Journal articles: 'Tudor London'

1

Robertson, James, and Norman Lloyd Williams. "Tudor London Visited." Sixteenth Century Journal 24, no. 2 (1993): 480. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2541985.

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BAILLIE, HUGH. "Ministrels in Tudor London." Early Music XXVI, no. 2 (May 1998): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/earlyj/xxvi.2.374.

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Jones, Mike Rodman. "‘O London, London’: Mid-Tudor Literature and the City." Review of English Studies 68, no. 287 (April 11, 2017): 883–901. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgx018.

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Ward, Joseph P., Ann Saunders, and John Schofield. "Tudor London: A Map and a View." Sixteenth Century Journal 33, no. 4 (2002): 1159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4144177.

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5

Milsom, John. "Songs and society in early Tudor London." Early Music History 16 (October 1997): 235–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026112790000173x.

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Looking back over the past half century of research into the music of early Tudor England, it is clear that interest has been focussed principally upon sites of wealth, privilege and power. Dominating the arena are courts and household chapels, cathedrals and colleges, and the men and women who headed them. Perhaps that focus has been inevitable, since by their very nature wealthy and powerful institutions have the means to leave behind them rich deposits of evidence: not only high-art music, itself often notated in fine books, but also detailed records of expenditure, of the contractual duties carried out by or expected of musicians, and of valuable assets such as books and musical instruments. Moreover, where magnificence is on show there will often be eyewitness accounts to report on what has been seen and heard. All of those forms of evidence survive in quantity from early Tudor England, and it is hard not to be drawn to them.

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Storey, R. L. "Ordinations of Secular Priests in Early Tudor London." Nottingham Medieval Studies 33 (January 1989): 122–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.nms.3.174.

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7

Stewart, A. "LENA COWEN ORLIN. Locating Privacy in Tudor London." Review of English Studies 61, no. 248 (October 21, 2009): 132–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgp078.

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Harvey, Karen. "Locating Privacy in Tudor London. By Lena Cowen Orlin." Cultural and Social History 7, no. 3 (September 2010): 399–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/147800410x12714191853463.

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9

OLDLAND, JOHN. "The allocation of merchant capital in early Tudor London." Economic History Review 63, no. 4 (February 11, 2010): 1058–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2009.00516.x.

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10

Oldland, John. "The Wealth of the Trades in Early Tudor London." London Journal 31, no. 2 (November 2006): 127–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174963206x113142.

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11

Beer, Barrett L. "Episcopacy and Reform in Mid-Tudor England." Albion 23, no. 2 (1991): 231–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050604.

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In Tudor Prelates and Politics, Lacey Baldwin Smith wrote sympathetically of the dilemma faced by the conservative bishops who saw control over the Church of England slip from their grasp after the accession of Edward VI in 1547, but he gave less attention to the reforming bishops who worked to advance the Protestant cause. At the beginning of the new reign the episcopal bench, according to Smith's calculations, included twelve conservatives, seven reformers, and seven whose religious orientation could not be determined (see Table 1). The ranks of the conservatives were thinned as a consequence of the deprivation of Stephen Gardiner of Winchester, Edmund Bonner of London, Nicholas Heath of Worcester, George Day of Chichester, and Cuthbert Tunstall of Durham. On the other hand, eight new bishops were appointed between 1547 and 1553. These new men together with the Henrician reformers, of whom Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, was most important, had responsibility for leading the church during the period which saw the most extensive changes of the Reformation era. This essay examines the careers of the newly-appointed reforming bishops and attempts to assess their achievements and failures as they worked to create a reformed church in England.The first of the eight new bishops appointed during the reign of Edward VI was Nicholas Ridley, who was named Bishop of Rochester in 1547 and translated to London in 1550. In 1548 Robert Ferrar became Bishop of St. David's in Wales. No new episcopal appointments occurred in 1549, but during the following year John Ponet succeeded Ridley at Rochester while John Hooper took the see of Gloucester.

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12

McIntosh, Marjorie K. "Money Lending on the Periphery of London, 1300–1600." Albion 20, no. 4 (1988): 557–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050197.

