Journal articles on the topic 'Tuesdays with Morrie'

This study explores the embodiment of Elisabeth Kübler-Ross’s five stages of grief denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance—through the philosophical insights of Morrie Schwartz as depicted in Mitch Albom’s Tuesdays with Morrie. Emphasizing the transformative power of Morrie’s reflections on mortality, the research reveals an unconventional approach to grieving that centers on acceptance, compassion, and introspection. Departing from the conventional portrayal of grief as a tumultuous emotional journey, Morrie’s perspective reframes terminal illness as an opportunity for profound emotional clarity and growth. Utilizing a qualitative literary analysis, the study investigates the extent to which Morrie’s emotional trajectory aligns with or diverges from Kübler-Ross’s framework. The analysis finds that Morrie’s experience of grief unfolds in a fluid, contemplative fashion, offering a nuanced understanding of how inner wisdom can mitigate the psychological burden of impending death.

Educating college students about death and dying can be a difficult task when their experiences have been limited to trivial encounters through television and movies. The use of a book such as Tuesdays with Morrie (Albom, 1997) in a course on death and dying offers both college age traditional and older non-traditional students an opportunity to become acquainted with the dying process and to confront contemporary issues such as the September 11th tragedy in a non-threatening manner. This article describes the method in which this book has been incorporated into a death and dying course, a sampling of questions used with a class project and an overview of the adjustments made since its inception as a required reading.

This study questions the effect of geography on the identity of the main characters in Elizabeth Gilbert's Eat, Pray,Love and Mitch Albom's Tuesdays with Morrie. This study also sheds light on the psychogeographical awarenessregarding identity growth and maturity in the major characters due to geographical drives. It mainly appliesBachelard, Merlin, and Debord's Psychogeographical theories on both memoirs. It studies the effect of travelling tothree different countries on the identity formation of Liz. It also shows the effect of going to another city to visit thedying professor on Mitch. It also shows how New York which is the place the two characters live in, affects theiridentity formation process. It is indeed an important factor on the identity formation of both characters. It is one ofthe essential elements in the formation of identity. Individuals still may change while they are in the same place butthat does not decrease the importance of changing the place on one’s identity.

Inspired by Laudato Si ’, this article takes up the sustainably of human life in today’s world. Our basic assumption, which we borrow from Mitch Albom’s Tuesdays with Morrie is that if we know we are going to die, we would change our life­ style personally and collectively. Ordinarily we try to deny death or delay thinking about it. Instead, if we can look into the face of death directly and fearlessly, we are in a much better position to be in touch with our own true self. This makes personal and societal transformation possible and necessary. In the second part of the article looks into the rise and fall of civilisations, according to Arnold Toynbee, who inspires us to see the moral and spiritual basis of civilisation. Toynbee’s study also tells us that unlike individuals, society’s do not necessarily have to die. Keeping in mind that if we let our civilisation die, that may be the end of human life, we proceed to understand Laudato Si which fosters life in its totality.

The word ‘Carer’ is mostly associated with a woman and an image that pop up in one’s mind while reading its definition. It has been socially constructed that nurturing a child, nursing the sick and caring for the needy are all the responsibilities and works of women. Men rarely engage in such aforementioned activities. The gender role and tasks assigned to the gender are obstacles for the empowerment and development of women. The role of being a carer in a household consumes much time and is energy draining, physically, mentally and emotionally. Sacrifice, tolerance, responsibility and kindness are all the qualities that are mainly associated with the carer’s role. Texts like Diane Broeckhoven’s A Day with Mr. Julesand Mitch Albom’s Tuesdays with Morrie talk about this issue. The paper deals with the aspects in the gender role that act as hindrances in women’s pathway to success. The discussed texts bring in discourse about the division of labour and de-naturalizing the constructed gender roles in the society. The article presents the relationship among gender roles, caregiving and carer’s quality of life and it also brings to attention a different aspect of gender studies.

