Relevant bibliographies by topics / Tunisia – Politics and government – 2011-

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Tunisia – Politics and government – 2011-'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023
Last updated: 31 July 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "Tunisia – Politics and government – 2011-"

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Abdel-Samad, Mounah. "Legislators’ Need for Civil Society Expertise: Tunisian Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Opportunity." Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no. 3 (2017): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2016-0027.

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AbstractThe primacy of the Tunisian revolution and the country’s successful democratic transition (Stepan 2012, “Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations.”Journal of Democracy23:89–103) make Tunisia an exemplar for analyzing legislators’ demand for advocacy by civil society organizations or CSOs. Several researchers (Cavatorta 2012, “Arab Spring: The Awakening of Civil Society. A General Overview.”http://www.iemed.org/observatori-es/arees-danalisi/arxius-adjunts/anuari/med.2012/Cavatorta_en.pdf, Benoit 2011, “The Counter-Power of Civil Society and the Emergence of a New Political Imaginar
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Arfaoui, Khedija, and Jane Tchaïcha. "GOVERNANCE, WOMEN, AND THE NEW TUNISIA." TERRORISM FROM THE VIEW OF MUSLIMS 8, no. 1 (2014): 135–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0801135a.

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This paper considers the important events and challenges as they per- tain to female governance in the “New Tunisia”, resulting in large part from the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) elections charged with writing a new constitution. The analysis focuses on the role women played in the election process, including women’s participation in the interim government (January 2011-November 9, 2011) and political parties. It continues with an in depth ex- amination of the debates and actions that emergedamong various factions during the first two years following the revolution, which has led to in
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Blagojević, Jelisaveta, and Marijan Premović. "The Political and Historical Identity of the North African Mediterranean Region: A Case Study: Tunisia." Transylvanian Review 31, no. 3 (2024): 117–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2022.3.07.

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The paper outlines the importance of historical identity in the Southern Mediterranean region through a case study of Tunisia. It explores Tunisia’s political development up until the fall of the Ben Ali regime in January 2011, and its influence on the post-Arab spring period of constitutionalism of the new democratic government system. The theoretical framework of this paper involves a strategic approach to transition, emphasizing the influence of the historical relationship between religion (Islam) and politics on the role of the Islamic party in transition. The influence of the historical r
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Heibach, Jens, and Tereza Jermanová. "Coalition Maintenance during Democratization: Comparative Insights from Tunisia and Yemen." Middle East Law and Governance 15, no. 3 (2023): 345–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-20231398.

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Abstract In light of the oft-cited benefits of power sharing, this paper compares two cases of coalition governments that emerged from domestically initiated transition processes in the Arab world: the Tunisian Troika (2011–2014) and the Yemeni Coalition Government (1993–1994). While the former facilitated Tunisia’s democratization, the latter’s disintegration contributed to the 1994 war and Yemen’s authoritarian backsliding. It asks why coalition cooperation endured in Tunisia but not in Yemen, exploring intra-elite relations, the power dynamics at play, as well as elites’ motivations in laun
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Kavanaugh, Andrea, Steven Sheetz, Hamida Skandrani, and Malek Sghaier. "Media use, information reliability and political efficacy in Tunisia, 2011–2019." Information Polity 26, no. 4 (2021): 521–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ip-210329.

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Information access and open communication – through in person and mediated information and communication technology – are critical to an informed citizenry in democratic societies. The 2011 Arab Spring uprising that originated in Tunisia and resulted in the overthrow of long-time Tunisian authoritarian president Ben Ali, established a new transitional government with more democratic institutions and more open press and political expression. In this paper, we explore changes over time (2011–2019) in the use by young, educated Tunisians of different political information sources, the perceived r
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Girod, Desha M., Megan A. Stewart, and Meir R. Walters. "Mass protests and the resource curse: The politics of demobilization in rentier autocracies." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 5 (2016): 503–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894216651826.

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Why are some dictators more successful at demobilizing protest movements than others? Repression sometimes stamps out protest movements (Bahrain in 2011) but can also cause a backlash (Egypt and Tunisia in 2011), leading to regime change. This article argues that the effectiveness of repression in quelling protests varies depending upon the income sources of authoritarian regimes. Oil-rich autocracies are well equipped to contend with domestic and international criticism, and this gives them a greater capacity to quell protests through force. Because oil-poor dictators lack such ability to dea
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Berman, Chantal. "When Revolutionary Coalitions Break Down: Polarization, Protest, and the Tunisian Political Crisis of August 2013." Middle East Law and Governance 11, no. 2 (2019): 136–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01102003.

