Academic literature on the topic 'Turkic-speaking population'

The article is devoted to the study of the issues of Turkic integration and Turkic cultural integration, the consideration of concepts, and interconnectedness, as well as the study of the content aspect. There are similarities and differences between these categories due to the common motivation for cooperation and the processes of institutionalization. There is a transfusion of integration from one sphere to another, which deepens and expands the overall integrative interaction and aims at finding new areas of mutually beneficial cooperation. Turkic integration is a more holistic understanding and phenomenon due to the national position towards interaction and cooperation of interested actors (Turkic—speaking states, autonomies with a Turkic-speaking population, international Turkic organizations, experts, etc.). Turkic cultural integration being a part of it, the concept is narrow, it affects more sectoral aspects. Cooperation in the field of culture for the Turkic-speaking countries becomes an opportunity to join their common historical and mental roots, to establish an exchange of experience for the preservation of a unique heritage. Within the framework of the study, the periodization of integration processes is proposed, with the reduction of the event series, sequence, and results of joint actions of the Turkic-speaking countries. In our opinion, every event or fact contributes to the deepening of integration and expands the horizons of cooperation. The institutionalization of Turkic cultural integration, accompanied by the emergence of new initiatives and projects, is studied by the example of the formation and functioning of TURKSOY.

Выявлен вклад тюркского по происхождению компонента в генофонд различных этносов Дагестана и Северного Кавказа, который присутствует не только у тюркоязычных популяций, но и у соседних с ними. В горных популяциях Дагестана, в отличие от равнинных, тюркский компонент практически полностью отсутствует. The contribution of Turkic genetic component to the gene pool of various ethnic groups of Dagestan and the North Caucasus, which is present not only in Turkic-speaking populations, but also in neighboring ones, is revealed. In the mountain populations of Dagestan, unlike the plains, the Turkic component is almost completely absent.

The gene pool of the East Caucasus, encompassing modern-day Azerbaijan and Dagestan populations, was studied alongside adjacent populations using 83 Y-chromosome SNP markers. The analysis of genetic distances among 18 populations (N = 2216) representing Nakh-Dagestani, Altaic, and Indo-European language families revealed the presence of three components (Steppe, Iranian, and Dagestani) that emerged in different historical periods. The Steppe component occurs only in Karanogais, indicating a recent medieval migration of Turkic-speaking nomads from the Eurasian steppe. The Iranian component is observed in Azerbaijanis, Dagestani Tabasarans, and all Iranian-speaking peoples of the Caucasus. The Dagestani component predominates in Dagestani-speaking populations, except for Tabasarans, and in Turkic-speaking Kumyks. Each component is associated with distinct Y-chromosome haplogroup complexes: the Steppe includes C-M217, N-LLY22g, R1b-M73, and R1a-M198; the Iranian includes J2-M172(×M67, M12) and R1b-M269; the Dagestani includes J1-Y3495 lineages. We propose J1-Y3495 haplogroup’s most common lineage originated in an autochthonous ancestral population in central Dagestan and splits up ~6 kya into J1-ZS3114 (Dargins, Laks, Lezgi-speaking populations) and J1-CTS1460 (Avar-Andi-Tsez linguistic group). Based on the archeological finds and DNA data, the analysis of J1-Y3495 phylogeography suggests the growth of the population in the territory of modern-day Dagestan that started in the Bronze Age, its further dispersal, and the microevolution of the diverged population.

Modern world grows very fast every day. The main arrow of every state economy is logistics sector, which is increasing very dynamically. The Turkic Speaking States are locating on the Historical Great Silk Road. The total of territory and population of those countries are 4 732 082 km2 and 157 949 505 people. After collapsing the USSR, the five Turkic Speaking States get independence (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Kyrgyzstan), economy and political policy of those states have been changed to the modern market rules. The most of those countries economy base on the raw materials, gas and petroleum. For exporting of all those raw materials the States need strong logistics systems. The article illustrates the economic development of logistics sectors and trade over between Turkic Speaking States. This research will help to open the problems and find out the solution, implementation of the logistics policy for all of them. Using strong and different fundamental databases, such as statistic of those countries, trade balance, logistics relations, import and export dates, different correlation methods and economic models, the international resource and powerful academic literature help to describe the potential of economy relation and real situations, perspectives, problems and logistics power of the Turkic Speaking States.

