Journal articles on the topic 'Turkey burgers'

Turkey burgers (ca. 1.25 or 2.5 cm thick) were inoculated (ca. 6.5 log CFU/g) with a <em>Salmonella</em> spp. cocktail, stored at 4 &deg;C (18 h) or &ndash;20&deg;C (30 d), and then cooked in 15 or 30 mL of canola oil. Regardless of oil volume, cooking refrigerated 1.25 cm thick burgers to 57.2, 65.6, 73.9, or 82.2 &deg;C delivered reductions of ca. 4.8 to &gt; 6.0 log CFU/g compared to ca. 3.0 to &gt;5.0 log CFU/g for frozen burgers. Cooking refrigerated 2.5 cm thick burgers to 57.2 to 82.2 &deg;C delivered reductions of ca. 2.8 to &gt; 6.1 log CFU/g compared to ca. 2.4 to &gt;5.1 log CFU/g for frozen burgers. Average internal temperatures for refrigerated or frozen burgers cooked to 57.2, 65.6, 73.9, or 82.2 &deg;C ranged from 38.3 to 96.2, 48.0 to 99.4, 55.2 to 98.5, or 59.4 to 98.3 &deg;C, respectively. Thus, pan frying refrigerated or frozen Turkey burgers to &gt;73.9 &deg;C delivered a &gt;5.0-log reduction of <em>Salmonella</em>.

In order to enhance the quality of a meat product, turkey burgers with a low-fat and a high-fiber level were formulated by the incorporation of insoluble fibers from Tunisian Deglet Nour date seeds as insoluble fiber concentrate (IFC) at 3%, 5%, and 10% (w/w). Compared to Deglet Nour date seeds powder (DSP), physicochemical results revealed that IFC presented higher ( P &lt; 0.05) levels in carbohydrates at 88.85% and lower values of fat (5.94%), protein (3.81%), and ash (2.35%). For the technofunctional properties, IFC improved the oil-holding capacity (OHC) by 57.14% compared to DSP. IFC addition into turkey burgers was also instrumentally investigated by color (L ∗ , a ∗ , and b ∗ ) and textural parameters (hardness, cohesiveness, adhesiveness, and elasticity) and sensory attributes using a 5-point hedonic scale. Furthermore, IFC changed significantly the color of the formulated products. In addition, hardness and adhesiveness values of all experiments increased significantly ( P &lt; 0.05) with the increase of the incorporation levels compared to the control sample. Regarding sensory analysis, formulated with 5 % IFC, turkey burger samples were most appreciated by the panel with higher ( P &lt; 0.05) overall acceptability. Additionally, two multivariate exploratory techniques, namely, Principal Component Analysis (PCA) and Hierarchical Cluster Analysis (HCA), were used to all obtained data describing the main characteristics attributed to refrigerated turkey meat samples. The applied chemometric approaches were useful in discriminating meat samples and therefore offer an approach to rely interrelationships between meat quality traits. Overall, the findings demonstrate the potential functional and economic utility of IFC as a promising ingredient for future healthy meat applications.

Having more healthful options at campus eateries is a viable way to meet consumer demand, as well as to promote health on campus. Our study tested three healthier alternatives (low-fat beef, turkey, and soy/rice burgers) against the conventional full-fat hamburger patty (control). We examined consumer acceptance of the four burger patties with 48 untrained student panelists. A 9-point scale hedonic test was used to measure consumer acceptance. Quantitative descriptive analysis (QDA) was also conducted with six trained panelists to evaluate the intensity of sensory properties. Analysis of variance was used to detect significant differences among the treatments. Consumer acceptance mean scores for full-fat beef, lean beef, turkey, and soy/rice patties were 5.98, 6.68, 5.50 and 5.56, respectively, with no preference of the control patty over turkey or soy/rice, but a significant preference of the lean beef over turkey and soy/rice. QDA results showed flavor, spiciness, and elasticity significantly varied across the treatments. Panelists rated lean beef as significantly more elastic than all other patties. It is uncertain whether those sensory attributes contributed to consumer acceptance. In conclusion, our research indicates that college consumers may accept these healthier substitutes for traditional full-fat beef patties. Consumer acceptance of healthier patty substitutes should be further investigated in primary and secondary schools as well. With proper marketing, healthier alternatives to the conventional, full-fat hamburger patty could become competitive choices.

This study aimed to compare the volatile organic compound (VOC) profiles of cooked meat from different species. Four burgers were prepared and cooked from each of 100 meat samples obtained from 100 animals of five species/categories (chicken, turkey, pork, veal and beef) sourced from five supermarkets and five local butchers. Two burgers were cooked in a water bath and two were grilled. Direct proton-transfer-reaction time-of-flight mass-spectrometry (PTR-ToF-MS) analysis of the sample headspace yielded 129 mass peaks, 64 of which were tentatively identified. The results showed that turkey and chicken had the largest and the smallest total concentrations of all VOCs, respectively. Of the mammalian meats, veal and beef had greater total VOC concentrations than pork. The proportions of the amounts of all the individual VOCs differed significantly according to species. Additionally, 14 of 17 independent latent explanatory factors (LEFs) identified by multivariate analysis exhibited significant differences between meat species/categories, and therefore helped to characterize them. PTR-ToF-MS has been used for the first time for the rapid and non-invasive profiling of cooked meat of different species/categories. Knowledge of specific VOC profiles paves new avenues for research aimed at characterizing species through sensory description, at authenticating species or at identifying abnormalities or fraud.

Volatile organic compounds (VOCs) are important contributors to meat aroma and are variably correlated with each other. To study the sources of variation and the correlations among meat VOCs, meat cuts from five animal species/categories (chicken, turkey, pork, veal, and beef; two animals/species/retailer: 100 meat cuts) were obtained by 10 retailers. Each cut was processed into four burgers, two of which were grilled and two were cooked in a water bath (400 meat burgers). VOCs were detected by Proton-Transfer-Reaction Time-of-Flight Mass-Spectrometry (PTR-ToF-MS). From these, 129 peaks were selected, of which 72 were tentatively identified as relevant VOCs. Pearson correlations revealed a large number of positive and negative relationships among the VOCs. A multivariate statistical analysis revealed that 87% of the matrix covariance was explained by 17 independent Latent Explanatory Factors (LEFs), which have been described and characterized. LEFs identified may be valuable tools for reducing the dimensionality of results from VOC analyses and can be useful for better understanding and interpreting the variation in the meat aroma profile, although further study is required to characterize their sensory meaning.

ABSTRACT The purpose of this study was to test the effectiveness of an intervention for consumer thermometer use by using a randomized experimental design and direct observation of meal preparation. The study was conducted in test kitchen facilities in two locations in North Carolina (one urban and one rural). Cameras recorded participants' actions at various locations throughout the kitchen and recorded the meal preparation from beginning to end. Before preparing the meal, a randomized treatment group watched a 3-min U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) food safety video “The Importance of Cooking to a Safe Internal Temperature and How to Use a Food Thermometer.” Participants in the control and treatment groups were observed while cooking turkey burgers and preparing a salad to determine whether a thermometer was used to check the doneness of the turkey patties. Following meal preparation, all participants responded to a postobservation interview about food handling behaviors. Treatment group participants were also asked about the intervention. A total of 383 people participated in the study (201 in the control group and 182 in the treatment group). Participants who viewed the video were twice as likely to use a thermometer to check the doneness of the turkey patties compared with the participants who were not exposed to the video (75 versus 34%) and twice as likely to place the thermometer in the correct location (52 versus 23%). Sixty-seven percent of participants who watched the video reported that it influenced their behavior in the kitchen. This study demonstrates the importance of timing and framing of a behavioral intervention for thermometer use and highlights considerations for the development of additional messages (e.g., proper insertion). HIGHLIGHTS

Abstract Objectives A multi-year, integrated methods study showed comprehensive consumer food handling practices when preparing a meal, compared to prevalence of self-reported behaviors. Experimental conditions provided insights on the effectiveness of current and future food safety messages. Methods Demographically-diverse participants were recruited from various communities in one state. Year 1: Participants prepared raw turkey burgers in a simulated home kitchen. Half of participants viewed an educational video on thermometer use before meal preparation; the other half served as a control. Year 2: Participants who self-reported washing poultry prepared raw chicken products. Half of participants received mock social media messages about not washing poultry; the other half served as a control. Food handling behaviors were coded and compared to self-reported actions and attitudes towards food safety, collected via written surveys and in-depth interviews. Results At least one contributing factor to foodborne illness was examined during each observation; cross-contamination actions were always observed. Year 1: Over 60% (n = 383) of participants self-reported owning and using a food thermometer when cooking raw meat and poultry products; however, only 35% of unprompted participants measured final internal temperature with a food thermometer. Year 2: Nearly 25% (n = 300) of participants cross-contaminated a ready-to-eat side; over 50% cross-contaminated due to poor sink sanitation. Differences between self-reported and observed food safety behaviors were seen across participant groups. Lack of sufficient handwashing leading to bacterial cross-contamination was a notable secondary outcome. Conclusions Observations more accurately reflect consumer food handling behaviors and allow for targeted message development to decrease risk of foodborne illness through safe at-home food handling. Findings and messages are shared with health educators, news and social media outlets, and directly to consumers through various resources. Funding Sources This work was funded by the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA), Food Safety and Inspection Service (FSIS). All views expressed here are those of the authors and not necessarily of USDA FSIS. USDA is an equal opportunity provider, employer, and lender.