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Revolutionary coalitions often break down in the aftermath of revolution, leading to the collapse of transitional governments. Fragmentation among revolutionary elites has been extensively theorized, but few works consider the origins and consequences of polarization among non-elite protesters in the revolutionary coalition. This paper examines the case of Tunisia to unpack how polarization among former revolutionaries may drive secondary waves of mobilization that imperil governing coalitions, even when elites are cooperating. Unique protest surveys of pro- and anti-government demonstrations
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Hanau Santini, Ruth, and Giulia Cimini. "Intended and Unintended Consequences of Security Assistance in Post-2011 Tunisia." Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, no. 1 (2019): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.121006.

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In Tunisia, the notion and understanding of security, while no longer focused on regime security, remains a top-down, state-security understanding, rather than a societal one. Further, while the 2014 democratic Constitution devised significant checks and balances between the branches of government, even in the security field, external security assistance facilitated the centralization of security decision-making in the hands of the President of the Republic.
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Sofi, Mohammad Dawood. "Ḥizb al-Nahḍah: from revolution to government and to a second referendum". Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, № 3 (2015): 398–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1050280.

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The year 2011 witnessed watershed events in the countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), resulting in long-awaited political and social transformation, with Tunisia acting as catalyst and modus operandi for the other countries of the region. Although the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ now seems to be gripped in a stalemate in Egypt, where vagueness still prevails, and in Syria and Libya, where the security situation continues to be extremely precarious and unstable, there seems to be a wind of change in the political context in Tunisia, where on 26 October 2014 the population witnessed t
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Salhi, Kamal, and Salima Benouargla. "The politics of urban murals in North Africa: Performing dissent and martyrdom in the city." International Journal of Francophone Studies 26, no. 3 (2023): 99–153. https://doi.org/10.1386/ijfs_00057_1.

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In the context of usually little tolerance policies in North African political culture towards public gatherings, this article demonstrates the importance of understanding why street art has become unpredictable and unpunishable since the social protests of 2011 in Tunisia and Egypt. Studying graffiti has relevance for research and policies on artistic rebellion as this art is part of a little defined area of performance that is not harmful but can nonetheless be labelled as unrest. It has a role of eyes on the street in multifunctional neighbourhoods, when people’s presence in the streets con
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Tunisia – Politics and government – 2011-"

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Abdi, Allan. "Tunisiens tillfälliga övergångsregim 2011 : En teorikonsumerande fallstudie av politiska aktörers betydelse för övergången till demokratiskt styre." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-148783.

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According to The Economist Democracy Index, Tunisia was at 2.79 during 2010 and by the end of 2011 they had climbed up to 5.53. Therefore Tunisia entered a new category, called hybrid regime. This was a step closer to a more democratic regime. Rustow Dankwart, Shain Yossi and Linz J. Juan would say that the interim government and the political actors within it had a significant impact on Tunisias increase in democracy index. Therefore the aim of this study took the shape of a theory consuming case study. The purpose of the study was to analyze the political actors and the interim government im
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Lacouture, Matthew Thomas. "Liberalization, Contention, and Threat: Institutional Determinates of Societal Preferences and the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Morocco." PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2130.

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Why do revolutions happen? What role do structures, institutions, and actors play in precipitating (or preventing) them? Finally, What might compel social mobilization against a regime in the face of potentially insurmountable odds? These questions are all fundamentally about state-society (strategic) interactions, and elite and societal preference formation over time. The self-immolation of Muhammad Bouazizi in Sidi Bouzid on December 17, 2010, served as a focal point upon which over twenty years of corrupt, coercive authoritarian rule were focused into a single, unified challenge to the Ben
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Klaas, Brian Paul. "Bullets over ballots : how electoral exclusion increases the risk of coups d'état and civil wars." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2492d39d-522f-494e-9549-28b3f6fc7db3.

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Does banning opposition candidates from ballots increase the risk that they will turn to bullets instead? Globally, since the end of the Cold War, blatant election rigging tactics (such as ballot box stuffing) are being replaced by 'strategic rigging': subtler procedural manipulations aimed at winning while maintaining the guise of legitimacy in the eyes of international observers. In particular, incumbents (in regimes stuck between democracy and authoritarianism) are turning to 'electoral exclusion', neutralizing key rivals by illegitimately banning certain candidates, in turn reducing the ne
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Mouhib, Leila. "Les politiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie: une analyse des rôles du Parlement et de la Commission dans les cas tunisien et marocain, 2006-2012." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209503.