The article highlights the work on the joint project of the State Historical Museum of the Southern Urals and the Center for Traditional Culture of the Southern Urals “Ural View: Matur Kiem”. The project is aimed at popularizing the traditional culture of the Turkic-speaking population of the Southern Urals. It includes the creation of a collection of 10 costumes based on items from museum collections and the preparation of videos posted on vk.com. The article contains brief information about the ethnographic groups of the Turkic-speaking population of the region. There is the characteristics of the clothing items selected for the project in order to demonstrate, as diversely as possible, the features of the traditional costume of these groups. The difficulties encountered while working on the project are indicated. There are also examples of the opportunities that the project format provides for the presentation of objects from the museum collection.

AbstractThe origin of the Turkic-speaking population of the north-western provinces of Iran, the so-called Azaris, is the subject of long-year debate. Here, we present preliminary results on testing of several hypotheses concerning their origin: 1) the Azaris are the descendants of the Turkic ethnic groups migrated from Central Asia; 2) they have an autochthonous origins; 3) they are of Iranian origin; and 4) they have mixed ethnic origin with unknown proportions of source populations' contribution. The results show that Azaris have much weaker genetic affinity with the populations from Central Asia and the Caucasus than with their immediate geographic neighbours. Relying on these outcomes one can suggest that language replacement (change) with regard to Azaris occurred through "elite dominance" mechanism rather than "demic diffusion" model.

Caucasian Albania was an ancient polyethnic state that existed on the historical territory of Azerbaijan from the 4th–3rd centuries BCE to the 8th century CE. According to Strabo, the population of this state consisted of 24 Turkic, Caucasian, and Iranian-speaking tribes. The territory of Albania spanned a wide geographical area, including present-day Azerbaijan, modern Armenia, as well as parts of Georgia and southern Dagestan. Ancient toponyms of Azerbaijan have preserved the names of ancient Turkic peoples and tribes to this day: Saka, Savirs, Bulgars, Kazakhs, Huns, Alpan, Gargar, Terter, Pechenegs, Kangars, Choly, Saly, and many others. Furthermore, the study of cultural heritage, including sacred symbols such as tamgas found on cultic buildings, fortress walls, household items, weapons, tombstones, and rock carvings, points not only to the dominant role of the Turkic peoples in Caucasian Albania but also to their historical connections with the Turkic peoples of the North Caucasus and Central Asia.

In the English-speaking world Ármin Vámbéry is known as a traveler in Central Asia and a student of Turkic cultures and languages. In his native Hungary he is also known for his disagreement with linguists who believed that Hungarian belonged to the Ugric branch of the Finno-Ugric languages—a part of the Uralic linguistic family. Rather than accepting this theory, Vámbéry contended that Hungarian was largely a Turkic language that belonged more to the Altaic family. Few people know that Vámbéry also expressed strong opinions about the genesis of the Hungarian nation. The most important aspect of Vámbéry’s theory about Hungarian origins is the thesis that Hungarian ethnogenesis took place—beginning with late Roman times or even earlier—in the Carpathian Basin. A corollary of this proposition is that the nomadic tribes that conquered the Carpathian Basin at the end of the ninth century were Turkic peoples who were few in numbers and were assimilated by the region’s autochthonous—and by then Hungarian-speaking—population. This paper outlines Vámbéry’s arguments and describes to what extent research on this subject in the century since Vámbéry’s death has confirmed or contradicted his unconventional ideas.

This article presents the views of the researcher on the ethnic position of the population of the Emirate of Bukhara in the Zeravshan, Kashkadarya, Surkhandarya oases, Eastern Bukhara, the upper and middle reaches of the Amu Darya in the 19th-early 20th centuries. During this period, the majority of the population of the Bukhara Emirate were Turkic-speaking Uzbeks. Further, in the Emirate of Bukhara, the ethnic composition of the population included the following: Kazakhs, Kirghiz, Karakalpaks, as well as small Persian-speaking Tajiks, Turkmens, Kazakhs, Kirghiz, Karakalpaks, as well as small Persian-speaking people living in Badakhshan and in the foothills of the Pamirs. On the basis of historical documents, the researcher tried to reveal the existence of many scientific sources. The article concludes that the Mangit dynasty was one of the most influential clans of the Bukhara Emirate.