The title of this research is Values of Life in Mitch Albom’s Tuesday With Morrie. This research focuses on analyzing the types of values which are found in novel Tuesday With Morrie. This study aims to analyze the types of value of live on the novel Tuesday With Morrie and describe its implementation in human’s life. There are four methods of research used in this paper, they are: finding data resource, collecting and clasifying the data, analyzing the data, and the last is presenting the result of the analysis. All of the data used in the research are taken from Albom’s Tuesday With Morrie. The result of the analysis showed that in general there are two kinds of value found, they are entertainment value and educational value. Based on the educational value, there are three values found, such as society and civilizations value, moral – ethic – religion value, and practical value. The result of the study also showed that all of the all datacan be implemented in daily human’s life.

The research basically aims at identifying translation ideology in cultural term translation of novel Tuesday with Morrie: material culture written by (Albom, 1997), translated by (Widodo, 2009) into an Indonesian language text. Translation ideology classified into its ideology such as foreignization and domestication by (Venuti, 2004) and its techniques of translation theory composed by (Molina & Hurtado Albir, 2002). The research approach is a translation approach by using Newmark’s perspective. The findings show that there are 9 material cultures especially house goods and household surroundings on Tuesday with Morrie translated into an Indonesian language text. There are six techniques in the data, namely: adaptation, amplification, establish equivalent- amplification-adaptation, pure borrowings, establish equivalent, and equivalent description. The ideology of the translation in cultural term category material culture using in this novel is domestication and foreignization. Translation to TL (Bahasa) in this novel gives a shift in the cultural environment of cultural elements category material culture in Indonesia.

During the course of her summer's progress in 1575, Elizabeth I spent nineteen days at Kenilworth, the Earl of Leicester's Castle in Warwickshire, where she was presented with various entertainments—including plays, fireworks, bear-baitings, water-pageants, acrobatic performances, and dancing—at a cost of over a thousand pounds a day, as part of what has been called “unquestionably sixteenth-century England's grandest and most extravagant party.” Robert Langham, a minor court functionary who wrote an eyewitness account of the party, describes a “lyvely morisdauns” that was featured in this festive show of fealty to the queen. According to Langham, the morris performed for Elizabeth was danced “acording too the auncient manner” and featured “six daunserz, Mawdmarion, and the fool.” The dance was part of a bride-ale procession made up of “lusty lads and bolld bachelarz of the parish” arranged two by two in “marciall order,” who preceded sixteen horsemen and the bridegroom; after the horsemen came the morris dance, followed by three “prety puzels” carrying spicecakes and leading the bride (“ill smellyng” and “ugly fooul ill favord”), who was accompanied by “too auncient parishionerz, honest toounsmen” and a dozen bridesmaids. The procession marched to the castle in the great court in which a quintain had been set up for feats of arms; when these games were concluded, a performance of the traditional Hock Tuesday play from nearby Coventry was enacted. Though these festivities were staged outside her window, apparently the queen did not see much of them because, Langham tells us, “her highnes behollding in the chamber delectabl dauncing indeed: and heerwith the great throng and unruliness of the peopl, waz cauz that this solemnitee of Brydeale and dauncing had not the full muster waz hoped for” (11. 722–26). Elizabeth asked that the Hocktide play be performed again for her on the following Tuesday; Langham does not mention whether or not the morris dance was also repeated for the queen's pleasure.

The research was conducted to investigate the use of the three most common classifiers cái, con, người, and figure out the patterns of how to use them when English noun phrases are translated into Vietnamese. To do this, a corpus has been built from the two bestselling literary works The Great Gatsby and Tuesday with Morrie in the English version accompanied by the Vietnamese translated version. The data collected were analyzed in terms of counting numbers of occurrences, calculating percentages and frequency to conclude what classifier among the three is the most frequently used. The findings of this research can be summarized as follow: first, cái is a classifier for inanimate objects, whereas con and người are used with animate ones; however, there is one exception that emerges during the research, which is the classifier con followed by inanimate nouns. Second, from a typical structure of CL + N, formulae are given for the translation of each classifier in specific cases. Finally, double and triple classifiers are chronologically formed by these three classifiers with suggested formulae for Vietnamese translation. The findings aim to support Vietnamese learners using classifiers correctly when translating English noun phrases into Vietnamese noun phrases.