Examination of the creep behavior of historical buildings and interpretation of seismic failures in historical buildings are of great importance for the safety and future of these important structures. In this study, time-dependent settlement and three-dimensional (3D) seismic analyzes of a historical stone bridge are investigated using the 3D discrete element modeling technique. For the settlement and seismic analyses, the historical single-span Çüngüş bridge which was built in the 18th century in Diyarbakır-Turkey by Ottoman Empire is used. Since Diyarbakır is in a dangerous zone according to the Turkey seismic map, the examination of this structure is very critical for the history of Turkey. The 3D model of the bridge is created using the FLAC3D program based on the finite difference method and all the stone elements in the historical bridge are modeled separately as blocks. Special interaction elements are defined between the discretely modeled stones. For settlement creep analyses, the Burger-creep material model, which was not used for the creep behavior of historical buildings in the past, is utilized. Firstly, the 500-year long-term creep behavior of the bridge is examined by considering the fix boundary condition and full reservoir condition. According to the creep analyses, it is seen that the most deformation and failure section of the bridge is the arch section. Then, for the seismic analyses of the bridge, free-field and quiet non-reflecting boundary conditions are defined in the model. Furthermore, hysteresis damping coefficients are taken into account in seismic analyzes with the help of special fish functions. 10 various earthquakes are considered for seismic analyses. According to the earthquake analyses, the earthquake behavior of the Çüngüş historical bridge is assessed by considering the full reservoir condition and it is understood that 2023 Kahramanmaraş, Hatay, Malatya, Gaziantep earthquakes significantly changed the seismic safety behavior of Çüngüş single-span historical bridge.

During archaeological research of the Old Market Square in Słupsk, cultural strata and architectural relics related to various phases of the market’s development were discovered. The oldest remains date back to the pre-location period; the youngest come from the beginning of the 20th century. The original Gothic town hall was made of brick in the 14th century, accompanied by small wooden annexes. The structure was significantly damaged by the great fire of 1477, after which it had to be partially demolished, renovated and expanded. At the end of the 18th century, all existing buildings were destroyed, the area was lowered, and a new, smaller town hall was built. The last reconstruction of the town hall took place in 1901. The excavations in this area documented 1,179 fragments of animal remains. Due to the complexity of the area’s history and high number of uncovered structures, the remains were analysed chronologically. Their analysis aims to understand the burghers’ meat diet and briefly examine the state of animal husbandry in and around the city from medieval to modern times. The research showed the high importance of livestock, mainly species such as cattle and pigs that provide a large amount of meat. Remains of poultry, especially chicken and geese, were also relatively abundant. Discovery of the remains of the domestic turkey Meleagris gallopavo domesticus in 17th- and 18th-century contexts appears to be of great interest, as they were the leftovers from the luxurious meals at the tables of the burghers. Additionally, a surprising assemblage of corvid bird bones was found in a layer of decayed wood dating to the 18th–19th century, which consisted almost exclusively of the tarsometatarsus bones of a rook (Corvus frugilegus) and a raven (Corvus corax), found along with a skull of a passerine. This find could be associated with some unknown magical rituals; the bones may have also been collected as trophies.

Fast food is a food that is timely and easily prepared and consumed. Generally, it is made of cheap and low nutritional value ingredients. The aim of this study is to determine the fat and the fatty acid composition of regular and healthy fast foods in Amman, Jordan. Thirty-six samples of different fast-food items were collected from three regular fast-food restaurants. Twelve samples were bought from a healthy fast-food restaurant. The results showed that the highest fat content among regular samples was in chicken burger (CB) 12.022% but it was the lowest in turkey sandwich (T) 5.13%. Total fat was lower in healthy items. The highest amount of fat was in healthy chicken pizza (IPH) 6.62%, while baked potato (BP) showed the lowest fat content (0.27%). Halloumi sandwich (H) recorded the greatest level of saturated fatty acids (SFA) 67.01%, yet the lowest was in beef shawarma (BS) 28.30%. Healthy halloumi (HH) recorded the greatest level of SFA (69.45%) where it was the lowest in BP (20.60%). The greatest monounsaturated fatty acids (MUFA) content was in BS (42.88%), however its lowest content was in cheese pizza (EP) 26.31%. The highest content of MUFA was in healthy chicken fajita (HCF) 55.33% while its lowest was in HH (27.24%). The highest polyunsaturated fatty acids (PUFA) content was recorded by chicken shawarma (CS) 34.45% where it was the lowest in H (5.29%). The highest PUFA content was in samples containing meat. The greatest PUFA content was recorded in healthy turkey (HT) 38.01%, whereas it was the lowest in HH (5.20%). The highest level of trans fatty acids (TFA) was observed in French fries (FF) (0.72%), while its lowest amount was in chicken burger (CB) (0.12%). The highest TFA level was in HT (0.86%) while its lowest amount was in BP (0.11%). The ω-6/ω-3 in regular samples was from 5:1 for (CS) to 36:1 for (FF). Nevertheless, ω-6/ω-3 ranged from 1:1 to 22:1 for healthy beef quesadilla (HBQ) and HH in healthy samples. It was found that ω-6/ω-3 in healthy samples was lower than regular ones. The PUFA/SFA ranged 0.08 - 1.25 for H and BS. Whereas, the PUFA/SFA ranged 0.07 - 1.59 for HH and BP in healthy samples. Among the regular samples, the highest atherogenic index (AI) and thrombogenic index (TI) were in H (2.54 and 3.06). The lowest AI and TI were in BS (0.47) and CS (0.54). The highest AI and TI were in HH (2.91 and 3.46) in healthy samples, whereas the lowest AI and TI were in BP 0.26 and 0.49. Key words: Jordan, fast-food, regular, healthy, fat content, fatty acid composition

This study formulated and characterized an antioxidant-rich concentrate of berries (BPC-350) produced in Chile, which was used to perform a crossover study aimed at determining the effect of the berries on the modulation of plasma postprandial oxidative stress and antioxidant status. Healthy male volunteers (N=11) were randomly assigned to three experimental meals: (1) 250 g of ground turkey burger (GTB) + 500 mL of water; (2) 250 g of GTB + 500 mL of 5% BPC-350; (3) 250 g of GTB prepared with 6% BPC-350 + 500 mL of 5% BPC-350. Venous blood samples were collected prior to meal intake and every hour for six hours after intake. Malondialdehyde (MDA), carbonyls in proteins, and DPPH (2,2-diphenyl-1-picrylhydrazyl) antioxidant capacity were quantified in plasma. Significant differences indicated that BPC-350 decreases MDA plasma concentration and protein carbonyls (p&lt;0.05). Additionally, a significant increase in the DPPH antioxidant capacity was observed in Meals 2 and 3 when compared to Meal 1 (p&lt;0.05). The results are discussed in terms of oxidative reactions that occur during digestion at the stomach level and the important effect of oxidative reactions that occur during the thermal processing of red meat.

