Academic literature on the topic 'Turkish foreign policy, Turkish-Israeli relations, Justice and Development Party, strategic depth doctrine'

This article is dedicated to the analysis of Turkey's foreign policy aimed at achieving regional leadership after the Cold War, as well as the changes that took place therein under the rule of the Justice and Development Party) since 2002. The author describes the principles of Turkey's policy in the Balkans under the rule of the Justice and Development Party, which are founded on the doctrine of strategic depth proposed by Ahmet Davutoğlu in 2001, who was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs in 2009 (until 2014). The following questions arise: are the political priorities and goals outlined in the theory compatible with the Turkey’s foreign policy in the Balkans, which holds an important place in the doctrine; and what is the impact of the neo-Ottoman approach adopted in relation to Muslim communities in the Balkans affect the policy conducted against the non-Muslim communities? Besides the Davutoğlu’s doctrine, the article employs archival documents obtained from the official website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, as well as publications and books by various Turkish and foreign experts that allow reconstructing the true picture of events. The goal of this work is to comprise a broad picture of Turkey's position on the international arena in the 2000s and foreign policy perception of the Justice and Development party overall. In this regard, analysis is conducted on Turkey’s interests in the Balkans and the policy for achieving them under the rule of the Justice and Development Party.

Summary What are the public diplomacy strategies for legitimising a pro-Islamist foreign policy? This research unveils how Turkey, which has been a vocal supporter of the Muslim Brotherhood and its affiliates across the Middle East since the Arab Spring, draws on pan-Islamic soft power, neo-Ottoman myth-making and public diplomacy strategies embedded in the precepts of the strategic depth doctrine to rationalise its pro-Hamas foreign policy position under the Justice and Development Party (AKP). By employing critical discourse analysis to the political speeches delivered by the Turkish government officials in domestic and international fora, this article suggests that Turkey has sought to legitimise its pro-Islamist foreign policy and subvert the terrorist designation of Hamas internationally through the humanitarian, Islamic and neo-Ottoman framings of the Palestinian issue. It is argued that Turkey’s public diplomacy of Hamas constitutes part and parcel of the AKP’s grand strategy to project Islamic soft power.

The Justice and Development Party (JDP) and its new cadre have entered into Turkish political life by the general elections held in 2002. Prof. Dr. Ahmet Davutoğlu, one of the members of the new cadre, has been considered as the architect of foreign policy discourse and practices pursued under JDP rule between 2002-2016. Davutoğlu has become both the theoretician and the practitioner of foreign policy strategies, which has been built on his “Strategic Depth Doctrine”. Davutoğlu has aimed to reach a new foreign policy strategy by the new principles such as “multidimensional foreign policy”, “rhythmic diplomacy”, “zero problems with neighbors”, “maximum international cooperation”, “proactive foreign policy” and “order instituting actor”. In these contexts, the aim of the paper is twofold. The 􀏐irst one is to 􀏐ind out whether Davutoğlu’s new foreign policy principles have been implemented in the foreign policy-making processes of the South Caucasus states of Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia and, if yes, the second one is to de􀏐ine the policy re􀏐lections over Turkey’s foreign relations with these states. For this aim, three speci􀏐ic cases, which are critical to these states, have been selected: the Russian-Georgian War (2008), the Armenian Opening, and the Nagorno-Karabakh Con􀏐lict. The method of discourse analysis has been utilized and Davutoğlu’s books, articles, interviews, and speeches have been reviewed.