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Partant du constat de la constitution de la promotion de la démocratie comme enjeu des relations internationales et de politique étrangère, la présente recherche s’interroge sur les politiques menées en la matière par l’Union européenne dans le cadre des relations avec ses voisins méditerranéens, particulièrement le Maroc et la Tunisie. L’analyse se concentre sur l’Instrument européen pour la démocratie et les droits de l’homme, sur la période 2007-2012.<p>L’objectif est de comprendre et d’expliquer les pratiques des différents groupes d’acteurs impliqués dans ces politiques, au sein de la Com
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Petkanas, Zoe. "Politics of parity : gendering the Tunisian Second Republic, 2011-2014." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/276957.

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This dissertation explores the role of female political actors in the gendered rebuilding of Tunisia’s post-Ben Ali political infrastructure and how gender both informed and featured in the early stages of the democratic transition. Drawing on thirteen months of fieldwork and over 300 hours of interviews, it narrates a yet untold story of the transformation of female political actors from object to subject of the state. In the post-revolutionary political terrain, gender and women’s rights were imbued with broader discursive significance, becoming a vehicle through which to distinguish two bro
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Martínez, Farrero Santi. "Coalition Politics in Catalan Local Governments, 1979-2011." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/286733.

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With the exception of the different studies performed by Márquez Cruz, and the report about local government (Magre, 2006), there is no other research, in Spain, with the level of detail of the current one, in anything relating to the portfolio distribution among the elected Councillors, covering a period of 32 years, which makes possible to formulate, not only some hypothesis about the behaviour of the parties in coalition in terms of paybacks and gender, but also to conclude some trends and facts relating the morphology of the coalition. The study concludes that within the period under stud
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Lahiri, Indrani. "Unlikely bedfellows? : the media and government relations in West Bengal (1977-2011)." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/20410.

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This thesis examines the relationship between the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front Government and the media in the provincial state of West Bengal, India, during the thirty four years (1977-2011) period when the party was in government. The main aim of the thesis is to investigate the relation between the CPI (M) led Left Front Government and the media in West Bengal (1977-2011), the role of the media in stabilising or destabilising the Left Front Government, the impact of neoliberalism on the Left Front Government and their relation with the media, the role of the media in co
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Win, Chit. "Explaining Myanmar's hluttaw, 2011-2016 : transitional legitimacy and the politics of legislative autonomy." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155530.

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Transitional legislatures are essential institutions for entrenching democracy by providing legitimacy and by constraining the executive. This research examines the role of Myanmar{u2019}s legislature (the Hluttaw) during the country{u2019}s transition from the direct military rule. When it first met in January 2011, there was little disagreement that Myanmar{u2019}s legislature would serve as a rubber stamp because of the overwhelming majority of representatives from the ruling pro-military party and the military itself. Yet the Hluttaw emerged as a reform-minded lawmaking body as well as a f
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Dotto, Paul Casmir Kuhenga. "An investigation of the discursive construction of the Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union as nation in the Union Day coverage in The Citizen and Daily News newspapers from 2005 to 2011." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001843.

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This study is concerned with the constructions of the Tanzanian nation in the press. It has confined its focus, first, to the coverage from 2005 to 2011 on Union Day that marks the Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar and the formation of the United Republic of Tanzania and, second, to two prominent Tanzanian newspapers, namely the state-owned Daily News, and the privately-owned The Citizen on Union Day. As the Union remains a contentious issue, the relevance of this research relates to the press’s considerable power to shape understandings and influence attitudes. The study works within a br
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Dittmer, Jacob Peter. "Framing a War and a People: A Mixed Methods Study of Portrayals of Iraqi Violence." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/9867.

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ix, 99 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.<br>This study examines how the news media and U.S. officials within the Bush administration utilized rhetoric and specific words over others to frame the violence and civil unrest in Iraq following the U.S. invasion. This study incorporates a mixed methods approach to framing analysis. It seeks to advance framing research into the role of the media in presenting dominant frames set forth by powerful political elites. By examining Department of Defens
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Books on the topic "Tunisia – Politics and government – 2011-"

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Chaabane, Nadia. Tunisie, deuxième république: Chronique d'une constituante, 2011-2014. Déméter éditions, 2018.

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Kurayshān, Ziyād, writer of introduction, ed. Waraqat al-warrāq: Jaridat al-Maghrib Ūt 2011-Sibtambir 2012. al-Dīwān lil-Nashr, 2014.

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Zaghal, Muṣṭafá. Thawrat 14 Jānfī 2011: Al-thawrah ka-mā ʻāshahā jāmiʻī munāḍil. Markaz al-Nashr al-Jāmiʻī, 2016.

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Tabib, Chawki. Avocats et politique en Tunisie, 1887-2011. Éditions sotepa, 2015.

