Journal articles: 'Turkeys accession'

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Boros, Ákos, Csaba Nemes, Péter Pankovics, Beatrix Kapusinszky, Eric Delwart, and Gábor Reuter. "Identification and complete genome characterization of a novel picornavirus in turkey (Meleagris gallopavo)." Journal of General Virology 93, no. 10 (October 1, 2012): 2171–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1099/vir.0.043224-0.

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Members of the family Picornaviridae are important pathogens of humans and animals, although compared with the thousands of known bird species (>10 000), only a few (n = 11) picornaviruses have been identified from avian sources. This study reports the metagenomic detection and complete genome characterization of a novel turkey picornavirus from faecal samples collected from eight turkey farms in Hungary. Using RT-PCR, both healthy (two of three) and affected (seven of eight) commercial turkeys with enteric and/or stunting syndrome were shown to be shedding viruses in seven (88 %) of the eight farms. The viral genome sequence (turkey/M176/2011/HUN; GenBank accession no. JQ691613) shows a high degree of amino acid sequence identity (96 %) to the partial P3 genome region of a picornavirus reported recently in turkey and chickens from the USA and probably belongs to the same species. In the P1 and P2 regions, turkey/M176/2011/HUN is related most closely to, but distinct from, the kobuviruses and turdivirus 1. Complete genome analysis revealed the presence of characteristic picornaviral amino acid motifs, a potential type II-like 5′ UTR internal ribosome entry site (first identified among avian-origin picornaviruses) and a conserved, 48 nt long ‘barbell-like’ structure found at the 3′ UTR of turkey/M176/2011/HUN and members of the picornavirus genera Avihepatovirus and Kobuvirus. The general presence of turkey picornavirus – a novel picornavirus species – in faecal samples from healthy and affected turkeys in Hungary and in the USA suggests the worldwide occurrence and endemic circulation of this virus in turkey farms. Further studies are needed to investigate the aetiological role and pathogenic potential of this picornavirus in food animals.

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Tanchum, Michaël. "A Logic Beyond Lausanne: A Geopolitical Perspective on the Congruence between Turkey's New Hard Power and its Strategic Reorientation." Transformation of Turkey’s Defense Industry: Causes, Context and Consequences 22, Summer 2020 (September 16, 2020): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2020223.03.

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Turkey’s new expeditionary capability, resting on enhanced naval capacity and new forward bases, is the logical result of Turkey’s post-Cold War strategic reorientation. Moving beyond the Cold War framework, Turkey's strategic goal is to become an interregional power that will set the terms for a new pattern of connectivity between Europe, Africa and Asia. ‘Reclaiming’ a foreign policy prerogative exercised by the Ottoman Empire but discontinued after Turkey’s founding following the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, Turkey's policymakers are seeking to move beyond the Lausanne orientation that informed Turkey’s 1952 NATO accession and persisted throughout the duration of the Cold War. This study examines Ankara's challenge of calibrating the use of its hard power instruments to serve its post-Lausanne strategic orientation toward establishing a Turkey-centered, interregional connectivity.

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Troulis, Markos. "Turkey's Hegemonic Legacies and EU Accession Bid." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal) : Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 4 (November 15, 2019): 590–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v2i4.642.

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The current paper focuses on Turkey’s EU accession bid in the light of Ahmet Davutoğlu’s thoughts for her positioning in the peripheral and the international systems. The importance of analyzing the former Prime Minister’s thoughts and methodology is high for anybody to understand Turkey’s strategic aims and their consequences for the systemic stability mainly on the regional level. Moreover, the afore-mentioned debate refers to the problematique of the future of the EU, the transformation of its nature and the core issues surrounding the post-war stability in Europe, since Turkey is a candidate country for EU accession. In other words, the nature of Ahmet Davutoğlu’s foreign policy priorities and practices is described in parallel with the substance of the cosmotheoretical values having led Europe to a relatively peaceful post-war coexistence of its nations.

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Chernobai, Yu O., V. K. Riаbchun, A. V. Yarosh, and A. I. Morgunov. "Winter bread wheat productivity elements and yield capacity in relation to its origin." Genetičnì resursi roslin (Plant Genetic Resources), no. 24 (2019): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.36814/pgr.2019.24.03.

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Aim. To compare winter bread wheat accessions of different origin for spike productivity elements and yield capacity. Results and Discussion. 104 winter bread wheat accessions from 10 countries were studied. We distinguished, an accession from Turkey, SWW 1-904 (12.8 cm) due to its long spike. The largest number of spikelets was recorded in accessions SWW 1-904 (TUR), Veha (RUS) and Pamiatі Hіrka (UKR) - 21 spikelets. Turkish accession SWW 1-904 was noticeable for the grain number per spike. The greatest spike density was observed in accession Zluka (UKR) - 2.5 spikelets / cm. The spike weight and grain weight per spike were the highest in SWW 1-904 (TUR): 6.0 g and 4.5 g, respectively. Accessions Lehenda Myronivska (0.81), Prydniprovska (UKR), Kuma, Yunona, Avgusta (RUS) (0.80) had the highest index of spike productivity. The 1000-grain weight of 55.0 g was recorded in intensive variety SWW 1-904 (TUR). Accessions from Ukraine, Darynka Kyivska and Raihorodka combined high winter hardiness (9 points) with high yield capacity (955 g/m2). Conclusions. Thus, winter bread wheat accessions that are valuable starting material for developing new varieties with a set of important economic features, were identified. They can increase the breeding efficiency and accelerate the breeding process.

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Scotti, Valentina Rita. "The eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee and Turkey’s eu Accession Process." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (March 11, 2016): 196–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341337.