This edition consists of 15 contributions – 12 articles and three case notes. In the first article, Janke Strydom and Sue-Mari Viljoen discuss the phenomenon where inner-city buildings in South Africa are unlawfully occupied, which has led to a number of legal disputes between occupiers and individual landowners. They propose measures analogous to those in England and the Netherlands to be added to the existing statutory powers of the local authorities to assist in resolving the disputes. Second, Tapiwa Warikandwa and Patrick Osode deal with the challenges the WTOs is faced with in balancing the rights of a sovereign power to freely regulate matters pertaining to health or the environment within its domestic domain with the need to maintain the sanctity of the multilateral trade order. Third, Andra le Roux-Kemp and Elsie Burger give a comparative perspective on some of the issues associated with litigating cases where the Shaken Baby Syndrome is the subject matter. Their focus is on the case law in the United States and United Kingdom. Fourth, Fatima Osman deals with the thorny issue of headscarves in South Africa, France, Turkey and Switzerland. She focuses on the reasons for the ban against their wearing and asks if the ban can be justified in the light of the human rights guaranteed to those individuals wanting to wear them. Fifth, Geo Quinot and SP (Fanus) van Tonder argue in favour of capstone courses to address some of the challenges facing legal education in general and the inadequacies of the LLB curriculum. Rolien Roos, in the sixth article, sets out to determine whether law can be regarded as a science which could be studied. She refers to the scholarly works of philosophers such as Dooyeweerd, Stafleu and Strauss and comes to the conclusion that the answer is all but straight forward. In the seventh article, Caiphas Soyapi considers the highly controversial provisions of the Traditional Courts Bill in a comparative context and recommends that the framers of the Bill should consider the situation in other jurisdictions in order to deal with some of the issues with the Bill. In the eight spot, Gerrit Ferreira and Anél Ferreira-Snyman examine the dichotomy that is created between the monist and dualist approach followed by the incorporation of international law into municipal law in the light of decisions of the South African Constitutional Court and the European Court of Justice. In the ninth article, Magda Slabbert and Darren Boome investigate the prospects of a convicted criminal who wants to become a lawyer, and in the tenth article Raheel Ahmed considers the role of “contributory intent” as a defence limiting delictual liability. In the second-last article Kananelo Mosito sets out to provide the reader with an understanding of the legal situation in Lesotho pertaining to social security and protection. Last but not least, Tamara Cohen and Lehlohonolo Matee give a comparative overview of the public servants’ right to strike in Lesotho, Botswana and South Africa.The first case note is by Tracy-Lynn Humby, who deals with the question of whether or not municipalities have the power to legislate on environmental issues such as biodiversity and conservation, as examined in the case of Le Sueur v Ethekwini Municipality in the KwaZulu-Natal High Court. The second note, by Johan Beukes and Christiaan Swart, discusses the case of Peel v Hamon J&amp;C Engineering (Pty) Ltd, which deals with the remedy provided for in section 163 of the Companies Act (the oppression remedy). The last note is by Helen Kruuse and Julia Sloth-Nielsen, and debates the implications of Mayelane v Ngwenyama

Burgers are proposed as ideal to increase rabbit meat consumption among young people, in a context in which it is declining in several countries. This study compared the acceptance and preference of commercial rabbit burgers with those of pork, chicken and turkey by means of an untrained panel of 45 Spanish young consumers (23.5 years; 55.6% men). A first trial evaluated on cooked burgers: a) acceptance of organoleptic characteristics and overall assessment, using a 9-point hedonic scale, and b) order of preference of burgers (1st to 4th position). Overall acceptance and sensory attributes evaluation, except for texture (6.9 points in rabbit burger), differed between cooked burgers. The odour was better valued in the cooked rabbit (6.8 points) and turkey burgers, and the worst in the pork burger, with the chicken one being intermediate. The colour, appearance, juiciness, and overall acceptance of the cooked rabbit (6.5, 6.8, 6.9, and 7.1 points, respectively), pork and turkey burgers were valued better than that of chicken burger. The flavour of the cooked rabbit (7.2 points) and turkey burgers was better accepted than those of pork and chicken burgers. The elasticity of the cooked rabbit (6.6 points) and pork burgers was valued better than that of chicken, with that of turkey burger being intermediate. Cooked turkey burger was preferred in first position, followed by the rabbit (second position; 2.27 average order) and pork burgers, while the chicken burger was ranked last. A second trial evaluated on raw burgers: a) acceptance of colour and visual appearance, and b) order of preference of burgers. Colour of the raw turkey burger was valued better and the worst was the chicken burger, with raw rabbit and pork burgers being intermediate. Visual evaluation of appearance scored best for raw turkey, rabbit, and pork burgers and worst for chicken one. Visual appearance of the raw turkey burger was ranked in first position, followed by the rabbit and pork burgers, while the raw chicken burger was ranked last. In both trials, consumer gender did not influence in any case, and there was no interaction with cooked hamburger type. In conclusion, rabbit burger is rated at the same level as pork and turkey burgers and better than chicken burgers, showing potential to promote rabbit meat consumption among young people.

AbstractThe number of plant‐based meat products on supermarket shelves around the world has grown in recent years however reproducing the sensory experience of eating meat remains a challenge. This study aims to evaluate the sensory gaps between animal and plant‐based meat products, specifically burger‐type products, from the Australian market. The sample set of 19 commercially available burgers comprises 8 animal‐based burgers prepared using beef, chicken, kangaroo, pork, or turkey and 11 high protein plant‐based burgers. Vegetable patties are beyond the scope of this study. A trained sensory panel (n = 14) determined the major differences in aroma, texture, flavor, and aftertaste between meat and meat analogues during oral processing, particularly those that may impact consumer acceptability. The animal‐based burgers scored high for meaty (aroma), meaty (flavor), and umami but not legume, vegetative, bitterness, and lingering spice attributes. They also received higher average scores for juiciness, fattiness, and final moistness than the plant‐based burgers but scored lower in cohesiveness. The plant‐based burgers scored high for legume and bitterness but not meaty (aroma), meaty (flavor), and umami attributes. Improving current products and designing new products with desirable sensory properties will enhance consumer acceptability and reinforce recent growth in the plant‐based meats market.

AbstractDuring the frying of foods, undesirable reactions such as protein denaturation, acrylamide formation, and so on occur in the product, which has confirmed carcinogenic effects. The use of antioxidants has been proposed as an effective solution to reduce the formation of these compounds during the process. The current study aimed to assess the impact of an edible coating holding within chia seed gum (CSG) and Rosa canina L. extract (RCE) nanoemulsions on the physicochemical properties, oil uptake, acrylamide formation, 5‐hydroxymethyl‐2‐furfural (HMF) content, and sensory characteristics of beef–turkey burgers. The RCE‐loaded nanoemulsions were prepared using the ultrasonic homogenization method, and different concentrations (i.e., 10%, 20%, and 40% w/w) were added to the CSG solutions; these active coatings were used to cover the burgers. CSG‐based coatings, especially coatings containing the highest concentration of nanoemulsions (40%), caused a significant decrease in the oil uptake and moisture retention, acrylamide content, and HMF content of fried burgers. The texture of coated burgers was softer than that of uncoated samples; they also had a higher color brightness and a lower browning index. Field emission scanning electron microscopy analysis showed that RCE concentration less than 40% should be used in CSG coatings because it will cause minor cracks, which is an obvious possibility of failure of coating performance. Coating significantly (4–10 times) increased the antioxidant activity of burgers compared to the control. In conclusion, it is suggested to use the active coating produced in this study to improve fried burger quality and modulate acrylamide formation.

AbstractThis research was undertaken to assess the effect of tragacanth gum–chitin nanofiber (TG–CNF) film containing free (CEO) or encapsulated cumin essential oil (CNE) combined with oxygen absorber (OA) packaging on the shelf‐life of ready‐to‐cook (RTC) turkey breast burgers during chilled storage. The experimental groups were OA and TG–CNF as single treatments, TG–CNF + CEO, TG–CNF + CNE, and TG–CNF + OA as binary treatments, TG–CNF + CEO + OA and TG–CNF + CNE + OA as ternary treatments, and control. The samples were stored at 3°C for 20 days and analyzed for microbial, physicochemical, and sensory attributes. Binary treatments, when compared to single treatments, and ternary treatments, when compared to binary treatments, exhibited enhanced effectiveness in managing microbial growth, hindering physicochemical alterations, and decelerating sensory alterations. At day 20, TG–CNF + CNE + OA group was identified as the most effective group in inhibiting the growth of total mesophilic bacteria (TMB), total psychrophilic bacteria (TSB), and coliforms (final counts were 4.8, 4.16, and ≤1 log CFU/g, respectively), and TG–CNF + CNE + OA and TG–CNF + CEO + OA groups were known as the most effective groups in inhibiting lactic acid bacteria (LAB) (final counts were 4.71 and 5.15 log CFU/g, respectively). Furthermore, the TG–CNF + CNE + OA treatment proved to be the most effective group in reducing the total volatile nitrogen (TVN) (final level was 19.2 mg N/100 g) and thiobarbituric acid reactive substances (TBARS) (final level was 0.119 mg malondialdehyde (MDA)/kg). TG–CNF + CNE + OA and TG–CNF + CEO + OA were the most efficient groups to delay the increasing rate of cooking loss (final values were 23.3% and 24.6%) and pH (final values were 7.01 and 6.99). The sample's shelf‐life was 4 days in control and TG–CNF, 8 days in OA and TG–CNF + OA, 12 days in TG–CNF + CEO, 16 days in TG‐CNF + CNE and TG–CNF + CEO + OA, and at least 20 days in TG–CNF + CNE + OA. As a result, the incorporation of TG–CNF + CNE alongside OA packaging emerges as a highly effective active packaging method for preserving RTC turkey breast burgers during chilled storage.