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Marzūqī, Munṣif, 1945- writer of introduction, ред. ʻAn al-ʻishq wa-al-thawrah: Ḥadīth mā qabl 14 Jānfī 2011. [publisher not identified], 2012.

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Mabrūk, Mahdī, writer of introduction, ред. Tūnis... min al-thawrah ilá al-dawlah: Ḥadīth mā baʻda 14 Jānfī 2011. Majmaʻ al-Aṭrash lil-Kitāb al-Mukhtaṣṣ, 2016.

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Bussac, François G. Vers une Tunisie libre?: Chroniques du Sèmaphore, T. 2 Hiver 2011-2012 : suite des chroniques du printemps 2011 en Tunisie, E la nave va vers une Tunisie libre? Editions Arabesques, 2012.

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Hacen, Aymen. Le retour des assassins: Propos sur la Tunisie, janvier 2011-juillet 2012. Sud Editions, 2012.

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Zina, Mohamed Ali Ben. Un état en transition, une société en mouvement: La Tunisie (2011-2014). Arabesques éditions, 2018.

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Jarād, Fāṭimah, та Sihām Kishū. al-Muḥākamāt al-siyāsīyah fī Tūnis, 1956-2011. Jāmiʻat Manūbah, al-Maʻhad al-ʻĀlī li-Tārīkh Tūnis al-Muʻāṣir, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Tunisia – Politics and government – 2011-"

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Belin, Matts-Åke. "Vision Zero in Sweden: Streaming Through Problems, Politics, and Policies." In The Vision Zero Handbook. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-76505-7_9.

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AbstractIn 1997, the Riksdag, the Swedish Parliament, adopted Vision Zero as a new goal and strategy for road safety in Sweden (Swedish Government 1997). In the more than 20 years since the Vision Zero policy was adopted, it has spread internationally as a model of a public road safety policy (OECD/ITF 2008, 2016; World Health Organization 2017). It is not only in the transport sector that Vision Zero has attracted interest; it has also spread and continues to spread to other sectors of Swedish society such as fire safety, patient safety, occupational accidents, and suicide (Kristianssen et al
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Belin, Matts-Åke. "Vision Zero in Sweden: Streaming Through Problems, Politics, and Policies." In The Vision Zero Handbook. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23176-7_9-1.

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AbstractIn 1997, the Riksdag, the Swedish Parliament, adopted Vision Zero as a new goal and strategy for road safety in Sweden (Swedish Government 1997). In the more than 20 years since the Vision Zero policy was adopted, it has spread internationally as a model of a public road safety policy (OECD/ITF 2008, 2016; World Health Organization 2017). It is not only in the transport sector that Vision Zero has attracted interest; it has also spread and continues to spread to other sectors of Swedish society such as fire safety, patient safety, occupational accidents, and suicide (Kristianssen et al
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Masuki, Yui. "Ideas and Practices for Restoring the Humanity of Sanitation Workers in India." In Global Environmental Studies. Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7711-3_3.

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AbstractThis chapter briefly traces the struggle to restore sanitation workers’ humanity in India since the early twentieth century. Sanitation labor has generally been carried out by people from the Dalit community, a group of castes formerly referred to as “untouchables.” By paying attention to M. K. Gandhi, B. R. Ambedkar, government authorities, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), this chapter examines how humanitarian interventions were made via ideological and practical approaches to address the circumstances of sanitation workers and the limitations thereof. Gandhi’s emphasis on t
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Merone, Fabio. "Post-Islamism Politics in Tunisia." In A Fledgling Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197661635.003.0004.

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Abstract This chapter analyzes the post-Islamist politics of the Tunisian Ennahda party and conceives of post-Islamism as post-ideological. Islamism in the twentieth century is a modern ideology of societal transformation, while post-Islamism is the "normalization" of such political praxis. In the Tunisian context, Ennahda succeeded in integrating state institutions and participating in building democracy after 2011. At the 2016 conference, the party declared to have overcome "Islamism" and adopted a new strategy of specialization, which led to the separation of daʿwa activities and politics.
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Hahn, Peter L. "The Libyan Revolution of 2011." In Libya and the West. Oxford University Press, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190223021.003.0007.

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Muammar al-Qaddafi’s incompetence and corruption caused Libyans to tire of his mercurial leadership in the 2010s. Tribal politics, unemployment, and food shortages fed a surge of mass discontent. The uprisings of the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt rapidly spread to Libya in early 2011. Authorities responded with a violent crackdown that fanned the flames of rebellion. The protestors rapidly transitioned into armed paramilitary groups and revolted against Qaddafi’s rule. Universal military training, an aspect of Qaddafi’s regime, prepared them for the fight. A new governmental entity, the Nat
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Selvik, Kjetil, and Jacob Høigilt. "National Security and Free Speech in Tunisia." In Journalism in the Grey Zone. Edinburgh University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399515818.003.0006.