This research paper aims to explore the relationship between grief and happiness in Mitch Albom's renowned memoir, "Tuesdays with Morrie." The paper investigates the notion that grief, when approached with openness and introspection, can serve as a transformative tool leading to personal growth and the attainment of happiness. By examining the central characters, their experiences with grief, and the lessons imparted by Morrie Schwartz, the paper reveals the various ways in which grief contributes to the characters' pursuit of happiness. Additionally, it highlights the importance of acknowledging grief as a natural and necessary part of the human experience.

Using an adaptation and content analysis approach, this study examined the transformation of Mitch Albom's novel "Tuesdays with Morrie" into a film. The primary concern was how this adaptation effectively conveyed the message of life values. The adaptation approach was employed to explore disparities in narrative, characters, and themes when a novel is adapted into a film. The content analysis approach was utilized to identify and analyze the portrayal of life values in both mediums. The data collection involved a comprehensive examination of the novel and a screening of the film adaptation. Relevant elements, including dialogues, narratives, characters, and themes pertaining to life values, were identified and documented. Subsequently, content analysis was conducted to identify patterns, themes, and messages concerning life values. The findings revealed that the film adaptation reflected the life values in the novel similarly, despite alterations and simplifications in the story and characters.

Slang language is commonly used in American society in their daily life communication. However, teachers are still hesitant to teach slang in their speaking class, because slang language is assumed as impolite language. Most of the teachers don’t realize that even slang language can be used in polite conversation. This paper is intended to show some analysis on some conversations in the movie entitle ‘Tuesdays with Morrie’ which are assumed as the representation of social language for American. The focus of the analysis is the use of slang in polite conversations. The analysis will be based on the identification of a communicative event along with three dimensions called field, tenor, and mode. The significance of the study is to clarify teachers’ understanding toward slang language that can be assumed as a politeness, so the teachers will not hesitate to teach slang language to their students in speaking class. Furthermore, through this analysis, the students will know why, when, where, and how to use slang politely in their daily life conversation.

