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Journal articles on the topic 'Tunisia – Politics and government – 2011-'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Abdel-Samad, Mounah. "Legislators’ Need for Civil Society Expertise: Tunisian Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Opportunity." Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no. 3 (2017): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2016-0027.

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AbstractThe primacy of the Tunisian revolution and the country’s successful democratic transition (Stepan 2012, “Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations.”Journal of Democracy23:89–103) make Tunisia an exemplar for analyzing legislators’ demand for advocacy by civil society organizations or CSOs. Several researchers (Cavatorta 2012, “Arab Spring: The Awakening of Civil Society. A General Overview.”http://www.iemed.org/observatori-es/arees-danalisi/arxius-adjunts/anuari/med.2012/Cavatorta_en.pdf, Benoit 2011, “The Counter-Power of Civil Society and the Emergence of a New Political Imaginar

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2

Arfaoui, Khedija, and Jane Tchaïcha. "GOVERNANCE, WOMEN, AND THE NEW TUNISIA." TERRORISM FROM THE VIEW OF MUSLIMS 8, no. 1 (2014): 135–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0801135a.

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This paper considers the important events and challenges as they per- tain to female governance in the “New Tunisia”, resulting in large part from the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) elections charged with writing a new constitution. The analysis focuses on the role women played in the election process, including women’s participation in the interim government (January 2011-November 9, 2011) and political parties. It continues with an in depth ex- amination of the debates and actions that emergedamong various factions during the first two years following the revolution, which has led to in

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3

Blagojević, Jelisaveta, and Marijan Premović. "The Political and Historical Identity of the North African Mediterranean Region: A Case Study: Tunisia." Transylvanian Review 31, no. 3 (2024): 117–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2022.3.07.

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The paper outlines the importance of historical identity in the Southern Mediterranean region through a case study of Tunisia. It explores Tunisia’s political development up until the fall of the Ben Ali regime in January 2011, and its influence on the post-Arab spring period of constitutionalism of the new democratic government system. The theoretical framework of this paper involves a strategic approach to transition, emphasizing the influence of the historical relationship between religion (Islam) and politics on the role of the Islamic party in transition. The influence of the historical r

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Heibach, Jens, and Tereza Jermanová. "Coalition Maintenance during Democratization: Comparative Insights from Tunisia and Yemen." Middle East Law and Governance 15, no. 3 (2023): 345–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-20231398.

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Abstract In light of the oft-cited benefits of power sharing, this paper compares two cases of coalition governments that emerged from domestically initiated transition processes in the Arab world: the Tunisian Troika (2011–2014) and the Yemeni Coalition Government (1993–1994). While the former facilitated Tunisia’s democratization, the latter’s disintegration contributed to the 1994 war and Yemen’s authoritarian backsliding. It asks why coalition cooperation endured in Tunisia but not in Yemen, exploring intra-elite relations, the power dynamics at play, as well as elites’ motivations in laun

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Kavanaugh, Andrea, Steven Sheetz, Hamida Skandrani, and Malek Sghaier. "Media use, information reliability and political efficacy in Tunisia, 2011–2019." Information Polity 26, no. 4 (2021): 521–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ip-210329.

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Information access and open communication – through in person and mediated information and communication technology – are critical to an informed citizenry in democratic societies. The 2011 Arab Spring uprising that originated in Tunisia and resulted in the overthrow of long-time Tunisian authoritarian president Ben Ali, established a new transitional government with more democratic institutions and more open press and political expression. In this paper, we explore changes over time (2011–2019) in the use by young, educated Tunisians of different political information sources, the perceived r

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Girod, Desha M., Megan A. Stewart, and Meir R. Walters. "Mass protests and the resource curse: The politics of demobilization in rentier autocracies." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 5 (2016): 503–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894216651826.

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Why are some dictators more successful at demobilizing protest movements than others? Repression sometimes stamps out protest movements (Bahrain in 2011) but can also cause a backlash (Egypt and Tunisia in 2011), leading to regime change. This article argues that the effectiveness of repression in quelling protests varies depending upon the income sources of authoritarian regimes. Oil-rich autocracies are well equipped to contend with domestic and international criticism, and this gives them a greater capacity to quell protests through force. Because oil-poor dictators lack such ability to dea

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Berman, Chantal. "When Revolutionary Coalitions Break Down: Polarization, Protest, and the Tunisian Political Crisis of August 2013." Middle East Law and Governance 11, no. 2 (2019): 136–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01102003.