Purpose This study examined the use of behavioral design strategies to improve healthier food sales. Design A quasi-experimental, one-group, repeated measures design examined changes in food sales following behavioral design adjustments. Setting United States military base hospital dining facility. Subjects U.S. military service members, retirees, and civilian employees. Intervention Behavioral design changes included placement, layout, messaging, default healthy bundling, a stoplight rating system, strategic positioning of healthy items on menu boards, and an increase in healthier snacks. Measures Food sales were assessed by point-of-sales data. Analysis T-tests examined total sales of each food adjusted weekly between baseline and intervention and intervention and post-intervention. 16 food items targeted by the intervention were examined. Weekly food sales were calculated for the 18-week baseline, 18-week intervention, and 9-week post-intervention. Further, analysis estimated negative binomial models for food item sales. Results The hospital dining facility served 600 to 900 meals per day. Weekly foods sales decreased during the intervention for desserts, cooked starches, hummus, and yogurt ( P &lt; 0.01). Sales increased during the intervention for fruit cups, cooked vegetables, vegetable and turkey burgers, grilled chicken, packaged salads, French fries, hamburgers, and hot dogs ( P &lt; 0.02). Conclusion This study demonstrates that a mixture of behavioral design strategies can be operationalized with reasonable fidelity and can lead to increases in the sales of some healthy foods in military worksites.

Shifting dietary protein intakes from animal to plant-based sources is suggested as a path to sustain the world’s food consumption and maintain planetary resources (1). However, to facilitate change, it is important to characterise baseline dietary protein patterns. This study aimed to examine dietary protein intakes on the island of Ireland in order to determine population characteristics and food sources influencing protein intake.Analyses were performed on the Northern Ireland sub cohort of the UK National Dietary Nutrition Survey (NDNS 2016-2019) (2) and the Irish National Adult Nutrition Survey (2008-2010) (3). Both surveys used a four-day food diary and a final sample of 1484 adults, aged 18-64 years was extracted (NANS; n =1274 and NI NDNS; n=210). Mean daily intakes for protein (MDI; % total energy, TE) for the total population were calculated and the population was divided into three tertile groups based on low, medium and high protein intake (%TE). Differences in population characteristics, energy MDI, key nutrients (%TE or per 10MJ) and contributing food sources were examined across these tertiles, using chi-square and one-way ANOVA with covariates (age and BMI) and correcting for multiple comparisons as appropriate (P&lt;0.005).Overall, 17.1% of TE was obtained from protein and 77% of participants met their protein DRV based on EFSA recommendations of 0.83g/kg/body weight (4). The difference in protein intakes between the highest and lowest tertiles was 7.8% TE (21.2 % TE vs 13.4% TE) with high protein consumers reporting lower energy intakes (1734 ± 564kcal) compared to low consumers (2185 ± 661 kcal). High protein consumers were older (42.5 ± 12.8 years) and had a higher BMI (27.7 ± 6.0 kg/m2). They also had higher MDI of dietary fibre, calcium, zinc, sodium, iron, folate and vitamins A, C, D and B12 (per 10MJ) (p&lt;0.001) and lower MDI of carbohydrates, fat, saturated fat (%TE) in comparison to low consumers (p&lt;0.001). The % contribution of ‘chicken, turkey and dishes’ (18.3%), ‘beef, veal and dishes’ (12.8%) and ‘fish and fish products (7.0%) to protein intakes were significantly higher in the high versus the low consumption group (10%, 7.4%, 4.4% TE respectively; P&lt;0.001). In contrast, those in the lowest protein intake group had a significantly higher intakes of protein coming from dietary sources including ‘burgers, sausages and meat products (9.9 vs 5.9%), ‘white bread and rolls’ (6.9 vs 3.9%), ‘potatoes (including chips)’ (4.1 vs 2.9 %) and ‘cakes, pastries, buns and fruit pies’ (1.7 vs 0.8%) compared to high consumers.In general, animal protein sources contributed more to total daily protein intakes than plant sources, however, the pattern of protein foods differed according to level of protein intake. These findings will aid in the development of strategies to diversify protein intakes on the Island of Ireland.

2013-2016 yılları arasında Bartın, Kayseri, Konya, Zonguldak illeri çilek üretim alanlarında sorun olan çilek fungal hastalıkların tespiti ve yaygın olan fungal patojene karşı mücadele olanaklarının araştırılması hedeflenmiştir. Bu amaçlar doğrultusunda Bartın, Kayseri, Konya, Zonguldak illerinden alınan 515,5 dekar çilek yetiştirme alanlarından hastalıklı bitki örnekleri toplanarak laboratuvara getirilmiş ve bu örnekler uygun besi ortamlarına ekilerek fungal patojenler izole edilmiştir. Çeşitli arazilerden toplanan 383 adet yaprak ve kök örneklerinden fungal etmenler izole edilmiştir. 17 fungal patojen; Alternaria alternata (Fr.) Keissler, Boeremia exigua (Desmazières) Aveskamp, Gruyter &amp; Verkley, Mycosphaerella fragariae (Tul.) Lindau., Colletotrichum acutatum J.H. Simmonds, Colletotrichum gleosporoides (Penz.) Penz., Botrytis cinerea (de Bary) Whetzel, Lasiodiplodia theobromae (Pat.) Griffon &amp; Maubl., Diaporthe actinidae N.F. Sommer &amp; Beraha., Diaporthe eres Nitschke, Didymella americana Saccardo ex Saccardo, Didymellea pomorum (Thümen) Aveskamp, Gruyter &amp; Verkley, Diplodia seriata de Notaris, Macrophomina phaseolina (Tassi) Goidanich, Peyronellae prosopidis, Phytophthora cactorum (Lebert &amp; Cohn) J.Schröter, Phytophthora plurivora Jung &amp; Burgess., Phytophthora kelmania patojen olarak tespit edilmiştir. Yaprak ve kök teşhisi yapılan bu etmenler uygun metodlarla çilek bitkilerine inokule edilerek patojeniteleri gerçekleştirilmiştir. Patojenisitesi yapılan etmenlerden en yaygın olarak tespit edilen etmen yaprak lekesi hastalığı (Alternaria alternata) %41,94 oranında, kök hastalıkları ise %38,13 oranında yaygın tespit edilmiştir. Bu izolatlarla çeşit-reaksiyon çalışmaları (Festival, Kabarla, Sweetann, Alison, Osmanlı, Kara çilek, Tüylü, Sabrina, Rubigem, San Andreas, Albion, Festival, Monterey) 12 çilek çeşidi üzerinde gerçekleştirilmiştir. Buna göre Alternaria alternata yaprak lekesine en hassas çeşit % 86 hastalık şiddetiyle Kabarla, M. phaseolina ve L. theobromae ‘ ye karşı hassas olan çeşit ise Tüylü çilek çeşididir. Osmanlı çilek çeşidi her 3 hastalık etmenine karşı diğer çeşitlere nispeten daha dayanıklı bulunmuştur.