Introduction The recent AOL/Time-Warner merger invites us to re-think the relationships amongst content producers, distributors, and audiences. Worth an estimated $300 billion (US), the largest Internet transaction of all time, the deal is 45 times larger than the AOL/Netscape merger of November 1998 (Ledbetter). Additionally, the Time Warner/EMI merger, which followed hard on the heels of the AOL/Time-Warner deal and is itself worth $28 billion (US), created the largest content rights organisation in the music industry. The joining of the Internet giant (AOL) with what was already the world's largest media corporation (Time-Warner-EMI) has inspired some exuberant reactions. An Infoworld column proclaimed: The AOL/Time-Warner merger signals the demise of traditional media companies and the ascendancy of 'new economy' media companies that will force any industry hesitant to adopt a complete electronic-commerce strategy to rethink and put itself on Internet time. (Saap & Schwarrtz) This comment identifies the distribution channel as the dominant component of the "new economy" media. But this might not really be much of an innovation. Indeed, the assumption of all industry observers is that Time-Warner will provide broadband distribution (through its extensive cable holdings) as well as proprietary content for AOL. It is also expected that Time-Warner will adopt AOL's strategy of seeking sponsorship for development projects as well as for content. However, both of these phenomena -- merger and sponsorship -- are at least as old as radio. It seems that the Internet is merely repeating an old industrial strategy. Nonetheless, one important difference distinguishes the Internet from earlier media: its characterisation of the audience. Internet companies such as AOL and Microsoft tend towards a simple and simplistic media- centred view of the audience as market. I will show, however, that as the Internet assumes more of the traditional mass media functions, it will be forced to adopt a more sophisticated notion of the mass audience. Indeed, the Internet is currently the site in which audience definitions borrowed from broadcasting are encountering and merging with definitions borrowed from marketing. The Internet apparently lends itself to both models. As a result, definitions of what the Internet does or is, and of how we should understand the audience, are suitably confused and opaque. And the behaviour of big Internet players, such as AOL and MSN, perfectly reflects this confusion as they seem to careen between a view of the Internet as the new television and a contrasting view of the Internet as the new shopping mall. Meanwhile, Internet users move in ways that most observers fail to capture. For example, Baran and Davis characterise mass communication as a process involving (1) an organized sender, (2) engaged in the distribution of messages, (3) directed toward a large audience. They argue that broadcasting fits this model whereas a LISTSERV does not because, even though the LISTSERV may have very many subscribers, its content is filtered through a single person or Webmaster. But why is the Webmaster suddenly more determining than a network programmer or magazine editor? The distinction seems to grow out of the Internet's technological characteristics: it is an interactive pipeline, therefore its use necessarily excludes the possibility of "broadcasting" which in turn causes us to reject "traditional" notions of the audience. However, if a media organisation were to establish an AOL discussion group in order to promote Warner TV shows, for example, would not the resulting communication suddenly fall under the definition as set out by Baran and Davis? It was precisely the confusion around such definitions that caused the CRTC (Canada's broadcasting and telecommunications regulator) to hold hearings in 1999 to determine what kind of medium the Internet is. Unlike traditional broadcasting, Internet communication does indeed include the possibility of interactivity and niche communities. In this sense, it is closer to narrowcasting than to broadcasting even while maintaining the possibility of broadcasting. Hence, the nature of the audience using the Internet quickly becomes muddy. While such muddiness might have led us to sharpen our definitions of the audience, it seems instead to have led many to focus on the medium itself. For example, Morris & Ogan define the Internet as a mass medium because it addresses a mass audience mediated through technology (Morris & Ogan 39). They divide producers and audiences on the Internet into four groups: One-to-one asynchronous communication (e-mail); Many-to-many asynchronous communication (Usenet and News Groups); One-to-one, one-to-few, and one-to-many synchronous communication (topic groups, construction of an object, role-playing games, IRC chats, chat rooms); Asynchronous communication (searches, many-to-one, one-to-one, one to- many, source-receiver relations (Morris & Ogan 42-3) Thus, some Internet communication qualifies as mass communication while some does not. However, the focus remains firmly anchored on either the sender or the medium because the receiver --the audience -- is apparently too slippery to define. When definitions do address the content distributed over the Net, they make a distinction between passive reception and interactive participation. As the World Wide Web makes pre-packaged content the norm, the Internet increasingly resembles a traditional mass medium. Timothy Roscoe argues that the main focus of the World Wide Web is not the production of content (and, hence, the fulfilment of the Internet's democratic potential) but rather the presentation of already produced material: "the dominant activity in relation to the Web is not producing your own content but surfing for content" (Rosco 680). He concludes that if the emphasis is on viewing material, the Internet will become a medium similar to television. Within media studies, several models of the audience compete for dominance in the "new media" economy. Denis McQuail recalls how historically, the electronic media furthered the view of the audience as a "public". The audience was an aggregate of common interests. With broadcasting, the electronic audience was delocalised and socially decomposed (McQuail, Mass 212). According to McQuail, it was not a great step to move from understanding the audience as a dispersed "public" to thinking about the audience as itself a market, both for products and as a commodity to be sold to advertisers. McQuail defines this conception