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After the Treaties of Rome in 1957, Turkey started negotiations with the European Communities to define a framework for cooperation. The result was the Ankara Agreement (1965), which established economic cooperation and provided for an eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee (jpc), conceived as a discussion forum to encourage the democratic transition of Turkey. This article analyses the main phases and obstacles in Turkey’s accession process, focusing on relations between the European Parliament and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, and on the effectiveness of European Parliament and jpc activities. The analysis particularly considers the respect for the Copenhagen political criteria with regard to minorities’ rights, the Cyprus dispute, and the role of religion in Turkey. The concluding remarks discuss the European Parliament’s role in overcoming the current deadlock in the Turkish accession process.

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Yaldiz, Gülsüm, Muhammad Sameeullah, Mahmut Çamlıca, and Faheem Shehzad Baloch. "Lack of Population Structure in Coriander Populations Based on SDS (Seed Storage Protein) Page Analysis." Turkish Journal of Agriculture - Food Science and Technology 4, no. 8 (August 15, 2016): 656. http://dx.doi.org/10.24925/turjaf.v4i8.656-661.751.

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Genetic variation is prerequisite for plant breeding. Nothing information existed in the literature for available diversity of Coriander accession in Turkey. Plant breeding activities are negligible in Turkey. So in order to start effective plant breeding program in Turkey, information on the available genetic diversity is viable. Therefore we planned to study the genetic variation and population structure of 29 Coriander accessions by seed storage protein (SDS). SDS analysis elaborated the lack of population structure and genetic bottleneck in the Coriander accessions in Turkey. Based on the results of this study, it was clear that sampling strategy was not appropriate and plant introduction should be made from different sources and diverse genotypes should be used as parents to initialize the effective Turkish Coriander breeding program.

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Duodu, Sara. "European Identity and the Challenges of Turkish Accession to the European Union." General Assembly Review 2, no. 1 (January 19, 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/tgar.v2i1.10246.

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In 2005, Turkey entered into negotiations for membership with the European Union. Turkey has been an important strategic ally to the European Union in the Middle East, explaining the mutual desire for closer ties between the two. While these negotiations showed promise early on, it has become increasingly apparent that Turkish accession to the European Union will not come easily, if at all. Officially, the European Union cites Turkey’s shortcomings on issues such as human rights as the reason for the stall in negotiations. However, upon closer inspection, it is evident that there is more at play, particularly as the European Union has been inconsistent in their approach to addressing human rights violations. Member states such as Poland and Hungary, which have recent human rights violations, have not faced the same kind of condemnation that Turkey has from the leaders of the European Union. The reality is that the European Union is largely united by its shared Europeanness and Christianity. As a result, due to questions over Turkey’s Europeanness and its large Muslim majority, the European Union is apprehensive to afford it full membership. It can be said that the European Union has maintained that Turkish accession is still possible in order to continue reaping the strategic benefits from close relations with Turkey.

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SUBAŞI, İlhan. "Seed fatty acid compositions and chemotaxonomy of wild Crambe (Brassicaceae) taxa in Turkey." TURKISH JOURNAL OF AGRICULTURE AND FORESTRY 44, no. 6 (December 8, 2020): 662–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3906/tar-1912-76.

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Wild Crambe species have greater potential than Crambe hispanica in industry, medicine, as a vegetable, etc. A total of 53 germplasm accessions, belonging to 7 taxa, were collected from the natural flora of Turkey. The accessions consisted of C. orientalisvar. orientalis (18 accessions), C. orientalis var. dasycarpa (1 accession), C. orientalis var. sulphurea (2 accessions), C.tataria var. aspera(3 accessions), C. tataria var. tataria (26 accessions), C. grandiflora (1 accession), C. orientalis var. sulphurea, and C. maritima (2 accessions). In this study, the seed fatty acid compositions and oil contents were determined, and the data were used for taxonomic cluster, correlation, and principal component analyses. Important correlations were determined among the fatty acids; however, the oil contents were not correlated. Altitude was positively correlated with linolenic acid, while negatively correlated with oleic and linoleic acid. For the principal component and correlation analyses, 7 major fatty acids (>1%) were used, including palmitic (C16:0), oleic (C18:1), linoleic (C18:2), cis-11 eicosenoic (20:1), linolenic (C18:3), erucic (C22:1), and nervonic acid (C24:1). A total of 17 fatty acids were used for the cluster analyses. Two major clusters were formed, where the first consisted of C. orientalis, C. tataria, and C. grandiflorataxa, while the second consisted of only C. maritima taxa. The dendrogram based on the fatty acid values clearly discriminated the species groups; however, C. tataria was not located close to C. maritima, contrary to previous molecular cluster studies.

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Al Asad, Faisal, Ani Kurniawati, Sri Wilarso Budi R, and Didah Nur Faridah. "The Diversity of Arbuscular Mycorrhizal Fungi in the Black Cumin Rhizosphere (Nigella sativa L.) in Cianjur, West Java, Indonesia." Journal of Tropical Crop Science 5, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 126–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.29244/jtcs.5.3.126-131.

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Arbuscular Mycorrhizal Fungi (AMF) is a type of fungus that can form a symbiotic mutualism with most plants. Some AMF can only be symbiotic with a certain plant species. This research aims to determine and obtain the genus AMF from black cumin (Nigella sativa L.) accessions from America, Turkey, Hong Kong, Slovenia, India, and Kuwait accessions which had been grown in West Java, Indonesia. Three samples from each accession, four replications each, were collected for examination. The results showed that six generas of AMF were found in the rhizosphere of black cumin: Glomus, Gigaspora, Acaulospora, Scutellospora, Dentiscutata, and Entrophospora. The genus Glomus was predominantly found in the Indian accession, i.e. 96.42 spores.Keywords: black cumin, diversity, fungi, exploration, AMF

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Strielkowski, Wadim, and Ondřej Glazar. "Turkish migration in Europe: EU accession and migration flows." Migration Letters 11, no. 2 (May 18, 2014): 245–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v11i2.242.