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Revolutionary coalitions often break down in the aftermath of revolution, leading to the collapse of transitional governments. Fragmentation among revolutionary elites has been extensively theorized, but few works consider the origins and consequences of polarization among non-elite protesters in the revolutionary coalition. This paper examines the case of Tunisia to unpack how polarization among former revolutionaries may drive secondary waves of mobilization that imperil governing coalitions, even when elites are cooperating. Unique protest surveys of pro- and anti-government demonstrations

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8

Hanau Santini, Ruth, and Giulia Cimini. "Intended and Unintended Consequences of Security Assistance in Post-2011 Tunisia." Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, no. 1 (2019): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.121006.

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In Tunisia, the notion and understanding of security, while no longer focused on regime security, remains a top-down, state-security understanding, rather than a societal one. Further, while the 2014 democratic Constitution devised significant checks and balances between the branches of government, even in the security field, external security assistance facilitated the centralization of security decision-making in the hands of the President of the Republic.

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Sofi, Mohammad Dawood. "Ḥizb al-Nahḍah: from revolution to government and to a second referendum". Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, № 3 (2015): 398–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1050280.

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The year 2011 witnessed watershed events in the countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), resulting in long-awaited political and social transformation, with Tunisia acting as catalyst and modus operandi for the other countries of the region. Although the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ now seems to be gripped in a stalemate in Egypt, where vagueness still prevails, and in Syria and Libya, where the security situation continues to be extremely precarious and unstable, there seems to be a wind of change in the political context in Tunisia, where on 26 October 2014 the population witnessed t

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Salhi, Kamal, and Salima Benouargla. "The politics of urban murals in North Africa: Performing dissent and martyrdom in the city." International Journal of Francophone Studies 26, no. 3 (2023): 99–153. https://doi.org/10.1386/ijfs_00057_1.

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In the context of usually little tolerance policies in North African political culture towards public gatherings, this article demonstrates the importance of understanding why street art has become unpredictable and unpunishable since the social protests of 2011 in Tunisia and Egypt. Studying graffiti has relevance for research and policies on artistic rebellion as this art is part of a little defined area of performance that is not harmful but can nonetheless be labelled as unrest. It has a role of eyes on the street in multifunctional neighbourhoods, when people’s presence in the streets con

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Kouya, Hortense Kouya, and Dominique Oba. "The Contribution of the International Organization of Francophonie in Cultural Matter in the Republic of Congo from 1981 to 2016." Randwick International of Social Science Journal 2, no. 4 (2021): 347–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rissj.v2i4.315.

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Colonization has had a lasting impact on African life. This movement instilled a new culture within these colonies. Among these African countries is the Congo. On the whole, these countries have experienced some disputes near where it was a question of meeting around an international body which is none other than the Francophonie for the countries or states colonized by France. It is in this sense that under the leadership of three African Heads of State,Léopold Sédar Senghor from Senegal, Habib Bourguiba from Tunisia and Hamani Diori from Niger, and of Prince Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia, the

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Kouya, Hortense Kouya, and Dominique Oba. "The Contribution of the International Organization of Francophonie in Cultural Matter in the Republic of Congo from 1981 to 2016." Randwick International of Social Science Journal 2, no. 4 (2021): 347–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rissj.v2i4.315.

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Colonization has had a lasting impact on African life. This movement instilled a new culture within these colonies. Among these African countries is the Congo. On the whole, these countries have experienced some disputes near where it was a question of meeting around an international body which is none other than the Francophonie for the countries or states colonized by France. It is in this sense that under the leadership of three African Heads of State,Léopold Sédar Senghor from Senegal, Habib Bourguiba from Tunisia and Hamani Diori from Niger, and of Prince Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia, the

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Gabsi, Zouhir. "Rap and Mizoued Music: Claiming a Space for Dissent and Protest in Post-Arab Spring Tunisia." Sociological Research Online 25, no. 4 (2020): 626–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780419898494.

