Academic literature on the topic 'Tunisie – Antiquité'
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Journal articles on the topic "Tunisie – Antiquité"
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Ritter, Stefan, Sami Ben Tahar, Jörg W. E. Fassbinder, and Lena Lambers. "Landscape archaeology and urbanism at Meninx: results of geophysical prospection on Jerba (2015)." Journal of Roman Archaeology 31 (2018): 357–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104775941800137x.
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This paper presents the results of the geophysical prospection conducted at the site of Meninx (Jerba) in 2015. This was the first step in a Tunisian-German project (a cooperation between the Institut National du Patrimoine, Tunis, and the Institut für Klassische Archäologie der Ludwig-Maximilans-Universität München), the aim of which is to shed light on the urban history of the most important city on the island of Jerba in antiquity.Meninx, situated on the SE shore of the island (fig. 1), was the largest city on Jerba during the Roman Empire and eponymous for the island's name in antiquity. The outstanding importance of this seaport derived from the fact that it was one of the main production centers of purple dye in the Mediterranean. With the earliest secure evidence dating to at least the Hellenistic period, Meninx saw a magnificent expansion in the 2nd and 3rd c. A.D. It was inhabited until the 7th c. when the city was finally abandoned.
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Leone, Anna. "TOPOGRAPHIES OF PRODUCTION IN NORTH AFRICAN CITIES DURING THE VANDAL AND BYZANTINE PERIODS." Late Antique Archaeology 1, no. 1 (2003): 257–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000011.
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An important characteristic of North African cities in Late Antiquity is the appearance of structures relating to artisanal production in unusual settings, often in former public buildings. In this paper I argue for developing a study of this sector, looking not only at products, such as pottery, but also at productive structures and their wider urban location. Archaeological evidence from Tunisia and Tripolitania is analysed, dating from Vandal, Byzantine and also, occasionally, Early Islamic times, relating principally to murex dyeing, fish salting, olive oil production and pottery manufacturing. Lime kilns are also considered.
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Shkodra, Brikena. "Ceramics from Late Roman Contexts in Durrës." Annual of the British School at Athens 101 (November 2006): 427–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400021377.
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What seems to be the case is that Durrës during the late Roman period was incorporated in the network of Byzantine state-controlled supply which operated throughout the east and west Mediterranean, suggesting that the city was more open to the east than to the west in late Antiquity. By contrast, the supply of Tunisian fine ware and amphorae is smaller then the imports from the eastern Mediterranean. However, the persistence presence of Tunisian wares throughout late Vandal and Byzantine period argues for sustained interaction between east and west within the Byzantine world. The presence of local production in the 6th century contexts merits further analysis.
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Nasr, Mongi. "Les dépotoirs d'ateliers de céramiques de Majoura: nouvelles données." Libyan Studies 46 (October 15, 2015): 115–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lis.2015.13.
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AbstractMajoura, an unpublished rural site in south-west Tunisia, is characterised by a wealth of archaeological remains including waste from ceramic production. The ceramic material allows us to better understand the nature of the site, which produced amphorae, finewares and cooking wares. Nevertheless, it is more or less impossible to differentiate the local productions from other workshops in the region, notably Sidi Aïch, without scientific analyses. However, the diversification of this workshop gives the site an important place, as much in studies of the economy of the region of south-west Byzacena as in the economy of antiquity in general.
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Fulford, M. G. "To East and West: the Mediterranean Trade of Cyrenaica and Tripolitania in Antiquity." Libyan Studies 20 (January 1989): 169–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900006683.
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In the context of the North African littoral Cyrenaica and Tripolitania appear almost as fertile islands, surrounded by desert on three sides and the Mediterranean to the north (Fig. 1). Between Cyrenaica and Egypt the desert runs to the sea, while between Cyrenaica and Tripolitania lies desert which stretches up to the shores of the Gulf of Sirte. Only to the west of Tripolitania is there a thin coastal strip of cultivable land which runs past the island of Djerba, turning north past Gabes to the productive lands of central Tunisia. As the crow flies only some 350 miles (450 km) separate Berenice (Benghazi), the most westerly of the cities of Cyrenaica from Lepcis Magna, her nearest neighbour among the Tripolitanian cities. While a land-route existed along the north African coast, the destinations it offered were clearly limited. Transport by sea not only offered the opportunity for the most economical long distance movement of bulk commodities such as grain, olive-oil and wine — the staples of the ancient world — but it also presented a greater range of possible destinations.