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Money lending was an essential part of the local and regional economies of England during the later medieval and Tudor periods. Cash was required for purchases of goods, animals, or land, payment of rents and taxes, and the wages of hired workers. People who lacked money to cover these expenses between 1300 and 1600 commonly resorted to borrowing. Borrowing thus might be undertaken for purposes of either consumption or investment. Further, during much of the later medieval period and occasionally during the Tudor years specie was in short supply. Even a man of some wealth might find himself without sufficient currency on hand to cover his immediate needs. In nearly all cases late medieval and Tudor loans were for short terms, for periods ranging from a few weeks to six months. Interest was normally charged on local loans, although the amount was concealed due to the Church's prohibition of usury.Money lending was particularly important within commercialized areas—the major cities and their economic hinterlands. The region lying within a radius of about twenty miles from London formed one of the most thoroughly commercialized parts of the country. By the fourteenth century people living on the periphery of the capital were deeply involved in furnishing consumer goods to London. Agriculture among middling and larger tenants focused upon market sale; craftsmen sometimes sold to citizens as well as to their own neighbors. Late medieval London was surrounded by a ring of at least thirty-two market towns located within twenty miles of the capital. These markets served to channel grain, animals, fuel, and craft items into the city while also functioning as centers of trade for their own areas. In the market communities around London the extent of trade was unusually large and the economic sophistication of local people unusually high. Cash was the medium of accounting for all transactions and the medium of exchange for the great majority of them. It is not surprising that money lending played an especially significant role in this area.

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13

Vine, Emily. "A Map of Tudor London: England’s Capital City in 1520." London Journal 44, no. 1 (October 8, 2018): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03058034.2018.1527105.

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14

Wellesley, Mary. "A Tudor Inscription in London, British Library Harley MS 629." Notes and Queries 63, no. 3 (July 14, 2016): 376–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjw149.

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15

Popper, Nicholas. "The English Polydaedali: How Gabriel Harvey Read Late Tudor London." Journal of the History of Ideas 66, no. 3 (2005): 351–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jhi.2005.0046.

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16

NEVALAINEN, TERTTU. "Social networks and language change in Tudor and Stuart London – only connect?" English Language and Linguistics 19, no. 2 (July 2015): 269–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s136067431500009x.

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Place is an integral part of social network analysis, which reconstructs network structures and documents the network members’ linguistic practices in a community. Historical network analysis presents particular challenges in both respects. This article first discusses the kinds of data, official documents, personal letters and diaries that historians have used in reconstructing social networks and communities. These analyses could be enriched by including linguistic data and, vice versa, historical sociolinguistic findings may often be interpreted in terms of social networks.Focusing on Early Modern London, I present two case studies, the first one investigating a sixteenth-century merchant family exchange network and the second discussing the seventeenth-century naval administrator Samuel Pepys, whose role as a community broker between the City and Westminster is assessed in linguistic terms. My results show how identifying the leaders and laggers of linguistic change can add to our understanding of the varied ways in which linguistic innovations spread to and from Tudor and Stuart London both within and across social networks.

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17

Marshall, Peter. "Judgement and Repentance in Tudor Manchester: The Celestial Journey of Ellis Hall." Studies in Church History 40 (2004): 128–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002825.

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Among the diversions for Londoners in the early summer of 1562 was the sight of a man confined in the pillory at Cheapside, bizarrely dressed in grey animal skins, and accompanied with the caption: ‘For seducinge the people by publyshynge ffallce Revelations’. Ellis Hall had come to London from his home in Manchester with the intention of presenting to the Queen a ‘greate booke’ containing secret revelations written in verse. He went to the palace at Greenwich, but was denied his interview with Elizabeth. Instead, Hall was interrogated by the bishop of London, Edmund Grindal, on 12 June, and castigated in a sermon by the bishop of Durham, James Pilkington, two days later. On 18 June he was questioned by five members of the Privy Council, and on 26 June, after his spell in the pillory, he was sent on Grindal’s orders to Bridewell, where he died three years later.