of the audience as an "aggregate of potential customers with a known social- economic profile at which a medium or message is directed" (McQuail, Mass 221). Oddly though, in light of the emancipatory claims made for the Internet, this is precisely the dominant view of the audience in the "new media economy". Media Audience as Market How does the marketing model characterise the relationship between audience and producer? According to McQuail, the marketing model links sender and receiver in a cash transaction between producer and consumer rather than in a communicative relationship between equal interlocutors. Such a model ignores the relationships amongst consumers. Indeed, neither the effectiveness of the communication nor the quality of the communicative experience matters. This model, explicitly calculating and implicitly manipulative, is characteristically a "view from the media" (McQuail, Audience 9). Some scholars, when discussing new media, no longer even refer to audiences. They speak of users or consumers (Pavick & Dennis). The logic of the marketing model lies in the changing revenue base for media industries. Advertising-supported media revenues have been dropping since the early 1990s while user-supported media such as cable, satellite, online services, and pay-per-view, have been steadily growing (Pavlik & Dennis 19). In the Internet-based media landscape, the audience is a revenue stream and a source of consumer information. As Bill Gates says, it is all about "eyeballs". In keeping with this view, AOL hopes to attract consumers with its "one-stop shopping and billing". And Internet providers such as MSN do not even consider their subscribers as "audiences". Instead, they work from a consumer model derived from the computer software industry: individuals make purchases without the seller providing content or thematising the likely use of the software. The analogy extends well beyond the transactional moment. The common practice of prototyping products and beta-testing software requires the participation of potential customers in the product development cycle not as a potential audience sharing meanings but as recalcitrant individuals able to uncover bugs. Hence, media companies like MTV now use the Internet as a source of sophisticated demographic research. Recently, MTV Asia established a Website as a marketing tool to collect preferences and audience profiles (Slater 50). The MTV audience is now part of the product development cycle. Another method for getting information involves the "cookie" file that automatically provides a Website with information about the user who logs on to a site (Pavick & Dennis). Simultaneously, though, both Microsoft and AOL have consciously shifted from user-subscription revenues to advertising in an effort to make online services more like television (Gomery; Darlin). For example, AOL has long tried to produce content through its own studios to generate sufficiently heavy traffic on its Internet service in order to garner profitable advertising fees (Young). However, AOL and Microsoft have had little success in providing content (Krantz; Manes). In fact, faced with the AOL/Time-Warner merger, Microsoft declared that it was in the software rather than the content business (Trott). In short, they are caught between a broadcasting model and a consumer model and their behaviour is characteristically erratic. Similarly, media companies such as Time-Warner have failed to establish their own portals. Indeed, Time-Warner even abandoned attempts to create large Websites to compete with other Internet services when it shut down its Pathfinder site (Egan). Instead it refocussed its Websites so as to blur the line between pitching products and covering them (Reid; Lyons). Since one strategy for gaining large audiences is the creation of portals - - large Websites that keep surfers within the confines of a single company's site by providing content -- this is the logic behind the AOL/Time-Warner merger though both companies have clearly been unsuccessful at precisely such attempts. AOL seems to hope that Time- Warner will act as its content specialist, providing the type of compelling material that will make users want to use AOL, whereas Time- Warner seems to hope that AOL will become its privileged pipeline to the hearts and minds of untold millions. Neither has a coherent view of the audience, how it behaves, or should behave. Consequently, their efforts have a distinctly "unmanaged" and slighly inexplicable air to them, as though everyone were simultaneously hopeful and clueless. While one might argue that the stage is set to capitalise on the audience as commodity, there are indications that the success of such an approach is far from guaranteed. First, the AOL/Time-Warner/EMI transaction, merely by existing, has sparked conflicts over proprietary rights. For example, the Recording Industry Association of America, representing Sony, Universal, BMG, Warner and EMI, recently launched a $6.8 billion lawsuit against MP3.com -- an AOL subsidiary -- for alleged copyright violations. Specifically, MP3.com is being sued for selling digitized music over the Internet without paying royalties to the record companies (Anderson). A similar lawsuit has recently been launched over the issue of re- broadcasting television programs over the Internet. The major US networks have joined together against Canadian Internet company iCravetv for the unlawful distribution of content. Both the iCravetv and the MP3.com cases show how dominant media players can marshal their forces to protect proprietary rights in both content and distribution. Since software and media industries have failed to recreate the Internet in the image of traditional broadcasting, the merger of the dominant players in each industry makes sense. However, their simultaneous failure to secure proprietary rights reflects both the competitive nature of the "new media economy" and the weakness of the marketing view of the audience. Media Audience as Public It is often said that communication produces social cohesion. From such cohesion communities emerge on which political or social orders can be constructed. The power of social cohesion and attachment to group symbols can even create a sense of belonging to a "people" or nation (Deutsch). Sociologist Daniel Bell described how the mass media helped create an American culture simply by addressing a large enough audience. He suggested that on the evening of 7 March 1955, when one out of every two Americans could see Mary Martin as Peter Pan on