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Medini, Hnène, Bruno Manongiu, Neffati Aicha, Leila Chekir-Ghedira, Fethia Harzalla-Skhiri, and Med Larbi Khouja. "Chemical and Antibacterial Polymorphism ofJuniperus oxycedrusssp.oxycedrusandJuniperus oxycedrusssp.macrocarpa(Cupressaceae) Leaf Essential Oils from Tunisia." Journal of Chemistry 2013 (2013): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/389252.
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Essential oils fromJuniperus oxycedrusL. have been used since antiquity for fragrance, flavoring, medicinal, antimicrobial, insecticidal, and cosmetic purposes. Several works studied the chemical composition of the essential oils ofJuniperus oxycedrusleaves. The aim of this study is to investigate the chemotaxonomic relationships and antibacterial activity of two Tunisian subspecies:Juniperus oxycedrusssp.oxycedrus(L. K.) Deb. andJuniperus oxycedrusssp.macrocarpa(S. & m.) Ball. In addition, and for the first time, we reported the antibacterial activities of TunisianJ. oxycedrusssp.macrocarpaandJ. oxycedrusssp.oxycedrusagainst four bacteria. Essential oils obtained by hydrodistillation were analysed by GC and GC/MS. Fifty-five constituents were identified. Thirty four major compounds were retained for the study of the chemical variability, andα-pinene, sylvestrene,p-cymene, and 13-epi-manoyl oxide were the main ones. The chemical principal components analysis (PCA) identified three chemotypes. The study of the antibacterial activity showed thatEscherichia coliwas found to be extremely resistant (zone diameter 0 mm) to all the oils tested, whileStaphylococcus aureuswas the most sensitive strain (zone diameter 13.5 mm and MIC ranged from 600 to 650 μg/mL).
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Cremona, Vicki Ann. "Bali and Beyond: Eugenio Barba's Ur-Hamlet." New Theatre Quarterly 27, no. 4 (2011): 341–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x11000662.
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In this article Vicki Ann Cremona traces the development of the complex process of montage used by Eugenio Barba for Ur-Hamlet, based on the oral tale Amleth, which Saxo Grammaticus included in his history of the Danes (circa 1216). Besides Odin Teatret, the project involved a large number of actors and musicians from Bali, Brazil, and Japan, and other participants and trainees with whom Barba had worked at the International School of Theatre Anthropology (ISTA). The author here recounts how the work was developed from different cultural perspectives, describing how the actors' physical scores were combined without their cultural specificity being modified in any way. Vicki Ann Cremona is an Associate Professor at the University of Malta, currently serving as Malta's Ambassador to Tunisia. Her co-edited texts include Costume in Malta: a History of Fabric, Form, and Fashion (1998) and Theatrical Events: Borders, Dynamics, Frames (2004). She updated, revised and edited Nicola Savarese's Eurasian Theatre: Drama and Performance between East and West from Classical Antiquity to the Present, translated from the Italian by Richard Fowler (Holstebro, Malta, Wrocław: Icarus Publishing, 2010).
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Jaouadi, Sahbi, Vincent Lebreton, Viviane Bout-Roumazeilles, et al. "Environmental changes, climate and anthropogenic impact in south-east Tunisia during the last 8 kyr." Climate of the Past 12, no. 6 (2016): 1339–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/cp-12-1339-2016.