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This paper analyses the impact of Turkey's potential EU membership on emigration from Turkey to the European Union. We apply panel data estimators using the data on emigration from EU15 countries into Germany and the Netherlands in order to construct possible future scenarios of Turkish migration to the EU. Three scenarios of migration, pessimistic, realistic and optimistic (depending on the fears related to the expected impact of Turkish migration on the EU labour markets), are drawn and future migration from Turkey into Germany and the Netherlands during the next 25 years is discussed in detail. We conclude that Turkish EU accession, should it happen in the foreseeable future, will not have any serious consequences in terms of massive migration flows.

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Khorshid, Hawzhen Kamal. "Difficult partnership: Turkey – EU. Chances, aspirations and barriers." Przegląd Europejski, no. 4-2017 (March 25, 2018): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.4.17.2.

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The article deals with the admission of Turkey into the structures of the European Union, as a country located in only a small part in Europe but at the same time constituting a strategic location from the point of view of EU security. The time frame of the analysis made here basically covers the whole period of accession negotiations, but due to the length of the negotiations, only the most important elements will be emphasised (beginning of the accession process, its subsequent stages, problems). The aim of the article is to point out the opportunities and barriers to this accession, whose vision moves away because of Turkey’s deepening political crisis triggered by president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The main thesis of the article is the statement that the negotiation process, which started years ago, was inhibited and slowed down as a result of subsequent events taking place both in the EU (migration crisis) and in Turkey itself (military coup of 2016). The author wants to answer two questions: (1) what problems, over the years of accession negotiations, proved to be insurmountable in this process? and (2) what prospects for Turkey’s accession are drawn on the basis of the current positions of both negotiating parties? Empirics in this case must be based on an analysis of the history of the Turkish accession process and the most current media reports (mainly on the 2016 coup)

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ZÜRCHER, ERIK-JAN. "Introduction." European Review 13, no. 3 (July 2005): 377–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798705000517.

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Turkey is about to start accession negotiations with the European Union. The question of whether Turkey qualified as a European country in terms of history and culture, was put on the European agenda by conservative European politicians in the mid-1990s and seemed to have been solved in Turkey's favour at the Helsinki summit of 1999, but it was hotly debated again throughout 2004. At the same time, a parallel debate developed among those who accepted Turkey's European credentials in principle (or felt they had to accept them). This was the debate about Turkey's state of preparedness and the degree to which the country fulfilled the so-called ‘Copenhagen Criteria’, which stipulated that candidates for membership of the EU should have a stable democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights and a functioning market economy. In the end, as we know, the attempts of the ‘fundamentalist’ opposition to Turkey's candidature on the part of people like former Eurocommissioner Bolkestein, German CDU/CSU leaders Merkel and Stoiber or ex-president Giscard d'Estaing failed. Turkey's progress towards fulfilment of the Copenhagen Criteria was deemed sufficient by the European Commission, and on 17 December 2004 the momentous decision to start the accession process was taken unanimously at the summit in The Hague.Interest in the question of Turkey's candidature has meant that an extraordinary number of studies, reports, papers have appeared, analysing the current situation and drawing scenarios for the future. The authors of this Focus have not intended to add to this, or to investigate the chequered history of Turkish-European relations since the signing of the accession treaty in 1963.

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Kennedy, P. Lynn, and Cemal Atici. "A Game Theoretic Analysis of Turkish Accession to a European Customs Union." Agricultural and Resource Economics Review 28, no. 2 (October 1999): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1068280500008145.

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The entrance of additional countries into a European customs union, in this case Turkey, and its impact on agriculture are examined. Results from a trade simulation model are used as components of a Political Preference Function and utilized within a game theoretic framework to identify the optimal strategies for Turkey, the EU, and the U.S. Turkey's best interest, from an agricultural perspective, involves adoption of agreements made in the Uruguay round of GATT as a developing country rather than applying EU protection. Although free trade is not the optimal solution, simulations indicate that the solution does involve the reduction of agricultural protection levels.

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Charlton, Bruce R., Sally E. Channing-Santiago, Arthur A. Bickford, Carol J. Cardona, Richard P. Chin, George L. Cooper, Robert Droual, et al. "Preliminary Characterization of a Pleomorphic Gram-Negative Rod Associated with Avian Respiratory Disease." Journal of Veterinary Diagnostic Investigation 5, no. 1 (January 1993): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/104063879300500111.

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An unidentified, pleomorphic, gram-negative rod (PGNR) bacterium has been isolated from domestic fowl with respiratory disease. The PGNR was isolated in 5% of turkey accessions and 3% of chicken accessions, primarily from the respiratory tract. Preliminary characterization of this organism included reviewing accession records, conducting cultural and biochemical tests, and analyzing cellular fatty acids. The PGNR was also compared with other bacteria capable of inhabiting the avian respiratory system. Biochemical and cellular fatty acid analysis failed to identify the organism, however all 14 isolates were similar.

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Çınar, Özgür H. "Compulsory Religious Education in Turkey." Religion and Human Rights 8, no. 3 (2013): 223–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-12341253.

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Abstract The question of religious education has been debated in Turkey since the founding of the Republic of Turkey in 1923. However, with Turkey’s commencement of the accession process towards becoming a full member of the European Union, this debate has intensified and after the judgment in the Hasan and Eylem Zengin case at the European Court of Human Rights in 2007, obligations arising from international law have become more impellent.

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Rumford, Chris. "Turkey and European Union Enlargement: Cross-Border Projects and the Pre-Accession Strategy for Non-Members." New Perspectives on Turkey 19 (1998): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003034.

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Since the Customs Union came into effect on 1 January 1996, Turkey has effectively become part of the European Union's single market. This high degree of economic integration has not been matched in the sphere of political and social integration. Turkey was omitted from a list of countries with which accession negotiations began in March 1998, and the Cardiff European Council of May 1998 confirmed Turkey's marginalization from the current process of enlargement.