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The Arab Spring in Tunisia has brought with it positive changes, such as freedom of expression and democracy. However, Tunisians have found that these applauded achievements have not improved their living conditions. After Ben Ali was ousted in 2010, the decline of Tunisia’s economy was exacerbated by internal and external factors such as global recession, a dysfunctional liberal economy, internal political infighting, and corruption. To ventilate their frustration and dismay with the government and the overall socio-economic situation in Tunisia, some Tunisians turn to the music of rap and Mi

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14

Ben Rejeb Attia, Mouna. "Firm borrowing capacity, government ownership and real earnings management." International Journal of Public Sector Management 33, no. 2/3 (2019): 339–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-01-2019-0029.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine borrowing capacity (BC) of government-owned firms and whether real earnings management (REM) activities moderate the sensitivity of firm BC to government ownership. Design/methodology/approach A simultaneous equation analysis is applied to study 210 Tunisian non-financial firms over the 2001–2014 period. Findings The empirical results provide substantial evidence indicating that government-owned firms have higher BC and significant REM than other firms; the relationship between government ownership and firm BC is partially moderated by REM activi

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15

Ash Shiddieqy, Ahmad, Padlan Padil Simamora, and Dinda Difia Madina. "Contemporary Islamic Politics in Tunisia: The Journey of Islamic Democracy Post-Arab Spring." MILRev : Metro Islamic Law Review 3, no. 1 (2024): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/milrev.v3i1.8976.

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This study aimed to examine contemporary Islamic politics in Tunisia, specifically the democratic system Post-Arab Spring. The political struggle of Muslim countries triggered the Arab Spring movement, with Tunisia pioneering a Jasmine Revolution from 2010-2011 to obtain global attention. Furthermore, the investigation constitutes a literature review to analyze contemporary Islamic politics in Tunisia, specifically Post-Arab Spring. The influence of Islamic politics is an important issue, specifically in strengthening demands for democracy by analyzing the struggle in Tunisia. Therefore, this

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Sallam, Hesham. "The Egyptian Revolution and the Politics of Histories." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 02 (2013): 248–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513000231.

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The Arab “revolutions” and the events surrounding them have posed a variety of theoretical challenges to political scientists. Popular uprisings have resulted in the ouster of long-standing autocrats in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen, and are seriously threatening the survival of incumbent authoritarian rulers in a region that once seemed immune to democratic change (Brumberg 2002; Fish 2002; Heydemann 2007; Posusney and Angrist 2005; Salamé 1994; Schlumberger 2007). These unforeseen developments pushed scholars of politics back to the drawing board to revisit dominant theoretical understand

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Bel’Kiry, Leila Najeh. "A Historical Account of Linguistic Imperialism and Educational Policy in Tunisia: From the independence to the ‘Jasmine Revolution’." Indonesian TESOL Journal 3, no. 1 (2021): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24256/itj.v3i1.1742.

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This article is about foreign languages hegemony in Tunisia. It describes the linguistic situation at the macro and micro levels, the Tunisian and the international linguistic communities, the status of English and French languages throughout the world, and their effects on the Tunisian educational policy. The prevalence of French in Tunisia as the language of science and technology between 1956 and 1987, the way the value of English is promoted in the Tunisian educational system between 1987 and 2011 though Tunisia is a French colonized country, and the tendency to linguistic isolationism sin

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18

Zahlan, A. B. "Science and the Arabs: opportunities and challenges." Contemporary Arab Affairs 4, no. 2 (2011): 190–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2011.569180.

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Tunisians and Egyptians sought recently to transform their political culture. Their political economy has rendered it impossible to develop the scientific infrastructure needed to benefit from science. This paper shows that, by comparison with China and India, the Arabs in 1999 had a substantially higher level of university enrolment, per million inhabitants abroad and at home; and were ahead in per capita R&D output. Yet both China and India were able to take off with these resources while the Arab countries were left behind. The research output of the Arab countries increased about 50-fo

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19

SAIDIN, MOHD IRWAN SYAZLI, and NUR AMIRA ALFITRI. "‘State Feminism' dan Perjuangan Wanita di Tunisia Pasca Arab Spring 2011." International Journal of Islamic Thought 12, no. 1 (2020): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24035/ijit.18.2020.181.

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Over the last decade, the Arab Spring phenomenon in the Middle East and North Africa has brought significant transformation towards Tunisia’s political landscape. During the 14 days of street protest, Tunisian women have played critical roles in assisting their male counterparts in securing the ultime goal of the revolution – regime change. This article argues that after the 2011 revolution, the new Tunisian government has gradually adopted the principal idea of state feminism, which emphasizes on the role of ruling government via affirmative action in supporting the agenda of women’s rights.