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Abstract. Pollen and clay mineralogical analyses of a Holocene sequence from Sebkha Boujmel (southern Tunisia) trace the climatic and environmental dynamics in the lower arid bioclimatic zone over the last 8000 years. During the mid- to late Holocene transition, between ca. 8 and 3 ka BP, a succession of five wet–dry oscillations is recorded. An intense arid event occurs between ca. 5.7 and 4.6 ka BP. This episode marks the onset of a long-term aridification trend with a progressive retreat of Mediterranean woody xerophytic vegetation and of grass steppes. It ends with the establishment of pre-desert ecosystems around 3 ka BP. The millennial-scale climate change recorded in the data from Sebkha Boujmel is consistent with records from the south and east Mediterranean, as well as with climatic records from the desert region for the end of the African Humid Period (AHP). Eight centennial climatic events are recorded at Sebkha Boujmel and these are contemporary with those recorded in the Mediterranean and in the Sahara. They indicate a clear coupling between the southern Mediterranean and the Sahara before 3 ka BP. The event at 4.2 ka BP is not evidenced and the link between events recorded in Sebkha Boujmel and the North Atlantic cooling events is clearer from ca. 3 ka BP onwards. These variations indicate the importance of climatic determinism in the structuring of landscapes, with the establishment of the arid climatic conditions of the late Holocene. It is only from ca. 3 ka BP onwards that the dynamic of plant associations is modified by both human activity and climatic variability. The climatic episodes identified during the historic period indicate strong regionalisation related to the differential impact of the North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO) and the Mediterranean Oscillation (MO) on the Mediterranean Basin. The local human impact on regional ecosystems is recorded in the form of episodes of intensification of pastoral and/or agricultural activities. The development of olive production and of several taxa associated with agriculture attest to increasing sedentism among human populations during classical antiquity. The significant increase in Artemisia (wormwood) between ca. 1.1 and 0.8 ka BP (850–1150 AD) is linked to intensive pastoral activity, associated with heightened interannual and/or seasonal climatic instability. A complete reshaping of the landscape is recorded during the 20th century. The remarkable expansion of the olive tree, and the deterioration of regional ecosystems with the spread of desert species, is linked to recent local socio-economic changes in Tunisia.
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Miedema, Hessel. "Dido Rediviva, of: Liever Turks dan Paaps Een opstandig schilderij door Gillis Coignet." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 108, no. 2 (1994): 79–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501794x00369.
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AbstractIn the Vleeshuis museum in Antwerp is a painting which is signed and dated G.COINGNET.FEC.1583 (note 1 and fig. 1). It allegedly represents 'Queen Dido, giving orders for Carthage to be built.' However, in the painting an architect is presenting the putative queen with a construction drawing (fig. 2) which bears the inscription PORTA DE LA GOLETA. La Goletta was a fortress built by Charles v to keep Tunis under Spanish control when he took possession of the city in 1535. In the 1560s, to cope with the threat of renewed Turkish attacks, La Goletta was substantially reinforced. Work was also begun on a new fort ('Nova arx') between Tunis and La Goletta. However, the Turks finally took both fortresses and the city itself in 1574. The conquest of 1574 is depicted and described in Civitates orbis terrarum by Braun and Hogenberg (note 7 and fig. 3). The authors suggest that the 'Nova arx' was modelled on the fortress of Antwerp. This edifice was built in 1568-69 by the Duke of Alva to subdue Antwerp, but after the initial success of the uprising against Spanish domination it was taken by the rebels and integrated in the city's fortifications. This was the situation in 1583, when Coignet painted his picture. The role assigned to the Antwerp guild of bricklayers and stone-masons in the painting is so prominent, that it is safe to assume that it was commissioned by the guild. In all probability it represents an anti-Spanish political programme. A further indication is provided by the drawing which is being presented to the queen; it bears a strong resemblance to the plan of Hadrian's port in ancient Ostia (note 11 and fig. 4). In Civitates orbis terrarum we read that the Turks, after their conquest of Tunis, razed the city's fortifications to the ground, replacing them by a naval port to make things as awkward as possible for the Catholic enemy. There is thus an obvious connection between La Goletta and a port of Antiquity; in that connection the role of the Turks also emerges. During the Dutch revolt against Spanish domination there was often talk of making overtures to the Turks, who, although not noted for their gentle disposition, were far more tolerant in matters of religion than the Hapsburgs. Indeed, one of the slogans of the revolt was 'sooner Turkish than popish'. There is also evidence of actual contacts between Antwerp and Constantinople during this period. The specific reference to La Goletta thus clearly indicates the intention of the painting: in analogy with the Turkish conquest of 1574, the Antwerp building trade guild assigned to Dido a new, allegorical role: that of ordering the conversion of a fortress erected by the enemy into a fortified port for the purpose of vexing the emperor of the Roman, c.q. the Roman-catholic realm. The link with the hated fortress which Alva had built for Antwerp is evident. There is little likelihood that plans were actually made to provide Antwerp with such a port; the painting probably had a propagandistic function. In 1585 the Duke of Parma definitively took the city for the king of Spain, and the fortress was separated from the fortifications again in order to quell any fresh uprisings. The fortress was pulled down in 1884; today the Museum of Fine Arts stands on the site.