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18

Spillane, Harry. "Five Parishes in Late Medieval and Tudor London: Communities and Reform." Reformation & Renaissance Review 22, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 256–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14622459.2020.1843766.

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19

Wortham, Simon. "Sovereign Counterfeits: The Trial of the Pyx." Renaissance Quarterly 49, no. 2 (1996): 334–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863161.

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On 9 May 1611 James I broke with a royal custom that had been established for more than a century of Tudor rule. He attended the trial of the pyx at the Royal Mint in the city of London. This yearly ceremony was for the formal testing of sovereign moneys. It was designed to ensure that the manufacture of various denominations conformed to current standards set by the crown. While his Tudor predecessors had allowed previous trials to continue unattended by majesty, James's presence at the pyx in 1611 provided the occasion for a striking display of royal power.

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20

Chernova, Larisa N. "Charity in London under the Tudors: Gender Perspective." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 20, no. 3 (2020): 344–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2020-20-3-344-352.

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The article examines a charity in London at the end of the 15th–16th Centuries based on the material of the wills of merchants and artisans and their widows. The directions of the citizens‘s charity are identified: Church, social, cultural and educational, and specific forms of their manifestation are characterized from a gender perspective. The author shows that deep social changes and Reformation processes in Tudor England also caused serious transformations of spiritual, religious and moral values of people of that time, which was reflected in the charitable activities of Londoners.

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Carey, Hilary M. "Henry VII’s Book of Astrology and the Tudor Renaissance*." Renaissance Quarterly 65, no. 3 (2012): 661–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/668299.

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AbstractThis essay considers the place of astrology at the early Tudor court through an analysis of British Library MS Arundel 66, a manuscript compiled for the use of Henry VII (r. 1485–1509) in the 1490s. It argues that an illustration on fol. 201 depicts King Henry being presented with prognostications by his astrologer, William Parron, with the support of Louis, Duke of Orleans, later King Louis XII of France (r. 1498–1515). It considers the activities of three Tudor astrologer courtiers, William Parron, Lewis of Caerleon, and Richard Fitzjames, who may have commissioned the manuscript, as well as the Fitzjames Zodiac Arch at Merton College, Oxford (1497) and the London Pageants of 1501. It concludes that Arundel 66 reflects the strategic cultural investment in astrology and English prophecy made by the Tudor regime at the time of the marriage negotiations and wedding of Arthur, Prince of Wales and Katherine of Aragon, descendant of Alfonso X, the most illustrious medieval patron of the science of the stars.

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22

Hickerson, Megan. "Negotiating Heresy in Tudor England: Anne Askew and the Bishop of London." Journal of British Studies 46, no. 4 (October 2007): 774–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/520259.

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23

Paul Smith, Terence, Bruce Watson, Claire Martin, and David Williams. "Suffolk Place, Southwark, London: a Tudor palace and its terracotta architectural decoration." Post-Medieval Archaeology 48, no. 1 (June 2014): 90–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0079423614z.00000000049.

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24

Archer, Ian. "The London Lobbies in the Later Sixteenth Century." Historical Journal 31, no. 1 (March 1988): 17–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00011973.

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Historians of Tudor government have tended to write about the relationship between rulers and ruled in terms of the ability of central government to impose on the localities things which they did not want, in particular the Reformation and taxes to fight wars. Students of the localities have written in terms of the local obstructions in the way of the enforcement of central directives. Students of parliament have examined that institution in terms of its power to block government initiatives. Students of the institutions of central government have explored their subject in terms of the degree of ‘bureaucratic’ development exhibited by these institutions, in other words, how well suited they were to the task of efficient government. But there is another aspect to the functioning of Tudor government, and that is the ways in which subjects could secure their own objectives by use of its machinery. Recent research has begun to provide some insight into this neglected topic. It is axiomatic to revisionist writing on parliament that parliament was, primarily concerned with legislation, and that legislation was as much a matter for localities and interest groups as it was for the crown. Diarmaid MacCulloch and Stephen Kershaw have pointed to the ways in which local communities turned to the central courts, and even the privy council, for support against aggressive landlordism. The accessibility of parliament, the council and the law courts, it may be argued, was a major factor behind the stability of English society in this period, offering a variety of fora within which redress of grievances might be pursued.