AbstractThis study aims to assess the future structural performance of the Kozlu-Ulutan clay core rockfill (CCR) dam, one of the most significant water structures in the Black Sea region of Turkey, by utilizing 35 years of levelling measurements and 3D finite-difference analyses. Settlement measurements were obtained from five different points on the dam surface every 6 months. Subsequently, a three-dimensional (3D) model of the dam was created using the finite-difference method. Time-dependent creep analyses and seismic analyses were conducted sequentially, employing the Burger-Creep and Mohr–Coulomb material models, respectively. Non-reflecting boundary conditions were defined for the boundaries of the dam model. The 3D numerical analysis results were found to be highly compatible with the 35 years of levelling measurements. Additionally, the future seepage and settlement behaviors of the dam over a 100-year period (2023–2123) were analyzed, considering special time functions. Current and future seismic analyses were performed, taking into account the settlement results of the dam in 2023 and 2123. For seismic analyses, data from ten various earthquakes that occurred in Kahramanmaraş, Hatay, Malatya, and Gaziantep in Turkey in 2023 were utilized. The seismic analysis results provided significant information about the future seismic behavior of the Kozlu-Ulutan Dam, revealing notable differences between the current and future earthquake behaviors of the dam. Moreover, it was concluded that the clay core is the most crucial section concerning the current and future seismic behaviors of CCR dams. The study results emphasized the importance of continuous monitoring and periodic seismic evaluations for the safe operation of CCR dams.

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Liriomyza trifolii (Burgess) Diptera: Agromyzidae Highly polyphagous, attacking many ornamental and vegetable crops. Information is given on the geographical distribution in EUROPE, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Mainland France, Germany, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Mainland Italy, Sardinia, Sicily, Malta, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Mainland Portugal, Romania, Russia, Central Russia, Southern Russia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Canary Islands, Mainland Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, UK, England and Wales, Yugoslavia (Fed. Rep), ASIA, China, Fujian, Cyprus, India, Andhra Pradesh, Delhi, Gujarat, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Punjab, Tamil Nadu, Israel, Japan, Honshu, Kyushu, Korea Republic, Lebanon, Philippines, Taiwan, Turkey, Yemen, AFRICA, Benin, Cote d'Ivoire, Egypt, Ethiopia, Guinea, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, Mayotte, Nigeria, Reunion, Senegal, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Tunisia, Zambia, Zimbabwe, NORTH AMERICA, Canada, Alberta, Nova Scotia, Ontario, Quebec, USA, Arizona, California, Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Hawaii, Indiana, Iowa, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, New Jersey, New Mexico, Ohio, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Texas, Washington, Wisconsin, CENTRAL AMERICA &amp; CARIBBEAN, Bahamas, Barbados, Bermuda, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Guadeloupe, Guatemala, Martinique, Trinidad and Tobago, SOUTH AMERICA, Brazil, Minas Gerais, Pernambuco, Sao Paulo, Colombia, French Guiana, Guyana, Peru, Venezuela, OCEANIA, American Samoa, Australia, New South Wales, Victoria, Fed States of Micronesia, Guam, Northern Mariana Islands, Samoa, Tonga.