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Amina, Benhamou, Aissaoui Ghania, Amari Mouna, Derias Souad, and Fazouane Fethia. "Influence of Solar Drying on the Phytochemical Screen of Equisetopsida Asterales." Current Journal of Applied Science and Technology, April 4, 2019, 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/cjast/2019/v34i330133.
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We are interested by studying the influence of two drying methods: in the shade and solar energy, on phytochemical composition. For this, we choose the rhizomes of the plant Equisetopsida Asterales, a species that can be found in the poor soil of Provence and Corsica. It prefers dry, sunny places in the Mediterranean. It is native to Southwest Asia, the East and spread in North Africa (Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Libya), Australia and the Americas, and Europe (Greece, Italy, France, Portugal, Spain). Equisetopsida Asterales rhizomes are used in Algeria as a traditional cream, which contributes to the disappearance of scars generated by burning. The antimicrobial properties of medicinal and aromatic plants have been known since antiquity. However, it was not until the early 20th century that scientists are beginning to show interest. It is known that the treatment of microbial infection is mainly based on the use of antibiotics, several work is devoted to the study of the antimicrobial power of essential oils.
 After some experiences in this work, the important result was obtained, time of Equisetopsida Asterales by solar energy is better than shade; and yield of essential oil extracted is better from the rhizomes dried by solar energy.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Tunisie – Antiquité"
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Ben, Omrane Sadok. "La petite Syrte et la Tripolitaine à l'époque punique." Paris 4, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA040394.
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Durant, neuf siècles les villes côtières de la petite Syrte et la Tripolitaine étaient puniques. A partir du sixième siècle avant J. -C. Les phéniciens s'étaient installés le long du littoral. Les sources littéraires, l'archéologie, et l'épigraphie confirment cette présence punique. Tacape, Gigthis, Zian, Sabratha, Oea, Lepcis étaient les emporia de Carthage. Même après la disparition de Carthage, la culture punique était attestée. Le sénat, l'assemblée du peuple, et le suffète étaient les institutions les plus connues. A l'époque numide et à l'époque romaine la persistance de la civilisation punique est certaine<br>During nine centuries the coast towns from the small Sirte and from the Tripolitania were Punic. From the sixth century b. C. , the Phoenicians had settled along the littoral. Literary source, archeology, epigraphy confirme that there was once a Punic presence all over this area. Tacape, Gigthis, Sabratha, Oea, Lepcis were the Carthage's emporia even after Carthage's disappearance, in 146 b. C. , the Punic culture had been certified. The senate, the plebeian assembly, and the shophet were the most famous institutions. Later, during the Numidian era and from the Roman era to the second century of hours, their culture and civilization testify to the persistence of the Phoenician-Punic contribution
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Bonifay, Michel. "Etudes sur la céramique romaine tardive d'Afrique du nord." Paris 1, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA010565.
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Sur la base d'une documentation réunie depuis vingt ans en France méridionale (principalement à Marseille), en Tunisie (en particulier dans la région de Nabeul, Hammamet et Sidi Jdidi) et sur quelques sites de Méditerranée orientale (notamment Alexandrie), l'auteur aborde tour à tour la production, la typologie-chronologie et la diffusion des céramiques africaines (amphores, vaisselles, lampes, autres objets, céramiques architecturales), du IIe au VIIe siècles.
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Gadhoum, Ahmed. "Etude des ports et des sites côtiers antiques de la côte orientale de la Tunisie : étude économique à partir des données archéologiques." Aix-Marseille 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010AIX10001.
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La position de la côte orientale de la Tunisie dans la Méditerranée lui a conféré une importance majeure dès les premières civilisations. Interface entre un riche hinterland et des places de commerce, elle a vu naître sur ses rivages des ports et des agglomérations côtières. Débouchés et points de circulations des hommes, des biens et des cultures, ils se sont développés et changés au fil du temps. L’édification de ces installations a nécessité une mise à profit de la topographie côtière et une prise en considération des éléments naturels. L’histoire et le statut juridique des cités ont marqué l’évolution de ces structures mais aussi le degré d’importance économique de l’arrière-pays. Le développement du commerce a entraîné celui de la navigation et l’évolution du tonnage des navires. C’est ainsi que la côte orientale de la Tunisie a vu ses ports s’agrandir de simples abris à des ports disposant d’infrastructures bâties. Il existe des disparités entre ceux de la zone du Cap Bon, de l’actuel Sahel et de la petite Syrie. Les différences entre ces ports ont marqué un mode de fonctionnement régi par une hiérarchie au sein d’un système portuaire évolutif.