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20

Kashina, Anna. "Gender Issue in Tunisia: from Politics to Practice." Asia and Africa Today, no. 2 (2022): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750015833-8.

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On the problem of gender equality, Tunisia remains a model for other Arab countries. Although since 2011 the issue of women&apos;s place has once again been on the agenda considering the dominance in the political scene of moderate Islamists of the Ennahda movement, heated debates between modernists and Islamists over new constitution and legislation framework brought Tunisia closer to world standards of gender equality. After the Revolution for Dignity and Freedom in Tunisia the feminist movement, which was born in the late 1930s, became more active and began declaring its activities as d

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Donia, Damak *. Baha Wiem Agrebi. "THE TOURISM CRISES: CAN TUNISIA RECOVER AFTER JASMINE REVOLUTION?" INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ENGINEERING SCIENCES & RESEARCH TECHNOLOGY 7, no. 6 (2018): 136–49. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1282472.

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Tourism is considered as a vital sector having a lot of gains such as development in income, employment, foreign exchange, additional in growth. The United Nations world tourism organization had vision related with forecasting with annual tourism expenditure to shock US$ 2 trillion and the number of foreign tourists to reach 1.5 billion by 2020The tourism industry is one of the most important industries in the world since it employs “more than 250 million people worldwide” (Coshall, J. T. (2003)). This industry, which includes transport, lodging, and catering, is expected to genera

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22

Kinney, Drew Holland. "Sharing Saddles: Oligarchs and Officers on Horseback in Egypt and Tunisia." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 2 (2021): 512–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa093.

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Abstract Research on the military's removal from politics overemphasizes the attitudes and interests of officers. Civilians are portrayed as incapable of confronting refractory men with guns. This essay compares regime transitions in Egypt (2011–2013) and Tunisia (2011–2014) to show that unified civilian elites strengthen and polarized elites undermine civilian control of the armed forces. Research for the cases is based on interviews with Egyptian and Tunisian businesspersons, party members, and civil society activists; the International Consortium of Investigation Journalists's tax-offshorin

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Abdelli, Hanane, Zouheyr Gheraia, Habib Sekrafi, and Mehdi Abid. "The asymmetric impact of government expenditure on economic growth: Evidence from a NARDL model." International Journal of ADVANCED AND APPLIED SCIENCES 11, no. 3 (2024): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.21833/ijaas.2024.03.010.

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Since the 2011 Revolution, Tunisia has faced significant economic development challenges. Government spending plays a crucial role in fostering economic growth. This study focuses on Tunisia from 1980 to 2022, considering factors like foreign direct investment (FDI), trade openness, capital, and labor. It particularly examines spending in four government sectors: agriculture, education, health, and military. Using the Non-linear Autoregressive Distributed Lag (NARDL) model, the study investigates how these sectoral government expenditures relate to Tunisia's gross domestic product (GDP). The f

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Saidin, Mohd Irwan Syazli. "John L. Esposito, Tamara Sonn, And John O. Voll (2016). Islam And Democracy After The Arab Spring. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 306 Pages. ISBN: 978-0-19514798-8." Journal of Al-Tamaddun 17, no. 2 (2022): 273–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol17no2.23.

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This book discusses the dynamics of the relationship between Islam as a religious and political teaching with democracy in the context of the effects of the Arab Spring and the subsequent events after it. The authors, who are considered to be “titans” in the field of democracy and Islam, started the book by saying “Many western observers were shocked when Arabs began open rebellions against their governments in December 2010” and this seem to point out not only the unpredictability of the uprisings, but also to the inaccuracy behind several of the most accepted assumptions about politics and g

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Sutherlin, John W. "Middle East Turmoil and Human Rights: How will the ‘New’ Regimes Expand Civil Liberties." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 11, no. 1 (2012): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914912x620743.