Background “The sense of taste,” write Nelson and colleagues in a 2002 issue of Nature, “provides animals with valuable information about the nature and quality of food. Mammals can recognize and respond to a diverse repertoire of chemical entities, including sugars, salts, acids and a wide range of toxic substances” (199). The authors go on to argue that several amino acids—the building blocks of proteins—taste delicious to humans and that “having a taste pathway dedicated to their detection probably had significant evolutionary implications”. They imply, but do not specify, that the evolutionary implications are positive. This may be the case with some amino acids, but contemporary tastes, and changes in them, are far from universally beneficial. Indeed, this article argues that modern food production shapes and distorts human taste with significant implications for health and wellbeing. Take the western taste for fried chipped potatoes, for example. According to Schlosser in Fast Food Nation, “In 1960, the typical American ate eighty-one pounds of fresh potatoes and about four pounds of frozen french fries. Today [2002] the typical American eats about forty-nine pounds of fresh potatoes every year—and more than thirty pounds of frozen french fries” (115). Nine-tenths of these chips are consumed in fast food restaurants which use mass-manufactured potato-based frozen products to provide this major “foodservice item” more quickly and cheaply than the equivalent dish prepared from raw ingredients. These choices, informed by human taste buds, have negative evolutionary implications, as does the apparently long-lasting consumer preference for fried goods cooked in trans-fats. “Numerous foods acquire their elastic properties (i.e., snap, mouth-feel, and hardness) from the colloidal fat crystal network comprised primarily of trans- and saturated fats. These hardstock fats contribute, along with numerous other factors, to the global epidemics related to metabolic syndrome and cardiovascular disease,” argues Michael A. Rogers (747). Policy makers and public health organisations continue to compare notes internationally about the best ways in which to persuade manufacturers and fast food purveyors to reduce the use of these trans-fats in their products (L’Abbé et al.), however, most manufacturers resist. Hank Cardello, a former fast food executive, argues that “many products are designed for ‘high hedonic value’, with carefully balanced combinations of salt, sugar and fat that, experience has shown, induce people to eat more” (quoted, Trivedi 41). Fortunately for the manufactured food industry, salt and sugar also help to preserve food, effectively prolonging the shelf life of pre-prepared and packaged goods. Physiological Factors As Glanz et al. discovered when surveying 2,967 adult Americans, “taste is the most important influence on their food choices, followed by cost” (1118). A person’s taste is to some extent an individual response to food stimuli, but the tongue’s taste buds respond to five basic categories of food: salty, sweet, sour, bitter, and umami. ‘Umami’ is a Japanese word indicating “delicious savoury taste” (Coughlan 11) and it is triggered by the amino acid glutamate. Japanese professor Kikunae Ikeda identified glutamate while investigating the taste of a particular seaweed which he believed was neither sweet, sour, bitter, or salty. When Ikeda combined the glutamate taste essence with sodium he formed the food additive sodium glutamate, which was patented in 1908 and subsequently went into commercial production (Japan Patent Office). Although individual, a person’s taste preferences are by no means fixed. There is ample evidence that people’s tastes are being distorted by modern food marketing practices that process foods to make them increasingly appealing to the average palate. In particular, this industrialisation of food promotes the growth of a snack market driven by salty and sugary foods, popularly constructed as posing a threat to health and wellbeing. “[E]xpanding waistlines [are] fuelled by a boom in fast food and a decline in physical activity” writes Stark, who reports upon the 2008 launch of a study into Australia’s future ‘fat bomb’. As Deborah Lupton notes, such reports were a particular feature of the mid 2000s when: intense concern about the ‘obesity epidemic’ intensified and peaked. Time magazine named 2004 ‘The Year of Obesity’. That year the World Health Organization’s Global Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health was released and the [US] Centers for Disease Control predicted that a poor diet and lack of exercise would soon claim more lives than tobacco-related disease in the United States. (4) The American Heart Association recommends eating no more than 1500mg of salt per day (Hamzelou 11) but salt consumption in the USA averages more than twice this quantity, at 3500mg per day (Bernstein and Willett 1178). In the UK, a sustained campaign and public health-driven engagement with food manufacturers by CASH—Consensus Action on Salt and Health—resulted in a reduction of between 30 and 40 percent of added salt in processed foods between 2001 and 2011, with a knock-on 15 percent decline in the UK population’s salt intake overall. This is the largest reduction achieved by any developed nation (Brinsden et al.). “According to the [UK’s] National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE), this will have reduced [UK] stroke and heart attack deaths by a minimum of 9,000 per year, with a saving in health care costs of at least £1.5bn a year” (MacGregor and Pombo). Whereas there has been some success over the past decade in reducing the amount of salt consumed, in the Western world the consumption of sugar continues to rise, as a graph cited in the New Scientist indicates (O’Callaghan). Regular warnings that sugar is associated with a range of health threats and delivers empty calories devoid of nutrition have failed to halt the increase in sugar consumption. Further, although some sugar is a natural product, processed foods tend to use a form invented in 1957: high-fructose corn syrup (HFCS). “HFCS is a gloopy solution of glucose and fructose” writes O’Callaghan, adding that it is “as sweet as table sugar but has typically been about 30% cheaper”. She cites Serge Ahmed, a French neuroscientist, as arguing that in a world of food sufficiency people do not need to consume more, so they need to be enticed to overeat by making food more pleasurable. Ahmed was part of a team that ran an experiment with cocaine-addicted rats, offering them a mutually exclusive choice between highly-sweetened water and cocaine: Our findings clearly indicate that intense sweetness can surpass cocaine reward, even in drug-sensitized and -addicted individuals. We speculate that the addictive potential of intense sweetness results from an inborn hypersensitivity to sweet tastants. In most mammals, including rats and humans, sweet receptors evolved in ancestral environments poor in sugars and are thus not adapted to high concentrations of sweet tastants. The supranormal stimulation of these receptors by sugar-rich diets, such as those now widely available in modern societies, would generate a supranormal reward signal in the brain, with the potential to override self-control mechanisms and thus lead to addiction. (Lenoir et al.) The Tongue and the Brain One of the implications of this research about the mammalian desire for sugar is that our taste for food is about more than how these foods actually taste in the mouth on our tongues. It is also about the neural response to the food we eat. The taste of French fries thus also includes that “snap, mouth-feel, and hardness” and the “colloidal fat crystal network” (Rogers, “Novel Structuring” 747). While there is no taste receptor for fats, these nutrients have important effects upon the brain. Wang et al. offered rats a highly fatty, but palatable, diet and allowed them to eat freely. 33 percent of the calories in the food were delivered via fat, compared with 21 percent in a normal diet. The animals almost doubled their usual calorific intake, both because the food had a 37 percent increased calorific content and also because the rats ate 47 percent more than was standard (2786). The research team discovered that in as little as three days the rats “had already lost almost all of their ability to respond to leptin” (Martindale 27). Leptin is a hormone that acts on the brain to communicate feelings of fullness, and is thus important in assisting animals to maintain a healthy body weight. The rats had also become insulin resistant. “Severe resistance to the metabolic effects of both leptin and insulin ensued after just 3 days of overfeeding” (Wang et al. 2786). Fast food restaurants typically offer highly palatable, high fat, high sugar, high salt, calorific foods which can deliver 130 percent of a day’s recommended fat intake, and almost a day’s worth of an adult man’s calories, in one meal. The impacts of maintaining such a diet over a comparatively short time-frame have been recorded in documentaries such as Super Size Me (Spurlock). The after effects of what we widely call “junk food” are also evident in rat studies. Neuroscientist Paul Kenny, who like Ahmed was investigating possible similarities between food- and cocaine-addicted rats, allowed his animals unlimited access to both rat ‘junk food’ and healthy food for rats. He then changed their diets. “The rats with unlimited access to junk food essentially went on a hunger strike. ‘It was as if they had become averse to healthy food’, says Kenny. It took two weeks before the animals began eating as much [healthy food] as those in the control group” (quoted, Trivedi 40). Developing a taste for certain food is consequently about much more than how they taste in the mouth; it constitutes an individual’s response to a mixture of taste, hormonal reactions and physiological changes. Choosing Health Glanz et al. conclude their study by commenting that “campaigns attempting to change people’s perception of the importance of nutrition will be interpreted in terms of existing values and beliefs. A more promising strategy might be to stress the good taste of healthful foods” (1126). Interestingly, this is the strategy already adopted by some health-focused cookbooks. I have 66 cookery books in my kitchen. None of ten books sampled from the five spaces in which these books are kept had ‘taste’ as an index entry, but three books had ‘taste’ in their titles: The Higher Taste, Taste of Life, and The Taste of Health. All three books seek to promote healthy eating, and they all date from the mid-1980s. It might be that taste is not mentioned in cookbook indexes because it is a sine qua non: a focus upon taste is so necessary and fundamental to a cookbook that it goes without saying. Yet, as the physiological evidence makes clear, what we find palatable is highly mutable, varying between people, and capable of changing significantly in comparatively short periods of time. The good news from the research studies is that the changes wrought by high salt, high sugar, high fat diets need not be permanent. Luciano Rossetti, one of the authors on Wang et al’s paper, told Martindale that the physiological changes are reversible, but added a note of caution: “the fatter a person becomes the more resistant they will be to the effects of leptin and the harder it is to reverse those effects” (27). Morgan Spurlock’s experience also indicates this. In his case it took the actor/director 14 months to lose the 11.1 kg (13 percent of his body mass) that he gained in the 30 days of his fast-food-only experiment. Trivedi was more fortunate, stating that, “After two weeks of going cold turkey, I can report I have successfully kicked my ice cream habit” (41). A reader’s letter in response to Trivedi’s article echoes this observation. She writes that “the best way to stop the craving was to switch to a diet of vegetables, seeds, nuts and fruits with a small amount of fish”, adding that “cravings stopped in just a week or two, and the diet was so effective that I no longer crave junk food even when it is in front of me” (Mackeown). Popular culture indicates a range of alternative ways to resist food manufacturers. In the West, there is a growing emphasis on organic farming methods and produce (Guthman), on sl called Urban Agriculture in the inner cities (Mason and Knowd), on farmers’ markets, where consumers can meet the producers of the food they eat (Guthrie et al.), and on the work of advocates of ‘real’ food, such as Jamie Oliver (Warrin). Food and wine festivals promote gourmet tourism along with an emphasis upon the quality of the food consumed, and consumption as a peak experience (Hall and Sharples), while environmental perspectives prompt awareness of ‘food miles’ (Weber and Matthews), fair trade (Getz and Shreck) and of land degradation, animal suffering, and the inequitable use of resources in the creation of the everyday Western diet (Dare, Costello and Green). The burgeoning of these different