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Kaczan-Winiarska, Ewa. "Austrian Veto against European Union Membership Negotiations with Turkey." Polish Review of International and European Law 8, no. 1 (August 20, 2020): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/priel.2019.8.1.05.

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The Austrian government is extremely sceptical about the accession negotiations which are conducted by the European Commission on behalf of the European Union with Turkey and calls for the negotiation process to end. Serious reservations of Vienna have been raised by the current political situation in Turkey under the rule of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, as well as by the standards of democracy in Turkey, which differ greatly from European standards. Serious deficiencies in rule of law, freedom of speech and independence of the judiciary, confirmed in the latest European Commission report on Turkey, do not justify, from Vienna’s point of view, the continuation of talks with Ankara on EU membership. In fact, Austria’s scepticism about the European perspective for Turkey has a longer tradition. This was marked previously in 2005 when the accession negotiations began. Until now, Austria’s position has not had enough clout within the European arena. Pragmatic cooperation with Turkey as a strategic partner of the EU, both in the context of the migration crisis and security policy, proved to be a key factor. The question is whether Austria, which took over the EU presidency from 1.7.2018, will be able to more strongly accentuate its reservations about Turkey and even build an alliance of Member States strong enough to block Turkey’s accession process.

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Hughes, Edel. "The Secularism Debate and Turkey's Quest for European Union Membership." Religion & Human Rights 3, no. 1 (2008): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103108x286528.

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AbstractThe potential accession of Turkey to the European Union is undoubtedly one of the Union's most contested prospective enlargements. Among the stated concerns are continuing problems surrounding Cyprus and Turkey's record in terms of fundamental human rights protections. The nature of the Turkish state and its current government, headed by the Islamic Refah Partisi, is also the subject of much discussion. This article traces the development of secularism in modern Turkey and outlines the effect that the Islamic revival is having on both Turkey and its attempts to join the ranks of the European Union.

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Phillips, David L. "Turkey's Dreams of Accession." Foreign Affairs 83, no. 5 (2004): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20034069.

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McCreight, James D. "New Sources of Lettuce Aphid Resistance in Lettuce." HortScience 40, no. 4 (July 2005): 1109A—1109. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.40.4.1109a.

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Lettuce aphid (Nasonovia ribisnigri Mosley) is a recent insect pest to lettuce (Lactuca sativa L.) production in the United States. The single dominant gene, Nr, conditions resistance to the lettuce aphid in Lactuca virosa accession IVT280 from The Netherlands and is available in a limited number of commercial lettuce cultivars. New and genetically unique sources of resistance are sought to broaden the genetic base for resistance to the lettuce aphid. About 1200 lettuce PI lines were evaluated for resistance to lettuce aphid in greenhouse tests using a strain of lettuce aphid obtained from commercial lettuce in Salinas Valley, Calif. In 2002, plants were individually infested with five 24-hour nymphs per plant (controlled protocol), and the numbers of aphids per plant were counted 10–14 days post-infestation (dpi). Beginning in 2003, plants were mass-infested (mass protocol) with nymphs and alates of various ages and numbers. Using the mass protocol, the number of aphids per plant 10–14 dpi were estimated and categorized using a 1–5 scale where 1 = 0 aphids per plant, 2 = 1–10 aphids per plant, 3 = 11–20 aphids per plant, 4 = 21–30 aphids per plant, and 5 = >30 aphids per plant. `Salinas' and `Barcelona' were included as susceptible and resistant controls, respectively. Most of the accessions were susceptible. A few accessions had a few plants with very low numbers of aphids after repeated infestation, but their progeny were susceptible. Two accessions were highly resistant: PI 491093, a Lactuca serriola accession from Turkey, and PI 274378, a L. virosa accession from France. Inheritance of resistance in these two accessions and their allelism to Nr remains to be determined.

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Okuyucu-Ergün, Güne. "Anti-Corruption Legislation In Turkish Law." German Law Journal 8, no. 9 (September 1, 2007): 903–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200006040.

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Corruption poses an increasingly serious threat against Turkey as well as the rest of the world in many respects. The fight against corruption is crucial, in particular, to achieve an economic and political stability, to attract foreign investors and to establish the rule of law. In addition to those interests, which are common for almost all countries, anti-corruption has a particular importance for Turkey in the achievement of its goal of becoming a European Union member, since anti-corruption is expected to feature prominently in Turkey's talks on European Union accession.

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Togan, Sübidey. "Turkey: Toward EU Accession." World Economy 27, no. 7 (July 2004): 1013–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0378-5920.2004.00641.x.

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Pinto, Maria do Céu. "Turkey's Accession to the European Union in terms of impact on the EU's security and defense policies: potential and drawbacks." Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 53, no. 1 (July 2010): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-73292010000100005.

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This study explores the impact of Turkey's likely entry in the European Union (EU) in terms of the EU's foreign, security and defense policies. It reviews Turkish capabilities, namely its military capabilities, which could provide the EU with valuable defense assets. There are differences related to Turkey's relations with the EU, which have increasingly spilled over into the NATO, hindering the development of cooperation over crisis management operations. The article then delves in the implications of Turkey's strategic geographical location to EU policies. It reviews how far the EU and Turkey may have convergent interests in some of the neighboring regions, especially in the Middle East.

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Sirkeci, Ibrahim, and Neli Esipova. "Turkish migration in Europe and desire to migrate to and from Turkey." BORDER CROSSING 3, no. 1 (March 1, 2013): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/bc.v3i1.522.