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AbstractDuring the spring of 2011, there were a number of significant developments in North Africa and the Middle East. Specifically, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Tunisia, and Yemen all experienced levels of civil unrest not seen in more than a generation. Clearly there are cries for democracy and freedom, but what will this mean to groups that have historically been discriminated against or disenfranchised regardless of the type of regime in power? For example, will women fare any better as a result of a new government in Tunisia? Will gays in Cairo find a more tolerant government? Can ethnic or reli

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Amir, Ahmad Nabil, and Tasnim Abdul Rahman. "RACHID GHANNOUCHI AND THE RISE OF MUSLIM DEMOCRAT IN TUNISIA’S POLITICS." HUNAFA Jurnal Studia Islamika 21, no. 2 (2025): 181–94. https://doi.org/10.24239/jsi.v21i2.792.

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The paper highlights Rachid Ghannouchi’s political ideas in the context of the growth of political Islam in the Arab world by focusing on historical and political development that underlie the democratic process in Tunisia. It discusses political idealism he developed in Ennahda movement (The Renaissance Party) based on the principles of freedom and justice and its uncompromising opposition to the autocratic regime of Habib Bourguiba (1957-1987) and his successor Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali (1987-2011). The study is qualitative in nature in the form of documentary and content analysis. It used des

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Amir, Ahmad Nabil, and Tasnim Abdul Rahman. "RACHID GHANNOUCHI AND THE RISE OF MUSLIM DEMOCRAT IN TUNISIA’S POLITICS." HUNAFA Jurnal Studia Islamika 21, no. 2 (2025): 181–94. https://doi.org/10.24239/hunafa.v21i2.792.

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The paper highlights Rachid Ghannouchi’s political ideas in the context of the growth of political Islam in the Arab world by focusing on historical and political development that underlie the democratic process in Tunisia. It discusses political idealism he developed in Ennahda movement (The Renaissance Party) based on the principles of freedom and justice and its uncompromising opposition to the autocratic regime of Habib Bourguiba (1957-1987) and his successor Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali (1987-2011). The study is qualitative in nature in the form of documentary and content analysis. It used des

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Amir, Ahmad Nabil, and Tasnim Abdul Rahman. "RACHID GHANNOUCHI AND THE RISE OF MUSLIM DEMOCRAT IN TUNISIA’S POLITICS." HUNAFA Jurnal Studia Islamika 21, no. 2 (2025): 181–94. https://doi.org/10.24239/jsi.v21i2.792.181-194.

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The paper highlights Rachid Ghannouchi’s political ideas in the context of the growth of political Islam in the Arab world by focusing on historical and political development that underlie the democratic process in Tunisia. It discusses political idealism he developed in Ennahda movement (The Renaissance Party) based on the principles of freedom and justice and its uncompromising opposition to the autocratic regime of Habib Bourguiba (1957-1987) and his successor Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali (1987-2011). The study is qualitative in nature in the form of documentary and content analysis. It used des

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Fuad, Ahmad Nur, Slamet Muliono Redjosari, and Rofhani Rofhani. "From Islamism to Democracy: The Case of Rached Ghannouchi and Ennahda of Tunisia." Islamica: Jurnal Studi Keislaman 17, no. 2 (2023): 244–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/islamica.2023.17.2.244-267.

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This article examines the shift of Rached Ghannouchi and Ennahda party from Islamism to democracy. This article analyzes Ghannouchi’s early Islamist ideology and confrontational approach to politics, as well as his exposure to democratic systems, which led to a reevaluation of his views on democracy, following the failure of Ennahda’s early attempts at revolutionary Islamism in the 1980s and 1990s, which prompted Ghannouchi to reconsider his approach to politics and Islamism. This led to a shift towards a more moderate and inclusive approach to politics, culminating in Ennahda’s participation

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Wilks-Heeg, Stuart. "‘You can't play politics with people's jobs and people's services’: Localism and the politics of local government finance." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 26, no. 8 (2011): 635–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269094211422190.

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Despite growing cross-party support for the principles of localism, the coalition's radical devolution agenda looks set to provoke a level of tension in central–local relations not seen since the 1980s. This article argues that the central cause of this friction, the front-loading of cuts in the local government financial settlement for 2011–2013, must be understood as the centrepiece of theConservatives’ agenda for local government reform. It is argued that, as with the introduction of the poll tax after 1987, the Conservatives have adopted a high-risk political strategy that will require the

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Bassil, Noah, and Nourhan Kassem. "The Subtle Dynamics of Power Struggles in Tunisia: Local media since the Arab Uprisings." Media and Communication 9, no. 4 (2021): 286–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v9i4.4452.