approaches has helped to stimulate a commensurate growth in relevant disciplinary fields such as Food Studies (Wessell and Brien). One thing that all these new ways of looking at food and taste have in common is that they are options for people who feel they have the right to choose what and when to eat; and to consume the tastes they prefer. This is not true of all groups of people in all countries. Hiding behind the public health campaigns that encourage people to exercise and eat fresh fruit and vegetables are the hidden “social determinants of health: The conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age, including the health system” (WHO 45). As the definitions explain, it is the “social determinants of health [that] are mostly responsible for health iniquities” with evidence from all countries around the world demonstrating that “in general, the lower an individual’s socioeconomic position, the worse his or her health” (WHO 45). For the comparatively disadvantaged, it may not be the taste of fast food that attracts them but the combination of price and convenience. If there is no ready access to cooking facilities, or safe food storage, or if a caregiver is simply too time-poor to plan and prepare meals for a family, junk food becomes a sensible choice and its palatability an added bonus. For those with the education, desire, and opportunity to break free of the taste for salty and sugary fats, however, there are a range of strategies to achieve this. There is a persuasive array of evidence that embracing a plant-based diet confers a multitude of health benefits for the individual, for the planet and for the animals whose lives and welfare would otherwise be sacrificed to feed us (Green, Costello and Dare). Such a choice does involve losing the taste for foods which make up the lion’s share of the Western diet, but any sense of deprivation only lasts for a short time. The fact is that our sense of taste responds to the stimuli offered. It may be that, notwithstanding the desires of Jamie Oliver and the like, a particular child never will never get to like broccoli, but it is also the case that broccoli tastes differently to me, seven years after becoming a vegan, than it ever did in the years in which I was omnivorous. When people tell me that they would love to adopt a plant-based diet but could not possibly give up cheese, it is difficult to reassure them that the pleasure they get now from that specific cocktail of salty fats will be more than compensated for by the sheer exhilaration of eating crisp, fresh fruits and vegetables in the future. Conclusion For decades, the mass market food industry has tweaked their products to make them hyper-palatable and difficult to resist. They do this through marketing experiments and consumer behaviour research, schooling taste buds and brains to anticipate and relish specific cocktails of sweet fats (cakes, biscuits, chocolate, ice cream) and salty fats (chips, hamburgers, cheese, salted nuts). They add ingredients to make these products stimulate taste buds more effectively, while also producing cheaper items with longer life on the shelves, reducing spoilage and the complexity of storage for retailers. Consumers are trained to like the tastes of these foods. Bitter, sour, and umami receptors are comparatively under-stimulated, with sweet, salty, and fat-based tastes favoured in their place. Western societies pay the price for this learned preference in high blood pressure, high cholesterol, diabetes, and obesity. Public health advocate Bruce Neal and colleagues, working to reduce added salt in processed foods, note that the food and manufacturing industries can now provide most of the calories that the world needs to survive. “The challenge now”, they argue, “is to have these same industries provide foods that support long and healthy adult lives. And in this regard there remains a very considerable way to go”. If the public were to believe that their sense of taste is mutable and has been distorted for corporate and industrial gain, and if they were to demand greater access to natural foods in their unprocessed state, then that journey towards a healthier future might be far less protracted than these and many other researchers seem to believe. References Bernstein, Adam, and Walter Willett. “Trends in 24-Hr Sodium Excretion in the United States, 1957–2003: A Systematic Review.” American Journal of Clinical Nutrition 92 (2010): 1172–1180. Bhaktivedanta Book Trust. 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IntroductionFor over five years, Romanians have been using their bodies in public spaces to challenge politicians’ disregard for the average citizen. In a region low in standards of civic engagement, such as voter turnout and petition signing, Romanian people’s “citizenship of the streets” has stopped environmentally destructive mining in 2013, ousted a corrupt cabinet in 2015, and blocked legislation legalising abuse of public office in 2017 (Solnit 214). This article explores the democratic affordances of collective resistive walking, by focusing on Romania’s capital, Bucharest. I illustrate how walking in protest of political corruption cultivates a democratic public and reconfigures city spaces as spaces of democratic engagement, in the context of increased illiberalism in the region. I examine two sites of protest: the Parliament Palace and Victoriei Square. The former is a construction emblematic of communist dictator Nicolae Ceaușescu and symbol of an authoritarian regime, whose surrounding area protestors reclaim as a civic space. The latter—a central part of the city bustling with the life of cafes, museums, bike lanes, and nearby parks—hosts the Government and has become an iconic site for pro-democratic movements. Spaces of Democracy: The Performativity of Public Assemblies Democracies are active achievements, dependent not only on the solidity of institutions —e.g., a free press and a constitution—but on people’s ability and desire to communicate about issues of concern and to occupy public space. Communicative approaches to democratic theory, formulated as inquiries into the public sphere and the plurality and evolution of publics, often return to establish the significance of public spaces and of bodies in the maintenance of our “rhetorical democracies” (Hauser). Speech and assembly, voice and space are sides of the same coin. In John Dewey’s work, communication is the main “loyalty” of democracy: the heart and final guarantee of democracy is in free gatherings of neighbors on the street corner to discuss back and forth what is read in the uncensored news of the day, and in gatherings of friends in the living rooms of houses and apartments to converse freely with one another. (Dewey qtd. in Asen 197, emphasis added) Dewey asserts the centrality of communication in the same breath that he affirms the spatial infrastructure supporting it.Historically, Richard Sennett explains, Athenian democracy has been organised around two “spaces of democracy” where people assembled: the agora or town square and the theatre or Pnyx. While the theatre has endured as the symbol of democratic communication, with its ideal of concentrated attention on the argument of one speaker, Sennett illuminates the square as an equally important space, one without which deliberation in the Pnyx would be impossible. In the agora, citizens cultivate an ability to see, expect, and think through difference. In its open architecture and inclusiveness, Sennett explains, the agora affords the walker and dweller a public space to experience, in a quick, fragmentary, and embodied way, the differences and divergences in fellow citizens. Through visual scrutiny and embodied exposure, the square thus cultivates “an outlook favorable to discussion of differing views and conflicting interests”, useful for deliberation in the Pnyx, and the capacity to recognise strangers as part of the imagined democratic community (19). Also stressing the importance of spaces for assembly, Jürgen Habermas’s historical theorisation of the bourgeois public sphere moves the functions of the agora to the modern “third places” (Oldenburg) of the civic society emerging in late seventeenth and eighteenth-century Europe: coffee houses, salons, and clubs. While Habermas’ conceptualization of a unified bourgeois public has been criticised for its class and gender exclusivism, and for its normative model of deliberation and consensus, such criticism has also opened paths of inquiry into the rhetorical pluralism of publics and into the democratic affordances of embodied performativity. Thus, unlike Habermas’s assumption of a single bourgeois public, work on twentieth and twenty-first century publics has attended to their wide variety in post-modern societies (e.g., Bruce; Butler; Delicath and DeLuca; Fraser; Harold and DeLuca; Hauser; Lewis; Mckinnon et al.; Pezzullo; Rai; Tabako). In contrast to the Habermasian close attention to verbal argumentation, such criticism prioritizes the embodied (performative, aesthetic, and material) ways in which publics manifest their attention to common issues. From suffragists to environmentalists and, most recently, anti-precarity movements across the globe, publics assemble and move through shared space, seeking to break hegemonies of media representation by creating media events of their own. In the process, Judith Butler explains, such embodied assemblies accomplish much more. They disrupt prevalent logics and dominant feelings of disposability, precarity, and anxiety, at the same time that they (re)constitute subjects and increasingly privatised spaces into citizens and public places of democracy, respectively. Butler proposes that to best understand recent protests we need to read collective assembly in the current political moment of “accelerating precarity” and responsibilisation (10). Globally, increasingly larger populations are exposed to economic insecurity and precarity through government withdrawal from labor protections and the diminishment of social services, to the profit of increasingly monopolistic business. A logic of self-investment and personal responsibility accompanies such structural changes, as people understand themselves as individual market actors in competition with other market actors rather than as citizens and community members (Brown). In this context, public assembly would enact an alternative, insisting on interdependency. Bodies, in such assemblies, signify both symbolically (their will to speak against power) and indexically. As Butler describes, “it is this body, and these bodies, that require employment, shelter, health care, and food, as well as a sense of a future that is not the future of unpayable debt” (10). Butler describes the function of these protests more fully:[P]lural enactments […] make manifest the understanding that a situation is shared, contesting the individualizing morality that makes a moral norm of economic self-sufficiency precisely […] when self-sufficiency is becoming increasingly unrealizable. Showing up, standing, breathing, moving, standing still, speech, and silence are all aspects of a sudden assembly, an unforeseen form of political performativity that puts livable life at the forefront of politics […] [T]he bodies assembled ‘say’ we are not disposable, even if they stand silently. (18)Though Romania is not included in her account of contemporary protest movements, Butler’s theoretical account aptly describes both the structural and ideological conditions, and the performativity of Romanian protestors. In Romania, citizens have started to assemble in the streets against austerity measures (2012), environmental destruction (2013), fatal infrastructures (2015) and against the government’s corruption and attempts to undermine the Judiciary (from February 2017 onward). While, as scholars have argued (Olteanu and Beyerle; Gubernat and Rammelt), political corruption has gradually crystallised into the dominant and enduring framework for the assembled publics, post-communist corruption has been part and parcel of the neoliberalisation of Central and Eastern-European societies after the fall of communism. In the region, Leslie Holmes explains, former communist elites or the nomenklatura, have remained the majority political class after 1989. With political power and under the shelter of political immunity, nomenklatura politicians “were able to take ethically questionable advantage in various ways […] of the sell-off of previously state-owned enterprises” (Holmes 12). The process through which the established political class became owners of a previously state-owned economy is known as “nomenklatura privatization”, a common form of political corruption in the region, Holmes explains (12). Such practices were common knowledge among a cynical population through most of the 1990s and the 2000s. They were not broadly challenged in an ideological milieu attached, as Mihaela Miroiu, Isabela Preoteasa, and Jerzy Szacki argued, to extreme forms of liberalism and neoliberalism, ideologies perceived