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25

Bryan, John. "Extended Play: Reflections of Heinrich Isaac's Music in Early Tudor England." Journal of Musicology 28, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 118–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2011.28.1.118.

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The so-called Henry VIII's Book (London, British Library Add. MS 31922) contains two textless pieces by Isaac—his three-part Benedictus and the four-part La my—together with a number of other Franco-Flemish “songs without words” typical of the contents of manuscripts copied for the North Italian courts where the earliest viol consorts were being developed in the 1490s and early 1500s. Alongside these pieces are works by native English composers, including William Cornyshe, whose extended three-part Fa la sol has a number of stylistic traits in common with some works by Isaac (for example, his three-part Der Hundt) and Alexander Agricola (his three-part Cecus non judicat de coloribus) that were also transmitted in textless format. The fact that these latter two pieces were published in Hieronymus Formschneider's Trium vocum carmina (Nuremberg, 1538) while Cornyshe's Fa la sol was published in XX Songes (London, 1530) shows that this type of repertoire was still prized several years after the composers' deaths. Analysis of musical connections between the work of Isaac and Cornyshe, as evident in pieces such as those from Henry VIII's Book—in particular, techniques employed by the composers to extend the structures of their “songs without words”—sheds fresh light on the reception in England of Isaac's music and that of his continental contemporary Agricola. Relevant considerations include the context in which these pieces were anthologized together and the introduction into England of viols similar to those Isaac may have known in Ferrara in 1502, when La my was composed. Such pieces are representative of a typical courtly repertoire that developed into the riches of the later Tudor instrumental consort music.

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Kreps, Barbara. "Elizabeth Pickering: The First Woman to Print Law Books in England and Relations Within the Community of Tudor London's Printers and Lawyers." Renaissance Quarterly 56, no. 4 (2003): 1053–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1261979.

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AbstractElizabeth Pickering took over Robert Redman's press when he died in 1540, thus becoming the first woman known to print books in England. Her books tell us simply that she was Redman's widow. Wills and other legal documents in the London archives permit us to know much more. The documents examined here illuminate aspects of her personal life, but also reveal connections between a group of law-printers and lawyers that appear to have influenced the printing of law books in Tudor London. The first part of the essay traces this microhistory of family and community relations. The second half examines the books Elizabeth Pickering published.

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27

Dickens, A. G. "The Battle of Finsbury Field and Its Wider Context." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 8 (1991): 271–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001691.

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On 4 March 1554 some hundreds of London schoolboys fought a mock battle on Finsbury Field outside the northern wall of the city. Boys have always gratified their innate romanticism by playing at war, yet this incident, organized between several schools, was overtly political and implicitly religious in character. It almost resulted in tragedy, and, though scarcely noticed by historians, it does not fail to throw Ught upon London society and opinion during a major crisis of Tudor history. The present essay aims to discuss the factual evidence and its sources; thereafter to clarify the broader context and significance of the affair by briefer reference to a few comparable events which marked the Reformation struggle elsewhere. The London battle relates closely to two events in the reign of Mary Tudor: her marriage with Philip of Spain and the dangerous Kentish rebellion led by the younger Sir Thomas Wyatt. The latter’s objectives were to seize the government, prevent the marriage, and, in all probability, to place the Princess Elizabeth on the throne as the figurehead of a Protestant regime in Church and State. While Wyatt himself showed few signs of evangelical piety, the notion of a merely political revolt can no longer be maintained. Professor Malcolm R. Thorp has recendy examined in detail the lives of all the numerous known leaders, and has proved that in almost every case they display clear records of Protestant conviction. It is, moreover, common knowledge that Kent, with its exceptionally large Protestant population, provided at this moment the best possible recruiting-area in England for an attack upon the Catholic government. Though the London militia treasonably went over to Wyatt, the magnates with their retinues and associates rallied around the legal sovereign. Denied boats and bridges near the capital, Wyatt finally crossed the Thames at Kingston, but then failed to enter London from the west. By 8 February 1554 his movement had collapsed, though his execution did not occur until 11 April.