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This article contributes to the analysis of local media and democratic transformation in Tunisia since the Arab Uprisings. It aims to assess the extent to which pluralism, freedom of expression, and participation—central tenets of democratisation—are evident at the local level. Tunisian local media, unlike the national media, is relatively free of governmental control. Local media is also decentralised. It is this autonomy from the government which makes the analysis of local media fundamentally important for understanding politics in Tunisia. While national media is linked to the most powerfu

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Zardo, Federica. "Migration, Mobility and the Challenge of Co-ownership Exploring European Union-Tunisia Post-Revolutionary Agenda." European Foreign Affairs Review 22, Issue 1 (2017): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2017005.

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Soon after the jasmine revolution and the fall of Ben Ali’s regime in 2011, the migration and mobility dossier immediately entered the cooperation agenda between the European Union (EU) and Tunisia and dominated bilateral negotiations. The signature of the Joint Declaration for a Mobility Partnership was an important breakthrough in EU-Tunisia cooperation, since after decades of stalemate, the agreement allegedly sealed a new mutual will to cooperate in a sensitive policy area. Despite its pivotal role in the ‘new turn’ in EU-Tunisia relations, and against the EU declared quest for strengthene

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Alsoos, Imad, and Julius Dihstelhoff. "Ennahda’s Muslim democracy in post-Arab spring Tunisia: Synthesizing political thought and practice." Filozofija i drustvo 35, no. 3 (2024): 515–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2403515a.

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This article explores the interplay between political thought and practice within Tunisia?s Ennahda party, first during its period in opposition, then after it took power in 2011, and finally in the aftermath of the 2021 coup. We trace the genealogy of political thought within the party from the point of its foundation. In doing so, we explore the gradual evolution of party ideology, from a da?wa-based belief system between 1969 and 1981, to Islamic democracy between 1981 and 2011, to ?Muslim democracy? after the 2011 uprising. We examine this ideological evolution through the framework of thr

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Badran, Yazan. "Understanding Emerging Media: Voice, Agency, and Precarity in the Post-2011 Arab Mediasphere." Media and Communication 9, no. 4 (2021): 264–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v9i4.4475.

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The decade following the 2010–2011 Arab uprisings saw a flourishing of emerging media organisations across the region. The most recognisable examples of these new independent media actors include <em>Enab Baladi</em> in Syria, <em>Mada Masr</em> in Egypt, and Inkyfada in Tunisia. However, this phenomenon comprises a much more diverse set of actors from small-scale associative radio stations in Tunisia to numerous exilic Syrian media outlets. Building on previous research as well as recent fieldwork in Tunisia and Turkey, this article is an attempt to make sense of the g

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Johansson-Nogués, Elisabeth. "Gendering the Arab Spring? Rights and (in)security of Tunisian, Egyptian and Libyan women." Security Dialogue 44, no. 5-6 (2013): 393–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010613499784.

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During the anti-regime uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, women from all walks of life were as ready as men to take to the streets to protest against the ineptitude and transgressions of their countries’ governments. Their courage was particularly noteworthy given that they suffered not only the violence of the regimes’ attempts to suppress protests by force, as did their male counterparts, but also a systematic targeting by security forces who attempted to break the women’s spirits through attacks on their honour and bodily integrity. The female presence and agency in the Arab Spring enco

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Koehler-Derrick, Gabriel. "Quantifying Anecdotes: Google Search Data and Political Developments in Egypt." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 02 (2013): 291–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513000267.

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The events of 2011 transformed the politics of the Arab world. In just under 12 months, dictators fell in three countries: Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya. In Bahrain, Yemen, and Syria, protests and violence continued throughout 2012 to shake what were once assumed to be the solid foundations of long-standing autocratic regimes. Although it is too soon to assess the outcome of these events, one immediate consequence is clear: the empowerment of public opinion in Arab politics. For the first time in more than 50 years, the voices of average Tunisians, Egyptians, and Libyans can directly influence pol

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KWONG, Kin-ming, and Chiew Ping YEW. "Hong Kong Politics: Diminished Government Credibility and Heightened Political Awareness." East Asian Policy 04, no. 01 (2012): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930512000049.

