenfolge. Ein besonderer Schwerpunkt liegt dabei auf den sozio-kulturellen Erfahrungen und traditionell-religiosen Erkenntnissen dieser Missionare. Das letzte Kapitel enthalt eine Bewertung der Missionsarbeit und beleuchtet sie auf den Hintergrund der gegenwartigen missionstheologischen Diskussion. Besonder in diesem Kapitel wird noch einmal deutlich wie ich Inkulturation verstanden habe.<br>Missiology<br>D.Th. (Missiology)

This chapter discusses how Ubuntu is manifested through democracy within the Tswana traditional society. It contends that democracy in the Tswana traditional society was not a new concept. From time immemorial, Batswana have practiced a unique form of democracy that was based on the Tswana cultures. This hybrid form of democracy though different from liberal democracy as understood today has served the Batswana over the years. The kgotla as a community forum continues to be the focal point for exemplifying the relationship between democracy and Ubuntu. It further suggests that the way democracy is taught in schools should be aligned to how it is practiced in the society.