by people just coming out of communism as anti-ideology. Almost three decades since the fall of communism, in the face of unyielding levels of poverty (Zaharia; Marin), the decaying state of healthcare and education (Bilefsky; “Education”), and migration rates second only to war-torn Syria (Deletant), Romanian protestors have come to attribute the diminution of life in post-communism to the political corruption of the established political class (“Romania Corruption Report”; “Corruption Perceptions”). Following systematic attempts by the nomenklatura-heavy governing coalition to undermine the judiciary and institutionalise de facto corruption of public officials (Deletant), protestors have been returning to public spaces on a weekly basis, de-normalising the political cynicism and isolation serving the established political class. Mothers Walking: Resignifying Communist Spaces, Imagining the New DemosOn 11 July 2018, a protest of mothers was streamed live by Corruption Kills (Corupția ucide), a Facebook group started by activist Florin Bădiță after a deadly nightclub fire attributed to the corruption of public servants, in 2015 (Commander). Organized protests at the time pressured the Social-Democratic cabinet into resignation. Corruption Kills has remained a key activist platform, organising assemblies, streaming live from demonstrations, and sharing personal acts of dissent, thus extending the life of embodied assemblies. In the mothers’ protest video, women carrying babies in body-wraps and strollers walk across the intersection leading to the Parliament Palace, while police direct traffic and ensure their safety (“Civil Disobedience”). This was an unusual scene for many reasons. Walkers met at the entrance to the Parliament Palace, an area most emblematic of the former regime. Built by Communist dictator, Nicolae Ceaușescu and inspired by Kim Il-sung’s North Korean architecture, the current Parliament building and its surrounding plaza remain, in the words of Renata Salecl, “one of the most traumatic remnants of the communist regime” (90). The construction is the second largest administrative building in the world, after the Pentagon, a size matching the ambitions of the dictator. It bears witness to the personal and cultural sacrifices the construction and its surrounded plaza required: the displacement of some 40,000 people from old neighbourhood Uranus, the death of reportedly thousands of workers, and the flattening of churches, monasteries, hospitals, schools (Parliament Palace). This arbitrary construction carved out of the old city remains a symbol of an authoritarian relation with the nation. As Salecl puts it, Ceaușescu’s project tried to realise the utopia of a new communist “centre” and created an artificial space as removed from the rest of the city as the leader himself was from the needs of his people. Twenty-nine years after the fall of communism, the plaza of the Parliament Palace remains as suspended from the life of the city as it was during the 1980s. The trees lining the boulevard have grown slightly and bike lanes are painted over decaying stones. Still, only few people walk by the neo-classical apartment buildings now discoloured and stained by weather and time. Salecl remarks on the panoptic experience of the Parliament Palace: “observed from the avenue, [the palace] appears to have no entrance; there are only numerous windows, which give the impression of an omnipresent gaze” (95). The building embodies, for Salecl, the logic of surveillance of the communist regime, which “created the impression of omnipresence” through a secret police that rallied members among regular citizens and inspired fear by striking randomly (95).Against this geography steeped in collective memories of fear and exposure to the gaze of the state, women turn their children’s bodies and their own into performances of resistance that draw on the rhetorical force of communist gender politics. Both motherhood and childhood were heavily regulated roles under Ceaușescu’s nationalist-socialist politics of forced birth, despite the official idealisation of both. Producing children for the nationalist-communist state was women’s mandated expression of citizenship. Declaring the foetus “the socialist property of the whole society”, in 1966 Ceaușescu criminalised abortion for women of reproductive ages who had fewer than four children, and, starting 1985, less than five children (Ceaușescu qtd. in Verdery). What followed was “a national tragedy”: illegal abortions became the leading cause of death for fertile women, children were abandoned into inhumane conditions in the infamous orphanages, and mothers experienced the everyday drama of caring for families in an economy of shortages (Kligman 364). The communist politicisation of natality during communist Romania exemplifies one of the worst manifestations of the political as biopolitical. The current maternal bodies and children’s bodies circulating in the communist-iconic plaza articulate past and present for Romanians, redeploying a traumatic collective memory to challenge increasingly authoritarian ambitions of the governing Social Democratic Party. The images of caring mothers walking in protest with their babies furthers the claims that anti-corruption publics have made in other venues: that the government, in their indifference and corruption, is driving millions of people, usually young, out of the country, in a braindrain of unprecedented proportions (Ursu; Deletant; #vavedemdinSibiu). In their determination to walk during the gruelling temperatures of mid-July, in their youth and their babies’ youth, the mothers’ walk performs the contrast between their generation of engaged, persistent, and caring citizens and the docile abused subject of a past indexed by the Ceaușescu-era architecture. In addition to performing a new caring imagined community (Anderson), women’s silent, resolute walk on the crosswalk turns a lifeless geography, heavy with the architectural traces of authoritarian history, into a public space that holds democratic protest. By inhabiting the cultural role of mothers, protestors disarmed state authorities: instead of the militarised gendarmerie usually policing protestors the Victoriei Square, only traffic police were called for the mothers’ protest. The police choreographed cars and people, as protestors walked across the intersection leading to the Parliament. Drivers, usually aggressive and insouciant, now moved in concert with the protestors. The mothers’ walk, immediately modeled by people in other cities (Cluj-Napoca), reconfigured a car-dominated geography and an unreliable, driver-friendly police, into a civic space that is struggling to facilitate the citizens’ peaceful disobedience. The walkers’ assembly thus begins to constitute the civic character of the plaza, collecting “the space itself […] the pavement and […] the architecture [to produce] the public character of that material environment” (Butler 71). It demonstrates the possibility of a new imagined community of caring and persistent citizens, one significantly different from the cynical, disconnected, and survivalist subjects that the nomenklatura politicians, nested in the Panoptic Parliament nearby, would prefer.Persisting in the Victoriei Square In addition to strenuous physical walking to reclaim city spaces, such as the mothers’ walking, the anti-corruption public also practices walking and gathering in less taxing environments. The Victoriei Square is such a place, a central plaza that connects major boulevards with large sidewalks, functional bike lanes, and old trees. The square is the architectural meeting point of old and new, where communist apartments meet late nineteenth and early twentieth century architecture, in a privileged neighbourhood of villas, museums, and foreign consulates. One of these 1930s constructions is the Government building, hosting the Prime Minister’s cabinet. Demonstrators gathered here during the major protests of 2015 and 2017, and have walked, stood, and wandered in the square almost weekly since (“Past Events”). On 24 June 2018, I arrive in the Victoriei Square to participate in the protest announced on social media by Corruption Kills. There is room to move, to pause, and rest. In some pockets, people assemble to pay attention to impromptu speakers who come onto a small platform to share their ideas. Occasionally someone starts chanting “We See You!” and “Down with Corruption!” and almost everyone joins the chant. A few young people circulate petitions. But there is little exultation in the group as a whole, shared mostly among those taking up the stage or waving flags. Throughout the square, groups of familiars stop to chat. Couples and families walk their bikes, strolling slowly through the crowds, seemingly heading to or coming from the nearby park on a summer evening. Small kids play together, drawing with chalk on the pavement, or greeting dogs while parents greet each other. Older children race one another, picking up on the sense of freedom and de-centred but still purposeful engagement. The openness of the space allows one to meander and observe all these groups, performing the function of the Ancient agora: making visible the strangers who are part of the polis. The overwhelming feeling is one of solidarity. This comes partly from the possibilities of collective agency and the feeling of comfortably taking up space and having your embodiment respected, otherwise hard to come by in other spaces of the city. Everyday walking in the streets of Romanian cities is usually an exercise in hypervigilant physical prowess and self-preserving numbness. You keep your eyes on the ground to not stumble on broken pavement. You watch ahead for unmarked construction work. You live with other people’s sweat on the hot buses. You hop among cars parked on sidewalks and listen keenly for when others may zoom by. In one of the last post-socialist states to join the European Union, living with generalised poverty means walking in cities where your senses must be dulled to manage the heat, the dust, the smells, and the waiting, irresponsive to beauty and to amiable sociality. The euphemistic vocabulary of neoliberalism may describe everyday walking through individualistic terms such as “grit” or “resilience.” And while people are called to effort, creativity, and endurance not needed in more functional states, what one experiences is the gradual diminution of one’s lives under a political regime where illiberalism keeps a citizen-serving democracy at bay. By contrast, the Victoriei Square holds bodies whose comfort in each other’s presence allow us to imagine a political community where survivalism, or what Lauren Berlant calls “lateral agency”, are no longer the norm. In “showing up, standing, breathing, moving, standing still […] an unforeseen form of political performativity that puts livable life at the forefront of politics” is enacted (Butler 18). In arriving to Victoriei Square repeatedly, Romanians demonstrate that there is room to breathe more easily, to engage with civility, and to trust the strangers in their country. They assert that they are not disposable, even if a neoliberal corrupt post-communist regime would have them otherwise.ConclusionBecoming a public, as Michael Warner proposes, is an ongoing process of attention to an issue, through the circulation of discourse and self-organisation with strangers. For the anti-corruption public of Romania’s past years, such ongoing work is accompanied by persistent, civil, embodied collective assembly, in an articulation of claims, bodies, and spaces that promotes a material agency that reconfigures the city and the imagined Romanian community into a more democratic one. The Romanian citizenship of the streets is particularly significant in the current geopolitical and ideological moment. In the region, increasing authoritarianism meets the alienating logics of neoliberalism, both trying to reduce citizens to disposable, self-reliant, and disconnected market actors. Populist autocrats—Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, the Peace and Justice Party in Poland, and recently E.U.-penalized Victor Orban, in Hungary—are dismantling the system of checks and balances, and posing threats to a European Union already challenged by refugee debates and Donald Trump’s unreliable alliance against authoritarianism. In such a moment, the Romanian anti-corruption public performs within the geographies of their city solidarity and commitment to democracy, demonstrating an alternative to the submissive and disconnected subjects preferred by authoritarianism and neoliberalism.Author's NoteIn addition to the anonymous reviewers, the author would like to thank Mary Tuominen and Jesse Schlotterbeck for their helpful comments on this essay.ReferencesAnderson, Benedict R. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso, 2016.Asen, Robert. “A Discourse Theory of Citizenship.” Quarterly Journal of Speech 90.2 (2004): 189-211. 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