television, a kind of social revolution occurred and a new American public was born. "It was the first time in history that a single individual was seen and heard at the same time by such a broad public" (Bell, quoted in Mattelart 72). One could easily substitute the 1953 World Series or the birth of little Ricky on I Love Lucy. The desire to document such a process recurs with the Internet. Internet communities are based on the assumption that a common experience "creates" group cohesion (Rheingold; Jones). However, as a mass medium, the Internet has yet to find its originary moment, that event to which all could credibly point as the birth of something genuine and meaningful. A recent contender was the appearance of Paul McCartney at the refurbished Cavern Club in Liverpool. On Tuesday, 14 December 1999, McCartney played to a packed club of 300 fans, while another 150,000 watched on an outdoor screen nearby. MSN arranged to broadcast the concert live over the Internet. It advertised an anticipated global audience of 500 million. Unfortunately, there was such heavy Internet traffic that the system was unable to accommodate more than 3 million people. Servers in the United Kingdom were so congested that many could only watch the choppy video stream via an American link. The concert raises a number of questions about "virtual" events. We can draw several conclusions about measuring Internet audiences. While 3 million is a sizeable audience for a 20 minute transmission, by advertising a potential audience of 500 million, MSN showed remarkably poor judgment of its inherent appeal. The Internet is the first medium that allows access to unprocessed material or information about events to be delivered to an audience with neither the time constraints of broadcast media nor the space limitations of the traditional press. This is often cited as one of the characteristics that sets the Internet apart from other media. This feeds the idea of the Internet audience as a participatory, democratic public. For example, it is often claimed that the Internet can foster democratic participation by providing voters with uninterpreted information about candidates and issues (Selnow). However, as James Curran argues, the very process of distributing uninterrupted, unfiltered information, at least in the case of traditional mass media, represents an abdication of a central democratic function -- that of watchdog to power (Curran). In the end, publics are created and maintained through active and continuous participation on the part of communicators and audiences. The Internet holds together potentially conflicting communicative relationships within the same technological medium (Merrill & Ogan). Viewing the audience as co-participant in a communicative relationship makes more sense than simply focussing on the Internet audience as either an aggregate of consumers or a passively constructed symbolic public. Audience as Relationship Many scholars have shifted attention from the producer to the audience as an active participant in the communication process (Ang; McQuail, Audience). Virginia Nightingale goes further to describe the audience as part of a communicative relationship. Nightingale identifies four factors in the relationship between audiences and producers that emphasize their co-dependency. The audience and producer are engaged in a symbiotic relationship in which consumption and use are necessary but not sufficient explanations of audience relations. The notion of the audience invokes, at least potentially, a greater range of activities than simply use or consumption. Further, the audience actively, if not always consciously, enters relationships with content producers and the institutions that govern the creation, distribution and exhibition of content (Nightingale 149-50). Others have demonstrated how this relationship between audiences and producers is no longer the one-sided affair characterised by the marketing model or the model of the audience as public. A global culture is emerging based on critical viewing skills. Kavoori calls this a reflexive mode born of an increasing familiarity with the narrative conventions of news and an awareness of the institutional imperatives of media industries (Kavoori). Given the sophistication of the emergent global audience, a theory that reduces new media audiences to a set of consumer preferences or behaviours will inevitably prove inadequate, just as it has for understanding audience behavior in old media. Similarly, by ignoring those elements of audience behavior that will be easily transported to the Web, we run the risk of idealising the Internet as a medium that will create an illusory, pre-technological public. Conclusion There is an understandable confusion between the two models of the audience that appear in the examples above. The "new economy" will have to come to terms with sophisticated audiences. Contrary to IBM's claim that they want to "get to know all about you", Internet users do not seem particularly interested in becoming a perpetual source of market information. The fragmented, autonomous audience resists attempts to lock it into proprietary relationships. Internet hypesters talk about creating publics and argue that the Internet recreates the intimacy of community as a corrective to the atomisation and alienation characteristic of mass society. This faith in the power of a medium to create social cohesion recalls the view of the television audience as a public constructed by the common experience of watching an important event. However, MSN's McCartney concert indicates that creating a public from spectacle it is not a simple process. In fact, what the Internet media conglomerates seem to want more than anything is to create consumer bases. Audiences exist for pleasure and by the desire to be entertained. 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M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.1 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0003/mass.php>. Chicago style: Daniel M. Downes, "The Medium Vanishes? The Resurrection of the Mass Audience in the New Media Economy," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 1 (2000), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0003/mass.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Daniel M. Downes. (2000) The Medium Vanishes? The Resurrection of the Mass Audience in the New Media Economy. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(1). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0003/mass.php> ([your date of access]).