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Chapters 6-8 interrogate how journalists react when critical features of democracy are at stake and the first issue is the balancing of national security and civil liberties. Tunisia and Lebanon face real and home-grown problems of violent extremism, but security is also evoked to justify infringements on citizen rights. The chapter discusses how Tunisian journalists handled the tension between a heightened sense of insecurity and the country’s frail democratic opening in the wake of the 2015 terrorist attack at the Bardo Museum. It shows that prominent commentators fell back on interpretive s
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Sayah Habib M. "Tunisian Foreign Fighters: Between De-Territorialisation and Re-Territorialisation." In NATO Science for Peace and Security Series - E: Human and Societal Dynamics. IOS Press, 2017. https://doi.org/10.3233/978-1-61499-757-3-98.

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According to various studies and reports, Tunisia has been one of the top exporters of foreign terrorist fighters. This paper seeks to analyse the causes and factors underpinning flows of Tunisian foreign fighters. It will be argued that in Tunisia's case, the role of domestic mobilization structures played a key role in determining the amplitude of the foreign fighter phenomenon. In particular, Ansar al-Shari'a in Tunisia's (AST) efforts to structure the Jihadi-Salafi community into a large grassroots movement were instrumental in creating a wide pool of potential foreign fighters. Whilst the
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Bag, Akash, Souvik Roy, and Ashutosh Pandey. "Tunisia's Struggle for Democratic Consolidation." In Democratization of Africa and Its Impact on the Global Economy. IGI Global, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/979-8-3693-0477-8.ch010.

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The Arab Spring, the wave of protests that swept over the Middle East and North Africa in 2011, failed to impose democracy there. However, only in Tunisia did the Arab Spring result in a democratic change in 2011. Tunisia has been dealing with several difficulties since the country's democratic transition, including political unrest and terrorist assaults. This study looks at Tunisia's political growth between 2011 and 2022 to determine the chances and challenges for the country to consolidate its democracy. Using a case study approach and Samuel P. Huntington's theory of democratic consolidat
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"Tunisia." In African Central Government Debt. OECD, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/acgd-2011-18-en.

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Joffé, George. "Government-media relations in Tunisia." In Media and Politics in the Southern Mediterranean. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351025300-5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Tunisia – Politics and government – 2011-"

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Baolong, Hou. "Notice of Retraction: Network-politics-participation of the information age: Backgrounds, values and impacts." In 2011 International Conference on E-Business and E-Government (ICEE). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icebeg.2011.5884507.

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Reports on the topic "Tunisia – Politics and government – 2011-"

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Walsh, Alex. The Contentious Politics of Tunisia’s Natural Resource Management and the Prospects of the Renewable Energy Transition. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.048.

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For many decades in Tunisia, there has been a robust link between natural resource management and contentious national and local politics. These disputes manifest in the form of protests, sit-ins, the disruption of production and distribution and legal suits on the one hand, and corporate and government response using coercive and concessionary measures on the other. Residents of resource-rich areas and their allies protest the inequitable distribution of their local natural wealth and the degradation of their health, land, water, soil and air. They contest a dynamic that tends to bring greate
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Bourekba, Moussa. Climate Change and Violent Extremism in North Africa. The Barcelona Centre for International Affairs, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/casc014.

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As climate change intensifies in many parts of the world, more and more policymakers are concerned with its effects on human security and violence. From Lake Chad to the Philippines, including Afghanistan and Syria, some violent extremist (VE) groups such as Boko Haram and the Islamic State exploit crises and conflicts resulting from environmental stress to recruit more followers, expand their influence and even gain territorial control. In such cases, climate change may be described as a “risk multiplier” that exacerbates a number of conflict drivers. Against this backdrop, this case study lo
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African Open Science Platform Part 1: Landscape Study. Academy of Science of South Africa (ASSAf), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/assaf.2019/0047.

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This report maps the African landscape of Open Science – with a focus on Open Data as a sub-set of Open Science. Data to inform the landscape study were collected through a variety of methods, including surveys, desk research, engagement with a community of practice, networking with stakeholders, participation in conferences, case study presentations, and workshops hosted. Although the majority of African countries (35 of 54) demonstrates commitment to science through its investment in research and development (R&amp;D), academies of science, ministries of science and technology, policies, rec
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