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Wolf, D. R., and R. G. Lang. "Two Tudor Subsidy Assessment Rolls for the City of London: 1541 and 1582." American Journal of Legal History 39, no. 2 (April 1995): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/845914.

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Battley, Susan L., and R. G. Lang. "Two Tudor Subsidy Assessment Rolls for the City of London: 1541 and 1582." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 27, no. 1 (1995): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052686.

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30

Shell, Alison. "The writing on the wall? John Ingram’s verse and the dissemination of Catholic prison writing." British Catholic History 33, no. 1 (March 31, 2016): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2016.5.

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The strong association between prison writing and writing on walls, whether by graffiti or carving, is as true of Tudor and Stuart England as of other times and places. Yet even if prison-writers associated themselves with the idea of writing on a wall, they need not have done so in reality. This article considers the topos in the writings and afterlife of the Catholic priest, poet and martyr John Ingram, and asks whether it is to be taken at face value.Ingram’s verse, composed in Latin and mostly epigrammatic, survives in two contemporary manuscripts. The notion that the author carved his verses with a blunt knife on the walls of the Tower of London while awaiting death derives from a previous editorial interpretation of a prefatory sentence within the more authoritative manuscript of the two, traditionally held to be autograph. However, though several Tudor and Stuart inscriptions survive to this day on the walls of the Tower of London, no portions of Ingram’s verse are among them, nor any inscriptions of similar length and complexity. Ingram might instead have written his verse down in the usual way, using wall-carving as a metaphor for the difficulty of writing verse when undergoing incarceration and torture.1

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31

Thornton, Dora, and Michael Cowell. "The ‘Armada Service’: a Set of Late Tudor Dining Silver." Antiquaries Journal 76 (March 1996): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500047454.

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Discovered in a potato barn in a small Devonshire village in 1827 (fig. I), the ‘Armada Service’ is one of the most important groups of English silver to have been found in England. It consists of a set of twenty-six parcel-gilt dishes, engraved with the arms of Sir Christopher Harris of Radford, Devon (c. 1553–1625), and those of his wife, Mary Sydenham (fig. 2). The dishes form part of the dining silver accumulated by Sir Christopher between 1581 and 1602, whenever cash or metal was available to be converted by London goldsmiths into this recognized, tangible evidence of wealth and social status. The ‘Armada Service’ is the unique survival of a type of utilitarian plate which is listed in the inventories of the gentry and aristocracy of the late Tudor and early Stuart periods. Undecorated plate of this sort would have been particularly vulnerable in times of financial need, since its bullion value far outweighed its decorative appeal.

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Palmer, William. "Toward a New Moral Understanding of the Tudor Conquest of Ireland." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 45, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2019.450301.

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The English conquest of Ireland during the sixteenth century was accompanied by extreme violence. Historians remain divided on the motivations behind this violence. This article argues that the English violence in Ireland may be attributed to four main factors: the fear of foreign Catholic intervention through Ireland; the methods by which Irish rebels chose to fight; decisions made by English officials in London to not fund English forces in Ireland at a reasonable level while demanding that English officials in Ireland keep Ireland under control; and the creation of a system by which many of those who made the plans never had to see the suffering they inflicted. The troops who carried out the plans had to choose between their own survival and moral behaviors that placed their survival at risk.

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Beer, Barrett L. "John Stow and Tudor Rebellions, 1549–1569." Journal of British Studies 27, no. 4 (October 1988): 352–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385918.