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Turkey’s accession to the European Union has turned out to be a very long saga. One of the concerns in Europe is that Turkey’s membership would open the way for millions of immigrants from Turkey arriving in Western European member states, as was believed to be the case with Eastern European enlargement in the 2000s. This paper focuses on migration flows and causes of human mobility while drawing upon the Gallup World Poll on migration in Europe with particular reference to the data on desire to migrate permanently from Turkey and to Turkey. The Gallup World Poll is an on-going project surveying residents in more than 150 countries on a variety of topics including international mobility. The full data set includes over 400,000 face-to-face interviews conducted in 2009, 2010 and 2011. Despite exceptions with different sample sizes, in each of the 160 countries 3,000 cases were collected as part of a larger survey. Turkish respondents have lower desire to emigrate compared to the rest of the world while Iranians and Germans are top groups who desire to migrate to Turkey. The data shows that Turkey has been a growing economy and attracting immigration while also producing emigration. Turkey’s overall socio-economic and political record suggests that the desire to migrate from Turkey will continue despite recent economic advances. Nevertheless, the Gallup data shows that the level of desire to migrate in Turkey is remarkably lower than many neighbouring countries and Europe.

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Souleimanov, Emil, Maya Ehrmann, and Vincenc Kopeček. "Uznání genocidy Arménů jako téma politického diskursu Arménie, Turecka a vybraných zemí EU." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 15, no. 4 (December 1, 2013): 247–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2013.4.247.

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The issue whether to legally recognize the tragic events of 1915 in Eastern Anatolia as a genocide remains a key political issue which drives an edge between Armenia and the Republic of Turkey. Through their European diaspora communities, the issue has also entered the domain of the European Union (EU), becoming even more controversial as Turkey is in the process of hotly contested EU accession talks. The present article uses the instruments of discourse analysis to focus on the current perceptions of the Armenian genocide in the various countries involved, specifically within the EU, Armenia and Turkey, in order to explore the political rationale behind the commitment of various states to recognize or deny the aforementioned historical events as an act of genocide. After providing a brief historical overview of the 1915 events, we analyse internal EU perceptions of the “reality” of the Armenian genocide recognition, primarily in relation to Turkey's accession efforts. We then focus on the domestic discourses in Armenia and Turkey, with the goal of shedding light on the rationale behind both Yerevan's encouragement of genocide recognition and Ankara's unwillingness to recognize the genocide, as well as on the political implications of recognition and denial.

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Çınar, Özgür H. "Mehmet Gün (2020) Turkey’s Middle-Democracy Issues and How to Solve Them: Judiciary, Accountability and Fair Representation." Border Crossing 10, no. 2 (November 28, 2020): 245–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/bc.v10i2.1131.

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This is a book review on Mehmet Gün, Turkey’s Middle-Democracy Issues and How to Solve Them: Judiciary, Accountability and Fair Representation. For many years, Turkey has had a poor record as regards human rights. Despite Turkey being a signatory to international conventions on human rights it has not consistently safeguarded these rights. Turkey made some progress by introducing reforms that began with the European Union (EU) accession process initiated in 1999. This process ushered in harmonisation laws and implementation of judgments of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) that led to developments on the normative level. However, these changes were not sufficiently put into practice or adopted by public mechanisms.

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Bodirsky, Katharina. "A cosmopolitan Europe?" Focaal 2009, no. 55 (December 1, 2009): 12–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2009.550102.

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Cosmopolitan visions hold EU-Europe capable of recognizing diversity within limits set by universal principles. This view has gained currency in EU self-representations and among the liberal left as a counter to founding EU-Europe on civilizational unity. Proponents of a cosmopolitan Europe nevertheless partake in a culturalization of politics that enables and obscures processes of state transformation visible in Turkey's EU accession process. Debates on Turkey's EU membership construct a normative representation of EU-Europe that justifies EU accession measures as "normalization." Supporters of a cosmopolitan EU contribute to this political effect by adhering to a liberal distinction between "mere difference" to be tolerated and "disruptive difference" to be contained, which legitimizes an interventionist stance vis-à-vis Turkey. However, changes in state interventions and institutions supported by this normalizing project go beyond installing "unity in diversity" in cultural-political terms. They involve economic de- and reregulation that might entrench social and territorial inequalities.

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Mandel, Ruth. "Fifty Years of Migration, Fifty Years of Waiting: Turkey, Germany and the European Union." German Politics and Society 31, no. 2 (June 1, 2013): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2013.310206.

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This article describes and analyzes the complex relationship between Turkey, Germany, and the European Union over the past half-century. It asks why numerous other countries have jumped the queue and managed to gain entry, whereas Turkey has been left knocking at the door, presented with increasing obstacles through which it must pass. The role of Islam is examined as a motivating factor in the exclusion of Turkey. Also, the historical memory of the Ottoman Empire's relationship with Europe is discussed. The mixed reception and perceived problems of integration of the large population of people from Turkey and their descendants who arrived in the 1960s as "guestworkers" is put forth as a key obstacle to Turkey's admission to the European Union. Contradictions in policies and perceptions are highlighted as further impediments to accession.

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AYDIN DÜZGIT, Senem. "Constructing Europe through Turkey : french perceptions on Turkey's accession to the European union." Politique européenne 29, no. 3 (2009): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/poeu.029.0047.

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Kanbur, Mehmet, and Tomasz Bernat. "Europeanization in Turkey and Accession Process to the European Union." JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 6, no. 2 (November 20, 2013): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-8330.2013/6-2/7.

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Musil, Pelin Ayan. "Czech Public Opinion on Turkey's Accession to the EU: An Analysis through the Lenses of Sociological and Discursive Institutionalism*." New Perspectives 23, no. 1 (March 2015): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x1502300104.