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Nasr, Mongi. "La sigillée claire africaine de la byzacène du sud-ouest : productions et circuits commerciaux." Aix-Marseille 1, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005AIX10058.
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Les dépotoirs de céramique de la Byzacène du Sud-Ouest (Tunisie) sont presque tous inédits. Aussi l'étude du matériel de Sidi Aïch a-t-elle exigé à la fois le recours aux typologies dites "classiques"' et l'élaboration des typologies propres aux productions endogènes. Des difficultés multiples qui relèvent aussi bien de la théorie que de la pratique : l'incommodité de concilier, d'une part le conceptuel (abstrait) et le concret, et d'autre part "l'archétype" et le "dérivé". Cette "conciliation" a permis de dégager la marge de l'originalité et le degré "d'imitation", d'esquisser une chronologie, de détecter les circuits commerciaux, de délimiter les aires de diffusion et de rectifier les attributions injustes. Une classification des produits exogènes à Thelepte et Majoura a permis de déceler leur répartition catégorielle, spatiale et chronologique. La fourchette chronologique du matériel de Sidi Aïch infirme la datation réductrice de la période des activités de nos ateliers en deux siècles : IVe et Ve s. ; cette période serait plutôt comprise entre la fin du IIe s. Et le début du VIIe s. ; pour l'atelier de Thelpte, son activité serait beaucoup plus tardive. Sur le plan politico-économique, la période vandale n'apparâit pas très perturbée. Donc on est tenté de placer le début d'un processus effectif et accéléré de décadence plutôt lors de l'avènement des Byzantins.
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Ben, Slimane Ouafa. "La façade maritime nord de l’afrique romaine : de Thabraca au promunturium Mercurii." Thesis, Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040159.
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La thèse a pour objet l’étude de la façade maritime nord de l’Afrique Proconsulaire depuis Thabraca (Tbarqa) au Promunturium Mercuri (le Cap Bon), dans des limites chronologiques recouvrant la période romaine de 146 av. J.-C. à 439 ap. J.C. Il s’agit d’une région fort mal connue, à l’exception des deux villes de Carthage et d’Utique, pour laquelle les témoignages archéologiques ont été insuffisamment pris en considération par la recherche de terrain alors que des prospections avaient pourtant signalé une occupation du sol significative notamment autour du golfe de Tunis.Ce travail propose d’établir un bilan des connaissances reposant tant sur les sources classiques que sur la documentation archéologique. La démarche est attentive à ne pas limiter son enquête à la seule analyse des vestiges liés à l’occupation du sol sur terre (un pléonasme volontairement utilisé ici) mais aussi de prendre en considération l’environnement maritime.En effet ces deux espaces souvent étudiés séparément sont en définitive très étroitement dépendants l’un de l’autre pour leur économie qu’il s’agisse des productions liées aux ressources de la mer et de celles de l’hinterland des agglomérations côtières, ou bien des échanges inter provinciaux dans le bassin méditerranéen.L’examen simultané de ces deux espaces révèle un urbanisme fort modeste, une mise en valeur des sols insignifiantes au regard de celles d’autres régions voisines bien plus privilégiées, des infrastructures portuaires quasi inexistantes ou sommaires, des activités de production fort limitées, une vie politique très effacée<br>The thesis is to study the coastline north of Proconsular Africa from Thabraca (Tbarqa) to Promunturium Mercurii (Cap Bon), within chronological limits covering the period from 146 BC to 439 AD. It is a very poorly known region- except for the two cities Carthage and Utica, where archaeological evidence has been insufficiently taken into account by field research though surveys have reported a significant soil occupation especially around the Gulf of Tunis.This work proposes to establish a stock of knowledge as based on classical sources as on the archaeological documentation. The approach is careful not to limit its investigation to remains analysis bound to the soil on land (a pleonasm is deliberately used here) but also to consider the marine environment. Indeed these two spaces which are often studied separately are ultimately very closely dependent on each other another for their economy, whether for productions related to marine resources and those of the hinterland of coastal settlements, or for the inter-provincial trade in the Mediterranean.The simultaneous examination of these two areas reveals a very modest urban planning, an enhancement of insignificant soils in comparison with those of other more privileged neighboring regions, port facilities almost non-existent or rare, production activities very limited, a political life very faded
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Bouzid, Ezzeddine. "Etude des jeux sportifs d'adultes et d'enfants de deux périodes de l'histoire tunisienne : la période romaine et l'époque actuelle." Paris 5, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA05H054.