Turkey's independence from its international isolation towards the Middle East in particular "and the arrival of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey in 2002 in a spirit of philosophy and ideology based on a strategic construction by the Turkish foreign policy landscape, Ahmed Daoudoglu (in his strategic depth theory) Major changes, notably the US intervention in Iraq and occupation in 2003, and the change of the political system in it, as well as "the growing movements of rejection and protest within some countries of the Middle East, led to change political systems, and systems in the way to all this led to the adoption of the Turkish decision-maker role "Pivotal" in AG Out. This role has been motivated by various motives, including the protection of Turkey's national security and the preservation of the borders and borders of Turkey, as well as the existence of areas within these regions after they have been removed from the authority of the central states. For the purpose of performing political, security and economic roles, In decision-making and solutions. Turkey included some of the effects of this great conflict in the Middle East, which was reflected in waves of immigration, direct terrorist acts, the growing role of the PKK and the exploitation of the power vacuum in the areas bordering Turkey, to play destabilizing security roles for Turkey and embarrassing the countries on its territory. Including Iraq. The Turkish vision for the Middle East The neighboring countries went to the countries of the Far East, the Gulf states, Egypt, Palestine and Israel to play political, economic, security and military and cultural roles with them to achieve multiple gains. Turkey after 2014 is different from Turkey before this date, because of the expansion of terrorist groups and the formation of the Islamic Caliphate State in Iraq and the Levant, and adjacent to its borders, and this in itself was a concern "about this illegitimate entity, which made it appear" face " The Turkish researcher believes that it is a great regional power capable of managing the crises in the region, even if it requires a military intervention in the region. And that there is success for some of these roles and failures in others, and The question remains whether Turkey, with its political flexibility in managing the conflict, can achieve its vision of the Middle East. The importance of the research stems from the necessity of identifying the Turkish narratives towards the Middle East, as Turkey is a regional role in accordance with the regional balance, being a regional player and rival to other regional players. We also seek to determine the direction of the Turkish policy towards Iraq, Syria, Egypt, the Gulf states, Israel, and especially after 2014, being the dividing line after the growing role of terrorist groups in controlling the Middle East geography, In addition to the great political transformations in the Arab Republic of Egypt and the Turkish positions on these attempts. The research attempts to shed light on the objectives of foreign policy towards the Middle East, as well as toward Syria, Iraq and the Gulf states in both countries, as well as "Egypt, Israel and Palestine." The research problem stems from Turkey's ability to shape its political influence and its continuity in the Middle East region in general "And especially that its influence was subjected to large blows because of the official and popular rejection of political Islam, and on the grounds that Turkey is one of the wings of this trend and trying to problematic search answer the following questions: 1- what does Turkey want from Syria?. 2- What does Turkey want from Iraq? 3-what does Turkey want from the Arab gulf states?. 4-what does Turkey want from Egypt?. What does Turkey want from Palestine and want from Israel? The hypothesis of the research is that Turkey has a political vision that enabled it to play a role in the Middle East as a regional force that influences and is influenced by events. It seeks to ensure the continuation of its political, economic, security and cultural interests.
 Therefore, Turkey sought to change its policy after 2002 through its new approach to international relations proposed by Prof. Ahmed Dawood Ogluwa prior to his acquisition of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Strategic Depth Theory), taking advantage of its geographical location, linking three continents and offering objectives of its foreign policy to various countries of the world, The Middle East was divided between political, economic, military and security goals and finally cultural goals. In the light of its implementation of its strategic plans and declared goals, it achieved economic growth within the G20 and made it an important regional power in the Middle East. After 2014, it succeeded in showing a new personality with rough tools to intervene to protect its various interests in neighboring countries that underwent political transformations and expansion of terrorist forces and organizations, Kurdish separatist parties or groups try as much as possible to gain national gains and rights. The research concluded the following conclusions: 1 that Turkey can defend its interests if exposed to any threat and take away the status of soft means in dealing with rough means and this is what happened in the intervention in northern Iraq and western Syria to undermine Kurdish separatist projects in both countries. 2 Turkey has the full flexibility to change its policy and invest opportunities instead of pursuing a policy of reaction. 3 Turkey wants democratic systems that surround it so that it can dialogue with it. 4 that a democratic Turkey can communicate with all the countries of the world and is not afraid of those at home or stalkers, especially after they emerged from the failed coup attempt in 2016 more strongly. 5 that Turkey is penetrating the Middle East region, especially in the Arab region because it needs the most important energy resources, especially oil and natural gas, not to mention the Arab markets. 6. Turkey is capable of undertaking large-scale political projects in the future that lead to finding solutions to the problems of the Middle East, especially the areas of conflict or conflict. It presents itself either as a political mediator between the conflicting parties or as an ally of one party at the expense of the other. Hence, Turkey will have an active role in the future in the various Middle East interactions. It is not a weak player when compared to other players, both regional and international.

This thesis aims to analyze the Turkish foreign policy towards the State of Israel in a historical perspective and to examine how the foreign policy perceptions of the AKP Government having Islamic roots that came to power in 2002 affected this policy. The thesis argues that, historically, the Western connection of the Turkish Republic has determined the Turkish foreign policy towards Israel and the foreign policy perceptions of the AKP Government strengthened this connection rather than weakening it. It is argued that, the fundamental reason underlying this situation is the efforts of the AKP Government to use its compromising foreign policy as a leverage against the constitutional legitimacy question it faced in domestic politics. As a result, during the AKP era, it is concluded that, Turkish foreign policy towards Israel has not undergone fundamental changes at least as long as the domestic legitimacy question exists.