Abstract With the signing of the treaties of Golistan (1812) and Turkomanchai (1828), which ended two disastrous wars with Russia, Iran gave up all claims to political rule in the Caucasus. The Turkic-speaking province of Azerbaijan was permanently divided in two, the south remaining as part of the Iranian kingdom and the north, with an estimated population of half a million Moslems, falling under Russian dominance. The Shia in Russian Azerbaijan held a clear majority, but Sunni influence was strong, and Russian authorities were able to use one sect against the other to break sporadic insurrections. At first, though, the khanate system of administration was kept intact, with a Russian commander replacing the local Moslem khan as governor. The religious courts continued to function as they had before Russian annexation, and Persian was maintained as the official administrative language.

In the 1990s, Turkmenistan’s government dismantled Soviet educational provision, replacing it with lower quality schooling. The Başkent Foundation schools represent the concerted ef- forts of teachers and sponsors to offer socially conscious education grounded in science and math with an international focus. This case study of the Başkent Foundation schools in Turkmenistan establishes the vitality of Gülen schools outside of the Turkish Republic and their key role in offering Central Asian families an important choice in secular, general education. The paper discusses the appeal of the schools’ curriculum to parents and students, and records a decade-long success both in educating students and in laying the foundations of civil society: in Turkmenistan the Gülen movement offers the only general education outside of state provision and control. This is particularly significant as most scholars deny that there is any semblance of civil society in Turkmenistan. Notes: The author has been conducting interviews and recording the influence of Başkent schools in Turkmenistan since working as Instructor at the International Turkmen-Turk University in 1997. In May 2007 she visited the schools in the capital Ashgabat, and the northern province of Daşoguz, to explore further the contribution Gülen schools are making. The recent death of Turkmenistan’s president will most likely result in major reforms in education. Documentation of how a shift at the centre of state power affects provincial Gülen schools will enrich this conference’s broader discussion of the movement’s social impact. The history of Gülen-inspired schools in Central Asia reveals as much about the Gülen movement as it does about transition in the Muslim world. While acknowledging that transition in the 21st century includes new political and global considerations, it must be viewed in a historical context that illustrates how change, renewal and questioning are longstanding in- herent to Islamic tradition. In the former Soviet Union, the Gülen movement contributed to the Muslim people’s transi- tion out of the communist experience. Since USSR fell in 1991, participants in Fethullah Gülen’s spiritual movement have contributed to its mission by successfully building schools, offering English language courses for adults, and consciously supporting nascent civil so- ciety throughout Eurasia. Not only in Turkic speaking regions, but also as far as Mongolia and Southeast Asia, the so-called “Turkish schools” have succeeded in creating sustainable systems of private schools that offer quality education to ethnically and religiously diverse populations. The model is applicable on the whole; Gülen’s movement has played a vital role in offering Eurasia’s youth an alternative to state-sponsored schooling. Recognition of the broad accomplishments of Gülen schools in Eurasia raises questions about how these schools function on a daily basis and how they have remained successful. What kind of world are they preparing students for? How do the schools differ from traditional Muslim schools (maktabs or madrasas)? Do they offer an alternative to Arab methods of learning? Success in Turkmenistan is especially notable due to the dramatic politicization of education under nationalistic socio-cultural programmes in that Central Asian country. Since the establishment of the first boarding school, named after Turkish Prime Minister Turgut Ozal, in 1991 the Gülen schools have prospered despite Turkmenistan’s extreme political conditions and severely weakened social systems. How did this network of foreign schools, connected to a faith-based movement, manage to flourish under Turkmenistan’s capricious dictator- ship? In essence, Gülen-inspired schools have been consistently successful in Turkmenistan because a secular curriculum partnered with a strong moral framework appeals to parents and students without threatening the state. This hypothesis encourages further consideration of the cemaat’s ethos and Gülen’s philosophies such as the imperative of activism (aksiyon), the compatibility of Islam and modernity, and the high value Islamic traditions assign to education. Focusing on this particular set of “Turkish schools” in Turkmenistan provides details and data from which we can consider broader complexities of the movement as a whole. In particular, the study illustrates that current transitions in the Muslim world have long, complex histories that extend beyond today’s immediate questions about Islam, modernity, or extremism.