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Dans cette recherche, nous avons considéré deux corpus de jeux sportifs différents, très éloignés dans le temps, entre 15 à 20 siècles d'intervalle l'un est constitué de 240 jeux relevés dans toutes les mosaïques, accessibles, concernant la Tunisie romaine et datées entre le Ier et le VIème siècle ap j -c l'autre est un corpus de 240 situations ludiques, de l'époque actuelle des iles Kerkennah, situes au large des eaux de Sfax en prenant appui sur le cadre conceptuel et méthodologique de l'analyse des jeux sportifs, élaboré par P. Parlebas, nous avons essayé de montrer, tout au long de cette étude, que les caractéristiques des jeux sont en correspondance avec les caractéristiques de l'époque d'appartenance. Sur la base d'une approche interculturelle, la comparaison entre les jeux sportifs de la Tunisie romaine et les jeux traditionnels des lies Kerkennah met en lumière une variété de convergences et de divergences (espace de jeu, mode de communication et de contre communication motrice) qui renvoient aux traits marquants de chaque période historique, chaque culture rapport au temps, représentation des rôles masculin et féminin, relations sociales d'après nos résultats, nous avons constaté l'importante diversité des grands traits distinctifs présentes par les jeux sportifs en fonction de chaque période historique, des lieux et des populations en question, <<témoigne de l'influence despotique des normes et des valeurs sociales sur la mise en jeu du corps >>.
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Ghaddhab, Ridha. "Le fait urbain en Afrique du Nord : de la ville du Bas-empire à l'agglomération médiévale à travers des exemples tunisiens." Bordeaux 3, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003BOR30041.
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A partir d'exemples tirés de la Tunisie actuelle, ce travail voudrait examiner le destin de la ville pendant la période située entre la fin de l'Empire romain et le haut Moyen Age. Pour le Bas-Empire, les dirigeants ont voulu reprendre les traditions du Haut-Empire dans l'aspect matériel des villes. La période est caractérisée par l'intervention du pouvoir impérial dans ce que l'on peut considérer commes des villes moyennes ou petites. Chefs-lieux d'un terrtoire de faible étendue ; elles ne pouvaient plus se maintenir comme des centres urbains sans l'intervention impériale. Les grandes villes en revanche conservent par leurs propes moyens l'essentiel des équipements antérieurs : centre civique, édifices de spectacles, thermes, aqueducs. Pour l'époque vandale, et avec toutes les précautions d'usage, il semble que l'on assiste alors à la ruralisation des centre de faible et moyenne importance qui n'avaient plus le sotien du pouvoir pour se maintenir en tant que villes. Toutefois, la vie urbaine semble se maintenir dans les grands centres urbains classiques, mais la repartition est inégale suivant que l'on setrouve en Proconsulaire ou en Byzacène. L'époque byzantine marque un tournant fondamental dans l'histoire urbaine de l'Afrique du Nord. Les Byzantins en privilégiant certaines agglomérations pour des raisons politiques et économiques, ils ont pécipité ou achevé le déclin d'un grand nombre de centres urbains traditionnels. La rupture avec le système romain, déjà effective sous les Byzantins, est consommée au haut Moyen Age. La ville des deux premiers siècles de l'Hégire s'apparente tout à fait par ses structures à l'agglomération antérieure<br>The present research on the urban reality is based on cases studies, hence 52 cities in Zeugitenia and Byzancena are subjected to close an exhaustive examination. Following an uniform pattern, we examine for each of them all the written and archaeological data avaiblable in order to retrace for each examples its appropriate urban landscape for the considered period. Even thought the evolution of agglomerations is highly variable throught Late Empire and Late Antiquity, we can still notice hierarchies and series that reveal the policy of the authorities at time. For the Late Empire, the rulers wanted carry the traditions of Early Empire as regards the material aspect of cities. This period is characterised by the intervention of imperial authority and its representatives in what we may consider as small and medium-sized cities. They were head localities of territories of small extent , and not could no longer maintain their status of urban centres without helpd provided by imperial intervention. As to big cities, they kept by their own means the bulk of equipment they had taken over, such as civic centres, thermae and aqueducts. It is often very hard to understand what happened in urban centers during the Vandal period. It is commonly hed that the cities went living on the supposedly valuable legacy of the Late Empire, keeping up the bulk of municipal structures and Roman equipement. In fact, our claim in the present research runs against it, for what we put forth is that during the period under study one witnesses a "ruralization" of cities of little average importance, which lost the State's intervention necessary to their survival as cities
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Ben, Moussa Moncef. "Les ateliers de sigillées africaines dans la Tunisie septentrionale." Aix-Marseille 1, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001AIX10103.