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In recent years, historians have brought into sharper focus the role of rebellion in the political, social, and religious life of sixteenth-century England. Indeed, the Tudor dynasty established itself on the throne in 1485 as a result of a successful baronial rebellion, and each succeeding generation experienced a major rebellion as well as numerous lesser stirs and riots. Until the revival of interest in Tudor rebellions, the majority of historians preferred to portray the century as an era of law and order in which a strong but popular monarchy ruled over grateful and largely obedient subjects. Although contemporaries living in the sixteenth century knew of rebellion and popular disorder, often through direct personal experience, the government quite understandably opposed anything resembling impartial and disinterested study of the rebellions. Government propagandists denounced rebellion vigorously in royal proclamations and manifestos, while the clergy echoed similar themes from the pulpit. Of the two histories of rebellion published during the sixteenth century, the first, John Proctor's history of Wyatt's Rebellion, was unadulterated government propaganda, and the other, Alexander Neville's history of Kett's Rebellion, was a polemic written in Latin to guarantee a select readership. Without specialized books on rebellions, the literate public had one primary source of historical information, the general chronicles that appeared with greater frequency and variety as the century progressed.Although best known for hisSurvey of London, John Stow was the most prolific chronicler of the sixteenth century. Beginning with the brief octavoA Summary of English Chronicles, which appeared in 1565, Stow published no fewer than twenty-one editions and issues of chronicles in three different formats, the octavoSummary, a sextodecimo abridgment of theSummary, and the more substantialChroniclesandAnnales of Englandin quarto.

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Milsom, John. "Caustun's Contrafacta." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 132, no. 1 (2007): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrma/fkl015.

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The received view of the Tudor composer Thomas Caustun is of a minor and relatively uninteresting figure. That view is adjusted, however, by the discovery among his works of contrafacta of music by Nicolas Gombert, Philippe van Wilder, Rogier Pathie and Sebastiano Festa. This article considers the reasons why Caustun made these adaptations, and why they they were published under his name, rather than those of their true composers, in John Day's anthology of Protestant church music, Mornyng and Evenyng Prayer and Communion (London, 1565).

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35

Jenner, Mark S. R. "R.G. Lang (ed.), Two Tudor Subsidy Assessment Rolls for the City of London. London: London Record Society, 1993. lxxvii + 425pp. £12.00 to members, £20.00 to non-members." Urban History 22, no. 3 (December 1995): 406–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096392680001676x.

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Moody, Ivan. "David Wulstan: Tudor Music. Dent, London, 1985. 378 pp. ISBN 0 460 04412 5. £20.00." Journal of the Plainsong and Mediaeval Music Society 11 (January 1988): 54–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143491800001215.

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37

Deiter, Kristen. "Building Opposition at the Early Tudor Tower of London: Thomas More’s Dialogue of Comfort." Renaissance and Reformation 38, no. 1 (June 13, 2015): 27–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v38i1.22781.

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Medieval and early modern English monarchs constructed the Tower of London’s iconography to symbolize royal power, creating a self-promoting royal ideology of the Tower. However, the Tower’s cultural significance turned sharply when Thomas More wrote A Dialogue of Comfort against Tribulation (1534) as a Tower prisoner, laying the foundation for an early modern tradition of literary and cultural representations of the Tower as oppositional to the Crown. In the Dialogue, through four progressive transgressions against Henry VIII, More defies the royal ideology of the Tower and refashions the Tower itself as a symbol of resistance to royal tyranny. Les monarques anglais du Moyen Âge et de la Renaissance ont représenté la Tour de Londres comme un symbole du pouvoir royal, mettant ainsi en place une idéologie de la Tour promouvant la royauté. Toutefois, la signification culturelle de la Tour a subi un retournement rapide lorsque Thomas More a écrit A Dialogue of Comfort against Tribulation (1534), alors prisonnier à la Tour ; l’ouvrage a en effet posé les fondations d’une tradition littéraire et culturelle présentant la Tour comme un lieu d’opposition à la couronne. Dans le Dialogue, à travers quatre étapes progressives de contestations à l’égard d’Henri VIII, More remet en question l’idéologie royale de la Tour, et la redéfinit comme un symbole de résistance à la tyrannie royale.

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Kisby, Fiona. "Royal minstrels in the city and suburbs of early Tudor London: professional activities and private interests." Early Music XXV, no. 2 (May 1997): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/earlyj/xxv.2.199.

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Jack, Sybil M. "Public Theater in Golden Age Madrid and Tudor-Stuart London: Class, Gender and Festive Community (review)." Parergon 24, no. 1 (2007): 186–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2007.0042.