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While Turkey lacks significant levels of public support from the Czech Republic in its EU bid, the existing studies of European public opinion on the question of Turkey do not bring any reasonable explanation as to why this can be so. To shed light on this problem, this article offers an analytical framework derived from sociological and discursive institutionalism. First, it shows that the historical/cultural context in the Czech Republic has created an informal institution built around the norms of “othering” Muslim societies like Turkey (sociological institutionalism). Second, based on the media coverage of selected political issues from Turkey between 2005 and 2010, it argues that this institution both enables and constrains the “discursive ability” of the media in communicating these issues to its audience (discursive institutionalism). Since the media—as a political actor—mostly acts to maintain this institution and does not critically debate it, the public opinion of Turkey as the “cultural other” remains as a dominant perception. The official support of the political elite for Turkey's accession to the EU does not countervail the media influence, as this support is often not conveyed to the Czech public agenda.

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Polat, Necati. "Identity Politics and the Domestic Context of Turkey's European Union Accession." Government and Opposition 41, no. 4 (2006): 512–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00202.x.

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AbstractThis article observes a transformation in the largely essentializing, decontextualized form of identity politics that long defined political cosmology in Turkey, now in the process of negotiating accession to the European Union (EU). Accordingly, identity politics – not only the bread and butter of both Kurdish nationalism and Islamism, but also a justification for exhortations towards a limited, authoritarian democracy by Kemalists, the major power holders – is receding in favour of a civic, non-divisive political culture enabled by the EU anchorage. In danger of losing the longstanding centre–periphery configuration in an enhanced, participatory democracy and, concomitant with it, the periphery clientelism created by the waning identity politics, Kemalist nationalists, Islamists and Kurdish separatists appear to have stopped squabbling among themselves and joined forces against Turkey's EU bid.

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Demiryol, Tolga. "The Eastern Partnership and the EU-Turkey Energy Relations." Baltic Journal of European Studies 4, no. 2 (October 1, 2014): 50–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2014-0015.

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AbstractThis article discusses the prospects and challenges of energy cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Turkey within the context of the Eastern Partnership (EaP). Part of the EaP agenda is to advance energy cooperation between the EU and the partner states, particularly regarding the diversification of import routes. As an energy corridor between the EU and the hydrocarbon-rich Caspian states, Turkey is a strategic asset for European energy security. Turkey also has economic ties and political capital in the Caspian region that can help the EU reach out to its eastern partners. Despite robust incentives for cooperation, however, the EU-Turkey energy partnership has so far failed to meet mutual expectations. This article argues that this is primarily due to the inability of the two actors to credibly commit to regional energy cooperation. Commitment problem stems from two factors. First, the predominance of national energy interests over communal ones undermines credible commitment. The variation in energy needs of Member States prevents the EU from acting in unison in external energy policy. Similarly, Turkey also prioritizes its own energy security, particularly in its relations with suppliers, which undermines cooperation with the EU. Second, the EU and Turkey hold divergent perspectives on the potential political payoffs of energy cooperation. Turkish decision makers are convinced that energy cooperation warrants palpable progress in Turkey’s accession while most EU actors appear hesitant to establish a direct connection between energy and accession.

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Aydın-Düzgit, Senem. "European parliament ‘doing’ Europe." Discourse analysis, policy analysis, and the borders of EU identity 14, no. 1 (May 26, 2015): 154–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.14.1.08ayd.

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This article focuses on the discourses of the main centre-right political party group (EPP-ED, EPP) in the European Parliament on Turkey’s accession to the European Union. It utilises the analytical framework of the Discourse-Historical Approach in Critical Discourse Analysis to mainly concentrate on the articulations of ‘culture’ and ‘cultural identity’ in the discussions over Turkish accession in official parliamentary debates and in-depth personal interviews with the members of this group. It is argued that a relational theorising of identity allows for analysis of the ways in which a cultural ‘Europe’ is articulated through current discussions on Turkey in the mainstream right-wing European Parliament discourse and thus reveals the cultural borders that are enacted with reference to Turkish membership within this group.

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Zulkarnaen, Muhammad Jave. "EU ENLARGEMENT: TURKISH ACCESSION AND IDENTITY." DIA Jurnal Ilmiah Administrasi Publik 18, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 143–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.30996/dia.v18i2.4381.

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Turkey is one of the most important countries for the EU because it has a strategic position in Western Europe, Eastern Europe, and even the Middle East. The good relationship between Turkey and the EU is based on history such as war, diplomacy, trade, art, cuisine, to culture. For centuries, the relationship between the two marked the deep economic, cultural, artistic, and social cooperation between the Ottoman Empire and the European powers of the fifteenth to the seventeenth centuries. At the same time, conflict and competition create an identity perception among EU countries towards Turkey. This paper attempts to explain the identity of Turkey and the European Union and to determine whether the identity as cultural or political affected the Turkish application to be a member of the European Union.

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Akkoyunlu, Sule. "Intervening Opportunities and Competing Migrants in Turkish migration to Germany, 1969-2008." Migration Letters 9, no. 2 (October 9, 2012): 155–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v9i2.104.

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This study defines, specifies and empirically tests the concept of intervening opportunities proposed by Stouffer (1940) and the theory of competing migrants proposed again Stouffer (1960) in the context of international migration. An empirical model of Turkish migration to Germany is developed and tested for the 1969-2008 period, using the cointegration technique. We find strong evidence of intervening opportunities and competing migrants. Although, competing migrants are significant in the short as well as in the long-run, intervening opportunities are only significant in the short-run. The results have an important policy implication for the Turkey's accession to European Union. Thus, the migration pressure from Turkey with the accession can be managed by increasing intervening opportunities, hereby increasing foreign direct investments and altering the demand for competing migrants.

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Talebi, R., A. M. Naji, and F. Fayaz. "Geographical patterns of genetic diversity in cultivated chickpea (Cicer arietinum L.) characterized by amplified fragment length polymorphism." Plant, Soil and Environment 54, No. 10 (October 24, 2008): 447–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/399-pse.