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After two Chief Executive leadership, it is evident that Hong Kong has been ruled by polling, not the government, as seen in the policy U-turns in 2011. The government has failed to build public confidence in its leadership despite achievements such as raising Hong Kong's GDP per capita by 22% under Tsang's administration. A historically high proportion of people since the handover had identified themselves as Hong Kongers rather than Chinese citizens in June 2011.

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Cammett, Melani. "Business–Government Relations and Industrial Change: The Politics of Upgrading in Morocco and Tunisia." World Development 35, no. 11 (2007): 1889–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2007.01.003.

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A. Rahman, M. Zaidi, Makmor Tumin, and Azmil Zainal Abidin. "Politik Islam dalam Konteks Tunisia Pasca Revolusi Jasmine: Analisis Pemikiran Rashid Ghannoushi Political Islam in The Post-Jasmine Revolution Context of Tunisia: Analyzing the Thoughts of Rashid Ghannoushi." Jurnal Akidah & Pemikiran Islam 25, no. 2 (2023): 499–542. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/afkar.vol25no2.15.

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Tunisia has a unique experience as the first Arab country to spark the Arab Spring. This uprising was filled with a series of anti-government protests called the Jasmine Revolution. In that situation, Rashid Ghannoushi, the head of the Islamic Movement in Tunisia (Al-Nahdah) was also involved in the situation by putting his perspective based on the party’s Islamic agenda. So, the objective of this article is to trace the political thought of Rashid Ghannoushi in achieving political goals through the framework of Islamic politics. This is because the results of his thought on political Islam sh

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Mutlu, Bedirhan Erdem. "Islamists and the Religious Field: (Non-)Transformations of the Religious Institutions in Post-Revolutionary Tunisia." Middle East Law and Governance 16, no. 4 (2024): 435–68. https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-16040001.

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Abstract This article questions the impact of an Islamist party’s ascent to power on the state-run religious institutions through a case study of Tunisia. Literature highlights that pre-existing institutional entanglements between religion and modern states in the mena region provide the Islamists with a chance to launch a state-led project of religious revival. However, Tunisia after the 2011 Revolution presents a “negative case” where Ennahda Movement was unable to capitalize on their position in government to control, empower, or transform religious institutions due to both the democratic p

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Al-Turk, Halima. "The Arab Springs: A Comparison of the Uprisings in Libya & Syria in 2011." Political Science Undergraduate Review 2, no. 1 (2016): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur66.

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The Arab Springs is known as “a revolutionary wave of demonstrations, protests, riots, protracted civil wars and other forms of opposition (both violent and non-violent) in the Arab territories” (Elfaith. 2015, 121). Starting in Tunisia on December 18, 2010, Mohamed Bouazizi a street vendor, set himself on fire after being harassed by municipal police officials. Bouazizi’s act of self-immolation sparked international attention, leading Tunisia into a revolution. After being in power for 23 years as Tunisia’s President, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali stepped down and fled to Saudi Arabia (Bunton 2013,

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Un, Kheang. "Cambodia in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (2012): 202–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.202.

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Abstract Cambodia's economy in 2011 recovered from the global economic downturn with a rise in garment exports. Hun Sen and the ruling Cambodian People's Party further consolidated power via the exercise of rule by law and patronage politics. Relations with Thailand returned to normal; ties with China strengthened with increased assistance and trade. The Khmer Rouge Tribunal proceeded amid allegations of political interference by the Cambodian government, making the further expansion of indictments unlikely.

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Borrillo, Sara. "Chouftouhonna Festival: Feminist and Queer Artivism as Transformative Agency for a New Politics of Recognition in Post-revolutionary Tunisia." Studi Magrebini 18, no. 2 (2020): 203–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2590034x-12340028.

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Abstract In Tunisia, like in other MENA countries, feminism has opened the door to activism advocating for individual liberties and sexual rights. After the 2010-2011 revolution, a new wave of political activism has relied on new forms of cultural and creative practice to reconfigure the public space. This paper utilises ethnographic fieldwork to investigate the experience of the Chouftouhonna Feminist International Art Festival in Tunis as an example of ‘artivism’ – i.e. artistic activism – grounded in secular feminism and advancing LGBTQ+ claims. The first section of this paper explores the

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Khoiri, Miftahul, and Nur Anwar. "ISLAM DAN DEMOKRASI DI TUNISIA." Batuthah: Jurnal Sejarah Padaban Islam 1, no. 2 (2022): 148–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.38073/batuthah.v1i2.1056.