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Kisby, F. "Royal minstrels in the city and suburbs of early Tudor London: professional activities and private interests." Early Music 25, no. 2 (May 1, 1997): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/25.2.199.

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Schofield, John. "LONDON’S WATERFRONT 1100–1666: SUMMARY OF THE FINDINGS FROM FOUR EXCAVATIONS THAT TOOK PLACE FROM 1974 TO 1984." Antiquaries Journal 99 (September 2019): 63–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581519000131.

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The area around the north end of the medieval London Bridge in the City of London has attracted much archaeological attention. This article summarises the main findings for the period 1100–1666 from four excavations, recently published. In doing so, it explores a number of key issues: the main characteristics of this waterfront area in the medieval and Tudor periods; the sources of the pottery and artefacts incorporated into reclamation units, and any significance in their locations behind waterfront revetments or on the foreshore; what the medieval and post-medieval artefacts say about culture, fashion and religious beliefs; the functions of the buildings and open areas, and to what extent these can be linked to owners or occupiers specified in the documentary record; and how the port of London fits within its European trading network. The article also examines if and to what extent the area south of Thames Street was an industrial suburb of the medieval City. Here also lay the parish church of St Botolph Billingsgate, destroyed in the Great Fire of 1666 and not rebuilt, many details of which can be reconstructed from archaeology and rich documentary evidence. Sixty-nine human burials in the church include one of a man in his sixties who may be John Reynewell, mayor of London in 1426–7. The several thousand artefacts and several hundred kilos of English and foreign pottery (the latter now analysed into over 100 separate wares) from the four sites in the study deserve further research by scholars, who can use this article as a stepping stone into the archive held at the Museum of London.

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Greaves, Richard L. "Revolutionary Ideology in Stuart England: The Essays of Christopher Hill." Church History 56, no. 1 (March 1987): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3165306.

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With the possible exception of Sir Geoffrey Elton and Lawrence Stone, no present historian of Tudor and Stuart England has been more prolific or controversial than Christopher Hill, the former master of Balliol College, Oxford. The twenty-nine articles, lectures, and book reviews included in the first two volumes of his Collected Essays deal with many of the themes developed in his more recent books, beginning with The World Turned Upside Down: Radical Ideas During the English Revolution (London, 1972). Although two of the pieces appeared as early as the 1950s, Hill has revised the essays for this collection, so that the total corpus reflects his mature judgment.

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Peats, Richard. "Forty Hall, Enfield: Continuity and Innovation in a Carolean Gentry House." Architectural History 51 (2008): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x00003014.

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Forty Hall, built in 1629 for Nicholas Rainton (1569–1646), is one of a group of Jacobean and Carolean suburban villas around London. This type of house has its antecedents in medieval secret houses and Tudor lodges, and was influenced by Italian Renaissance models. It provided a convenient escape from the bustle and squalor of the City, whilst being close enough to stay in touch with business or court, and so was popular with aristocrats and merchants alike.Rainton was one of the latter, a wealthy London merchant who imported fine textiles, principally satin and taffeta, from Florence and Genoa. He took an active part in the corporate and political life of the City, including serving as Alderman of Aldgate Ward from 1621, Sheriff of the Ward in 1622 and Lord Mayor in 1632–33. He was also master of the Haberdashers’ Company in 1622–23 and 1632–33. His religious sympathies were firmly Puritan, and he consistently sided with Parliament in its disputes with the Crown in events leading up to the Civil War.

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Philo, John-Mark. "Tudor Humanists, London Printers, and the Status of Women: The Struggle over Livy in theQuerelle des Femmes." Renaissance Quarterly 69, no. 1 (2016): 40–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/686326.