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The objective of this study was to evaluate the genetic relationships of 28 chickpea accessions from diverse origin using AFLP markers. On average, 13 polymorphic bands per primer were observed in AFLP analysis. The average polymorphic information content (PIC) was 0.71, ranging from 0.48 to 0.92. The lowest and the highest PIC value were recorded for primer P-GAG/M-GC and P-AT/M-GC, respectively. The average GD, based on Fst values among the 21 accessions was 0.42, ranging from 0.61 to 0.16. From the UPGMA dendrogram, it is discernible that material taken for the analysis can be divided in four clusters. The results indicate that the greatest genetic diversity occurs in Afghanistan, Iran and Lebanon. In many cases, the diversity between individuals of an accession is as great as between individuals of different accessions. Based on DNA markers it is concluded that there are three centers of diversity for chickpea: Pakistan-Afghanistan, Iran-Turkey and Syria-Lebanon. India and Ethiopia, which were previously considered as a secondary center of diversity for chickpea, showed lower diversity than the above regions.

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Khlestkina, Elena K., Marion S. Röder, Heinrich Grausgruber, and Andreas Börner. "A DNA fingerprinting-based taxonomic allocation of Kamut wheat." Plant Genetic Resources 4, no. 3 (December 2006): 172–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/pgr2006120.

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AbstractKamut wheat, said to have been derived from seed found in the Egyptian pyramids, appeared on the market about 25 years ago. We have investigated its taxonomic placement using microsatellite genotyping. In all, 89 accessions of 13 tetraploid wheat species, along with samples of Kamut wheat, were genotyped using two A and B genome wheat microsatellite markers per chromosome, generating 453 alleles (8–33 alleles per locus), and a mean allelic polymorphic information content (PIC) of 0.80. A diversity analysis showed that nine major accession groups could be defined, and these were inconsistent with formal taxonomic classifications of about 10% of the material. Most of these misclassifications are due to either species introgression or seed admixture. Some accessions appear to be duplicates. The Kamut wheats grouped together in a cluster containing three accessions of Triticum polonicum and three of T. durum, originating from Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Israel. We suggest that Kamut perhaps derived from a natural hybrid between T. durum and T. polonicum, which occurred in the Fertile Crescent.

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Al-Azam, Sadik J. "Turkey, secularism and the EU: A view from Damascus." Philosophy & Social Criticism 37, no. 4 (May 2011): 449–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453711399727.

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This article deals with the impact of the free, democratic and peaceful accession to power of the Islamic Justice and Development Party (JDP) in Turkey on the Arab world in general and on the Islamic currents active in Arab societies in particular. A main point is looking into how Arab political formations and especially political Islam are trying to make sense out of such recent developments in Turkey as: (1) the fact that traditionally reviled Turkish secularism, Kemalism and westernism could produce a democratic form of political Islam capable of winning free elections and ruling Turkey without a catastrophe befalling the whole polity; and (2) the fact that an Islamic JDP is the most eager proponent of Turkey’s membership in the secular EU, while the traditional staunch military guardian of Turkish secularism is now the main obstructor of the drive for EU membership.

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40

Üçer, Elif. "Turkey's accession to the European Union." Futures 38, no. 2 (March 2006): 197–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.futures.2005.04.016.

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41

Hughes, Edel. "The European Union Accession Process: Ensuring the Protection of Turkey's Minorities?" International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 17, no. 4 (2010): 561–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181110x531448.

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AbstractThe potential accession of Turkey to the European Union is an issue that has provoked widespread debate both within and without the Union and indeed Turkey. Opinions as to whether Turkey is 'ready' for membership or if in fact the Union can 'absorb' the addition of Turkey vary but what is uncontested is the fact that the accession process has prompted wide ranging reforms in Turkey, particularly in relation to the protection of fundamental human rights. This article outlines the prevailing legislation pertaining to minority rights in Turkey and assesses the extent to which the reform process on the path to EU accession has impacted on those rights.

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Kaya, Nurcan. "Teaching in and Studying Minority Languages in Turkey: A Brief Overview of Current Issues and Minority Schools." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 12, no. 1 (November 24, 2015): 315–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004306134_013.

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Turkey is a nation–state built on remnants of the Ottoman Empire where non-Muslim minorities were guaranteed the right to set up educational institutions; however, since its establishment, it has officially recognised only Armenians, Greeks and Jews as minorities and guaranteed them the right to manage educational institutions as enshrined in the Treaty of Lausanne. However, they have faced bureaucratic restrictions and discriminatory practises. Turkey’s EU accession triggered developments toward democratisation, including in minority rights. Private language teaching courses teach ‘traditionally used languages’, elective language courses have been introduced in public schools and universities are allowed to teach minority languages. However, there is still a long way to reach EU standards. This article assesses existing legal frameworks in regard to the teaching in and studying of minority languages and their implementation. It covers developments since the EU accession process began and provides an overview of current issues and minority schools.

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Onar, Nora Fisher, and Meriç Özgüneş. "How Deep a Transformation? Europeanization of Greek and Turkish Minority Policies." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 17, no. 1 (2010): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181110x12595859744240.

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AbstractThe article examines the Europeanization of Greece and Turkey's policies towards their respective Turkish/Muslim and Greek/Orthodox minorities. It begins with a comparative survey of nation-building processes in both countries. It shows that as bilateral tensions rose, minorities' rights as citizens were increasingly compromised by the perception that minorities were agents of their kin-states. Greek accession to the European Economic Community in 1981 catalyzed a slow process of internationalization of European norms of minority protection among policymakers, though pockets of resistance persist to this day. Turkey, meanwhile, became a candidate for membership in December 1999. The carrot-and-stick incentive structure of the accession process led to a rapid succession of taboo-shattering reforms, catalyzing a partial transformation of minority policies. By 2007, however, an altered calculus of domestic and international forces impeded the implementation of reform and consequently the transformation of minority treatment.