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La Tunisie septentrionale a connu l'épanouissement des premiers ateliers de sigillées africaines, puis le développement et le déclin des ateliers tardifs. Aucun atelier produisant la sigillée africaine A n'a encore été localisé, mais on sait qu'à l'origine de cette céramique il y avait des traditions multiples. Son déclin coi͏̈ncide avec l'apparition de nombreuses autres productions caractéristiques du IIIe siècle. A partir de l'étude des céramiques de Pheradi Maius, un atelier actif entre le IVe et le VIIe siècle, on est confronté à des problèmes de typologie et de chronologie, mais on peut caractériser les étapes de production et les styles du décor estampé. Les techniques de fabrication et l'organisation de la production permettent de décrire les aspects unitaires de ces traditions artisanales pour un monde de travail libre. Elles permettent également de définir les rapports entre les ateliers de l'Est et les centres de production des céramiques régionales. La production des sigillées africaines est intégrée à une économie rurale pour les premiers ateliers alors que l'industrie céramique de l'Antiquité Tardive est caractérisée par un mode de production mixte. Le fonctionnement des grands ateliers témoigne d'une importante concentration économique avec des bases sociales solides. Lorsque cette activité est située dans un cadre urbain, elle est caractérisée par les dimensions limitées des unités de production, preuve d'une modeste condition sociale des propriétaires. La circulation locale des sigillées africaines permet de définir les territoires des ateliers et une aire plus étendue pour la diffusion des techniques de production. La circulation méditerranéenne de cette céramique suit les tendances de l'économie africaine sous le Haut-Empire. Pour les sigillées tardives, l'exemple de la circulation des céramiques de Pheradi Maius confirme l'existence de destinations constantes et de marchés préférentiels.
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Lecat, Zénaïde. "Recherches sur les fortifications des Hautes Steppes (Tunisie) à l'époque byzantine." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040234.
Full textAbstract:
Les Hautes Steppes comportent un grand nombre de fortifications dont beaucoup ont été attribuées à l’époque byzantine. Parmi elles, de grandes forteresses ont livré des dédicaces renseignant sur leur statut officiel, mais, on rencontre également de très nombreux « fortins ». Devant ce corpus composé de constructions aux caractéristiques très variées, la sériation, selon des critères architecturaux notamment, suivie de la recherche de corrélations entre les séries, apparaissait comme la méthode la plus efficace pour arriver à des résultats probants. Seul a ensuite été poursuivi l’examen des séries pouvant raisonnablement être étudiées dans le contexte byzantin. La distribution géographique de chacune d’entre elle a été examinée et des analyses spatiales ont été réalisées grâce à l’outil SIG. Ce travail a permis la mise en évidence de plusieurs réseaux dont les schémas d’implantation évoluent avec le temps. Il semblerait qu’on soit passé de la forteresse symbole d’un pouvoir qui se voulait fort, s’appuyant sur des lignes de défense naturelles, à des réseaux de surveillance peut-être plus adaptés à la particularité des ennemis des Byzantins, les Maures, puis les Arabes, réputés très mobiles et, de ce fait, difficiles à contrôler. La nouvelle approche des réseaux qui est proposée met en lumière une vision un peu moins négative de l’Afrique byzantine. Il y avait certes de nombreux problèmes de sécurité, mais les représentants du pouvoir byzantin n’ont peut-être pas abandonné l’Afrique à son sort sans tenter d’apporter des solutions<br>Tunisian High Steppes include a great number of fortifications. For many of them, a date in the Byzantine period was proposed. On few large ones, inscriptions indicating official status were found, but there are also numerous under-studied little « fortlets ». These constructions are quite different. A serial handling, based on architectural standards specifically, has been carried out. Only the series which can reasonably be attributed to the byzantine period have been examined in greater detail. Their geographical distribution has been studied and spatial analysis have been done, using a Geographical Information System (GIS). Thanks to this work, it is possible to identify successive networks. Their settlement plans seem to have changed, from the time when the fortress was considered as a power symbol and installed near natural lines of defense. It evolved to probably more adapted surveillance networks. Indeed, the Byzantine’s enemies were Moorish tribes and Arabs, known to be mobile people and considered hard to control. This new approach of fortifications networks highlights a less negative vision of Byzantine Africa. There were certainly great security problems, but Byzantine representatives doesn’t seem to have let Africans to their own without trying to bring solutions
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Karoui, Saloua-Radhia. "Histoire des mentalités et iconographie : la représentation des xenia dans les mosaïques de la Tunisie romaine." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040260.