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AbstractThis essay discusses a novel contribution to the Renaissance debate over women. In 1551, William Thomas translated a brief but significant moment from Livy’sHistory of Romeconcerning the repeal of the Lex Oppia, a sumptuary law targeting women in particular. Thomas thereby adapted one of the most arresting examples of women’s engagement in Roman politics. The episode shows the women of Rome taking to the streets to demand the law’s repeal, forcing senators and tribunes alike to acknowledge their protest. By contextualizing Thomas’s translation amid Quattrocento debates over female apparel and contemporary, female-centric works printed by Thomas Berthelet, Thomas’s translation emerges as a clear though hitherto-unacknowledged intervention in the Englishquerelle des femmes.

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Madigan, Patrick. "The Temptation of Elizabeth Tudor. By Elizabeth Norton. Pp. 355, London, Head of Zeus Ltd., 2015, £20.00." Heythrop Journal 58, no. 3 (April 7, 2017): 474–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/heyj.12522.

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VanderMolen, Ronald J. "Religious Radicals in Tudor England. By J. W. Martin. London: Hambledon Press, 1989. xvi + 237 pp. $45.00." Church History 60, no. 3 (September 1991): 398–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167493.

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Challis, C. E. "Controlling the Standard: York and the London Company of Goldsmiths in Later-Tudor and Early-Stuart England." Northern History 31, no. 1 (January 1995): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/007817295790175372.

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Ward, Paul. "Beefeaters, British History and the Empire in Asia and Australasia since 1826." Britain and the World 5, no. 2 (September 2012): 240–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2012.0056.

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The Yeoman Warders at the Tower of London (colloquially known as ‘Beefeaters’) have been represented as a quintessential part of British history. Their distinctive Tudor costumes and their highly visible role at the Tower made them iconic symbols of Britishness. One would think that the Beefeater could only be seen in London yet the iconography of the Beefeater was widespread across the British Empire, including India, Hong Kong, Malaya, Australia and New Zealand. This essay explores the transmission of a symbol of Britishness, arguing that while the Beefeater was a global icon, it resonated most with those who desired a direct connection to Anglo-British history. The reception and consumption of the Beefeater differed substantially. In Australia and New Zealand, the Beefeater allowed ‘distant Britons’ to celebrate a nostalgic history shared with the old country, while elsewhere in the Empire and Commonwealth, the Beefeater was too historically obscure to hold resonance and often symbolised the commercialism associated with marketing alcohol. This essay explores the changing representations and meaning of the Beefeaters as an icon of Britishness across the rise and fall of the British Empire.

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Milward, Peter. "Mary Tudor: England's First Queen. By Anna Whitelock. Pp. 368, London, Bloomsbury, 2009, $0.50. Mary I: England's Catholic Queen. By John Edwards. Pp. xvii, 387, New Haven/London, Yale University Press, 2011, $22.08. Mary Tudor: Old and New Perspectives." Heythrop Journal 54, no. 3 (April 8, 2013): 489–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.2012.00790_41.x.

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Kiselev, Aleksandr. "The Visit of Envoy Osip Nepeya to England (1556–1557): Success or Failure of Russian Diplomacy?" Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2021): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.4.12.

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Introduction. The visit of the Russian envoy Osip Nepeya to London in 1556–1557 is usually considered as the beginning of the official relations between Russia and England. In the light of modern views about the sixteenth-century diplomacy, this event requires a more thorough research. Methods. The Nepeya’s trip was traditionally viewed as an insignificant episode in the context of general reviews of bilateral relations concentrated mainly on trade. The reasons and possibilities of the military and political rapprochement between England, Spain and Russia in the 1550s, which was the most likely goal of the Nepeya’s journey to England, have never been investigated. Therefore, this article is based on an analysis of numerous multilingual sources. Analysis. The author clarifies the Nepeya’s diplomatic rank and certain previously unknown details of the Muscovites’ stay in London. He analyzes Nepeya’s mission to England in the context of foreign affairs of Ivan IV, Mary Tudor and Philip II Habsburg. Results. It is concluded that the rulers of Spain and England could provide military support to Ivan IV, but they were not interested in military and political alliance with the Muscovy and the war against Turkey. However, establishing official equal relations between England and Russia at the highest level, as well as obtaining trade privileges for Russian merchants was the main result of Nepeya’s trip. This allows us to conclude that the first Russian diplomatic mission in London was successful.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Tudor London'

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