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Fossati, Fabio. "Italy and European Union enlargement: A comparative analysis of left and right governments." Modern Italy 13, no. 2 (May 2008): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940801962140.

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This article explores the attitudes of Italy's ruling and opposition parties towards the European Union (EU) enlargement process in Central and Eastern Europe. It shows that during both left (1996–2001) and right (2001–2006) governments there was a convergence between conservative and constructivist political platforms. In the first case, support for the Balkan countries (i.e., Slovenia, Romania, Bulgaria, Croatia) and Turkey was based on their economic (penetration of Italian firms) and political (stabilisation of a difficult area) potential. In the second case, support was justified for both economic (i.e., redistributive policy towards Romania, Bulgaria and Croatia) and cultural (i.e., pursuing a ‘plural’ Europe by including Turkey) reasons. Some liberal criticism based on Turkey's partial compliance with the political requirements for accession were raised by individual politicians of moderate right and left parties, and cultural biases against Islamic Turkey were stressed by the Lega Nord. Neither view, however, had a significant impact on the decision-making process.

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Özdoğan, Günay Göksu, and Büşra Ersanlı. "Obstacles and opportunities: recent Kurdish struggles for political representation and participation in Turkey." Southeastern Europe 35, no. 1 (2011): 62–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633311x545689.

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AbstractHaving gone through different phases of political action and facing various forms of suppression by the state, the Kurdish movement from 1990's persisted in establishing legal parties despite recurrent bans by the Constitutional Court. In the 2007 national elections DTP (after its ban the BDP) running as independent candidates formed a group in the Parliament which was followed by an extensive regional representation in eastern and southeastern Turkey in local elections of 2009. At the three levels of political activity (parliament, local government, civil society) the extent of women's presence exceeds well over the general percentage in Turkey while various civil society organizations at both the national and regional levels lend support for extension of minority/human rights. Although the new legal and political reforms as of early 2000's in line with Turkey's bid for accession to the EU have opened up a new venue for legitimization of Kurdish identity and recognition of various cultural, civil and cultural rights, strictness of the electoral law impedes fair representation and certain discriminatory attitudes and practices still persist in the civil and military bureaucracy, mass media and political parties in contention. Whether Kurdish participation in Turkey's politics will fare in 'normal' terms in the future is largely dependent on Turkey's democratization process in which the Kurdish politicians' claims to function as a non-regional Turkey party constitute an important but only one of the impacting factors, e.g., rehabilitation of the PKK, decentralization and empowerment of local government, extension of human rights, and a non-exclusionary definition of Turkish identity.

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Demirbilek, Burcin, and David Benson. "Between Emulation and Assemblage: Analysing WFD Policy Transfer Outcomes in Turkey." Water 11, no. 2 (February 14, 2019): 324. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w11020324.

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Turkey’s protracted European Union (EU) accession process has resulted in the transfer of environmental policy, primarily the water acquis. Despite a recent reversal in accession negotiations, this process is continuing and has thereby resulted in the active Europeanisation of Turkish water policy. However, the resultant pattern of Europeanisation remains poorly understood with questions arising as to whether policy transfer is leading to significant convergence with EU policy, or if a uniquely Turkish hybrid system of water governance is emerging. The paper therefore provides an analysis of transfer outcomes from the EU Water Framework Directive (WFD), using eight core institutional features: identification of river basins; transboundary cooperation; environmental objectives setting; characterisation of river basins; monitoring; cost recovery and water pricing; river basin management planning; and public participation. While analysis of legal frameworks and their implementation shows many areas of emulation, some features of the WFD in Turkey are an amalgam of pre-existing water institutions, the mimetic influence of integrated water resources management (IWRM) norms, EU policy and changing national water policy priorities: what we call assembled emulation. This observation has implications for future studies on policy transfer, Europeanisation, IWRM and Turkish accession.

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Bischof, Karin, Florian Oberhuber, and Karin Stögner. "Gender-specific constructions of the ‘other religion’ in French and Austrian discourse on Turkey’s accession to the European Union." Journal of Language and Politics 9, no. 3 (November 1, 2010): 364–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.9.3.02bis.

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This article presents results from a qualitative analysis of religious and gender-specific ‘othering’ in Austrian and French media discourse on Turkey’s accession to the EU (2004–2006). A typology of arguments justifying inclusion and exclusion of Turkey from Europe or the EU is presented, and gender-specific othering is placed in the context of differing national discourses about Europe and diverging visions of secularisation and citizenship. Secondly, various topoi of orientalism are reconstructed which play a crucial role in both national corpora, and it is shown how various historically shaped discourses of alterity intersect and produce gendered images of cultural and religious otherness.

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Firat, Bilge. "The Accession Pedagogy." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 23, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2014.230106.

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From 1989, new plans to enlarge the EU caused growing public disenchantment with the future of European integration as a viable model of cooperation among states and peoples in Europe. To manage disenchantment, EU actors designed various policy tools and techniques in their approaches to European peripheries such as Turkey. Among these, they intensified and perfected processes of pedagogy where EU actors assume that they have unique knowledge of what it means to be 'European' and that they must teach accession candidates how to become true Europeans. Based on accounts of EU politicians and officials, past experiences of government officials from former EU candidate states and Turkish officials' encounters with the EU's accession pedagogy, this article explores the EU's enlargement policy as a pedagogical engagement and the responses it elicits among Turkish governmental representatives, in order to test the reconfigurations of power between Europe and the countries on its margins.

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Campbell, Madison, and Elisa DeMartino. "Disadvantages to Turkey’s EU Accession: Turkish Perspective." Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union 2012, no. 1 (2012): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5642/urceu.201201.05.

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Munin, Nellie. "Female Employment and Turkey's EU Accession Process." Mediterranean Politics 16, no. 3 (November 2011): 449–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2011.613681.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Turkeys accession'

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