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Tunisia is a country in the Middle East. Even though they are in the Middle East region which is included in the Arab region, they remain democratic. It all started with the enactment of the jasmine revolution from 2010-2011 which drew the world's attention. Starting from Tunisia, the spirit of revolution which became known as the Arab Spring swept across other Middle Eastern countries. The research study that the author wrote is related to Islam and democracy in Tunisia, to provide an overview of one of the countries in the Arab world which has revolutionized the governance order to become mo

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Salman, Lana, and Bernadette Baird-Zars. "From the Fragments Up: Municipal Margins of Maneuver in Syria and Tunisia." Middle East Law and Governance 11, no. 2 (2019): 244–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01102006.

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Most studies of the Arab uprisings and their aftermaths focus on national-level political processes, neglecting changes at the municipal level. The few studies of municipalities that do exist tend to treat municipalities either as corruption-prone institutions exploited by local elites, or else as areas in need of intervention to make them function properly. We argue that municipalities are an overlooked site of political change—both spatially and temporally—that began prior to the uprisings but accelerated in their aftermath. Drawing on original empirical material from Tunisia and Syria betwe

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Sayigh, Yezid. "Agencies of Coercion: Armies and Internal Security Forces." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 3 (2011): 403–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000572.

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The readiness of army commanders in Egypt and Tunisia to counter the internal security agencies deployed by their own governments against civilian protestors in early 2011 proved decisive in bringing down presidents-for-life Husni Mubarak and Zayn al-ʿAbidin bin ʿAli. This brings into sharp relief questions about how to approach and assess the various coercive agencies of the state. Should we regard them as different branches of a single coercive apparatus, through which the state seeks to exercise a monopoly on the legitimate means of violence? Or should we see them as manifestations of more

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BenGhoul, Marwa. "Political Risk and Foreign Direct Investment in Tunisia." International Journal of Sustainable Economies Management 8, no. 3 (2019): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsem.2019070104.

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Political risk factors have been considered as important factors which impact the foreign direct investment (FDI). But, the relationship between the political risk and FDI still not highly covered as expected. In this context, it is crucial to measure the political risk factors impact on the FDI especially for the Arab Spring countries which embraced radical political change after the revolution in 2011. This article aims to investigate the relationship between political risk and the FDI in Tunisia for the case of service sectors. The research is based on aggregate variables that represent six

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Tamburini, Francesco. "The ‘Islam of the Government’: The Islamic High Councils in Algeria, Morocco, Mauritania and Tunisia." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 4 (2019): 492–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619885971.

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Islam, in its relation between state and politics, has often been used to strengthen the sense of national identity or as a tool of self-legitimation by Arab regimes to gain the support of the people. This happened in Algeria, Morocco, Mauritania and Tunisia, where the state not only co-opted religion for official purposes but absorbed the ‘ ulamā’, the religious establishment, in the administration as simple employees of newly created institutions, such as the High Islamic Councils. This article aims to shed light on these little-known organizations, one of the regime’s keystones to having a

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Tamm, Marek. "In search of lost time: Memory politics in Estonia, 1991-2011." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 4 (2013): 651–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.747504.

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This article analyzes memory politics during the first 20 years (1991-2011) of the newly independent Estonia. Memory politics is understood as a politics endeavoring to shape the society's collective memory and establish notions of what is and is not to be remembered of the past, employing to this end both legislative means and practical measures. The paper presents one possible scheme for analyzing Estonian memory politics and limits its treatment in two important ways. Firstly, the focus is on national memory politics, that is the decisions of the parliament, government, and president orient

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Shabana, Ihab. "Between Political Arena and the Mosque: Islamist Governance in Egypt and Tunisia after the 2011 Arab Uprisings." Chrześcijaństwo-Świat-Polityka, no. 28 (November 25, 2024): 258–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/csp.2024.28.1.15.

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This article presents a comparative study of political Islam in Egypt and Tunisia after the 2011 Arab uprisings. The study offers a comparative analysis of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s (MB) and Tunisian Ennahda’s governance and practices in their respective countries. An insight on theoretical debates and ideological transformations across political Islam’s ideology is offered, while exploring the pathways towards political moderation. By comparatively investigating various sectors, such as politics, ideology, and social agendas, differentiated political Islam trajectories are uncovered a

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