Full textAbstract:
L’étude que nous avons menée sur la représentation des xenia dans la Tunisie romaine, s’inscrit dans le cadre général du rapport de l’architecture domestique avec l’affirmation du statut social de l’élite africaine. La construction de la domus était, sans doute, un projet stratégique qui exigeait des notables une réflexion sérieuse sur la meilleure façon d’exalter les signes extérieurs de leur richesse, de leur bon goût et, en définitive, de leur appartenance à l’idéal de vie romain dans lequel l’hospitalité, exprimée par le décor de xenia, occupe une place de choix. Les mosaïques à xenia dans la Tunisie romaine sont les plus nombreuses à l’échelle de l’Empire. elles représentent trois particularités, la première concerne la composition des pavements : les motifs de xenia sont représentés isolés et, dans la plupart des cas, associés à d’autres thèmes décoratifs ; la deuxième se rapporte à la répartition de ces mosaïques dans l’espace domestique, couvrant toutes les composantes de la domus et non pas seulement les pièces réservées aux hôtes ; la troisième, enfin, touche à la sémantique des xenia qui traduit certains aspects de l’histoire mentale de l’élite Afro-romaine<br>The mosaics of xenia in the Roman area of Tunisia are the most numerous at the scale of the Empire. They present three particularities, the first one concerns the compositions of the ornamental tiling: the xenia motifs are represented isolated and, in most cases, associated with other decorative themes; the second one relates to the distribution of those mosaics in the household space covering all components of the domus and not just the rooms reserved for the hosts; finally the third one touches the semantic of the xenia which does not refer itself only about hospitality
Books on the topic "Tunisie – Antiquité"
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Baaziz, Sadok Ben. Rohia et le Sraa Ouertane dans l'antiquité: Tunisie. République tunisienne, Ministère de la culture, Institut national du patrimoine, 2000.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Tunisie – Antiquité"
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Dendani, Lassaad. "Barrages hydrauliques, tourisme et Antiquité : les projets d’un ingénieur visionnaire dans la Tunisie coloniale." In Fabrique du tourisme et expériences patrimoniales au Maghreb, XIXe-XXIe siècles. Centre Jacques-Berque, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.cjb.1500.
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"Basilica Maiorum (Tunis, Tunisia) and Victor of Vita." In The Passion of Perpetua and Felicitas in Late Antiquity. University of California Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1kr4n03.28.
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"23 Basilica Maiorum (Tunis, Tunisia) and Victor of Vita." In The Passion of Perpetua and Felicitas in Late Antiquity. University of California Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520976498-026.
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Jaïdi, Houcine. "La création du Service des Antiquités de Tunisie : contexte et particularités." In Autour du fonds Poinssot. Publications de l’Institut national d’histoire de l’art, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.inha.7157.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Tunisie – Antiquité"
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Younès, Ameur, Mohamed Gaied, and Wissem Gallala. "The Green Schist Marble Stone of Jebel El Hairech (North West of Tunisia): a Multi-Analytical Approach and its Uses in Antiquity." In XI International Conference of ASMOSIA. University of Split, Arts Academy in Split; University of Split, Faculty of Civil Engineering, Architecture and Geodesy, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.31534/xi.asmosia.2015/05.06.
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