Academic literature on the topic 'Turkish Nationalism'

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Journal articles on the topic "Turkish Nationalism"

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Gürbüz, M. Vedat. "Genesis of Turkish Nationalism." Belleten 67, no. 249 (August 1, 2003): 495–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2003.495.

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In this research, conditions for the emergence of the Turkish nationalism and chief intellectuals who formulated the Turkish nationalism are comprehensively scrutinized. Turkish nationalist thought developed as a part of modernization and Westernization ideologies, then, it became an independent political ideology. Turkish nationalism was the last link of the Ottoman Empire's reconstruction and Westernization movement chains. Namık Kemal was the chief intellectual, who affected almost the entire variety of intellectuals in the Empire. He was the Hegel of the Turks. Ziya Gökalp, who was deeply influenced by Namık Kemal, was the first intellectual to see Turkist ideology as a political thought. He tried to organize and formulate the pillars of the Turkish nationalism. Although, cultural nationalism began earlier, political nationalism, among the Turks, gained popularity, especially during and after the Balkans Wars.
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Aslan, Senem. "The Politics of Emotions and Spectacles: The Case of the Turkish Language Olympiads." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 2 (October 4, 2019): 388–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.82.

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AbstractThis article examines the Turkish Language Olympiads as a political-performative strategy that the Muslim nationalists used to communicate their ideology. I argue that to understand the rise of Muslim nationalism, we also need to understand how emotional appeal is created through spectacles like the Turkish Olympiads. The spectacle was effective in boosting people’s sense of national pride and self-confidence by resolving two important tensions of Kemalist nationalism. First, it addressed the tension between Westernization and nationalization. Depicting an image of Turkish national culture that is appreciated and imitated by foreigners, it contested the imitative, Westernist character of Kemalist nationalism. Second, recasting the outside world as friendly to Turks, even Turkophile, it challenged Kemalist nationalism’s emphasis on external threats. Turkish-speaking and -acting foreigners communicated a message of nationalist self-empowerment and confidence, calling into question people’s sense of fear and distrust of the outside world. How Muslim nationalism was promoted, particularly the performative-symbolic strategies that were used, are important to understand because of their emotional resonance and potential for mass mobilization.
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Öztürkmen, Arzu. "The Role of People'S Houses in the Making of National Culture in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 11 (1994): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001023.

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Scholars engaged in the study of nationalism have often stressed an analytical distinction between the rise of nationalism and the growth of nations since nationalism, by its very nature, has always preceded the nation (Anderson, 1983; Gellner, 1983; Smith, 1983; Hobsbawm, 1990). In the case of Turkey, the rise of nationalist movements rooted in Ottoman Turkism has been well-documented by studies focussing on their pioneering leaders, publications and institutions. Efforts aimed at the making of a Turkish nation, however, coincided with the period following the establishment of the Turkish nation-state. This new phase of Turkish nationalism differed from the preceding nationalist movements of the late Ottoman era, in its concern with the consolidation of a form of its own. It borrowed elements from, but also deviated from, the expansionist, pan-Turkist tendencies of the earlier era.
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Avatkov, Vladimir A., and Alina I. Sbitneva. "New Nationalism of Turkish Republic." RUDN Journal of Political Science 24, no. 2 (May 30, 2022): 291–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-291-302.

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Turkish foreign policy, largely characterized as political selfishness, reflects the set of ideological concepts known as the new Turkish nationalism, which makes the country a rather difficult partner to deal with. This article examines the problem of the new Turkish nationalism. It focuses particularly on the Turkish-centric integration under the “neo-Ottoman” foreign policy as a new form of Turkish nationalism, which is especially evident on the space of the so-called “Turkic world”. The authors analyze the main features of Turkish nationalism in the econom ic, political, cultural, and educational spheres. They note that in the humanitarian sphere Turkey continues to focus on the “common Turkic” institutions as well as the ideas of the pan-Turkism ideologists of the past amidst the urge for unification. Moreover, the article considers the concept of Turkey’s self-perception as a “hub”, which generally occurs in all the above-mentioned areas. At the same time, all cases under study are affected by the populist expressions of the Turkish political elite about the unity of the Turks of the world.
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Goalwin, Gregory J. "Understanding the exclusionary politics of early Turkish nationalism: an ethnic boundary-making approach." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 6 (November 2017): 1150–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1315394.

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Turkish nationalism has long presented a study in contrasts. The nationalist movement that created the Republic of Turkey sought to define the nation in explicitly civic and inclusive terms, promoting a variety of integrationist reforms. Those same nationalist politicians, however, endorsed other policies that were far more exclusionary, expelling many religious and ethnic minorities from the new nation and imposing harsh restrictions on those who remained. The seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies has been mirrored by much of the scholarship on Turkish nationalism, which has often viewed Turkish nationality through the lens of the “civic/ethnic divide,” with various scholars arguing that the Turkish nation is exclusively civic or ethnic. This article seeks to transcend this dichotomous way of looking at Turkish nationalism. I argue that the policies previously seen as being exclusively civic or ethnic are in fact both examples of boundary-making processes, designed to forge a cohesive nationalist community. Seen through a boundary-making perspective, the seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies in its early years is not paradoxical at all, but represents a multidimensional effort to construct a cohesive national community that could replace the defunct Ottoman state.
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Gökçek, Mustafa. "Late Ottoman Discourses on Nationalism and Islam and the Contributions of Russia’s Muslims." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 4 (October 1, 2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i4.216.

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This study focuses on the early twentieth-century nationalist and Islamist discourses in the Ottoman Empire. Particularly after the 1908 coup, Turkish and Arab nationalism spread among the intellectuals. Under the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) party’s leadership, Turkish nationalists received tremendous support to spread their views through associations and publications. Some of them defended the compatibility of Turkish nationalism with Islam. In response, traditional Islamist intellectuals argued that Islam was opposed to nationalism and tribalism and pointed out the potential dangers of pursuing nationalism in a multiethnic society. This article mostly focuses on the nationalist and traditionalist intellectuals. Among the first group was Halim Sabit, a Kazan Tatar who moved to Istanbul from Russia to pursue religious studies at a madrasa. He eventually became heavily involved in nationalist circles and published articles in Sırat-i Mustakım and İslam Mecmuası on how Islam allowed nationalism and how Turkish nationalism could serve Islam. At the same time, he participated in a trip to the Middle East to convince the Arabs of the need for Islamic unity. In contrast to Musa Kazım, Said Nursi, and other intellectuals, Sabit emphasized the unity of Muslim nations within the empire.
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Gökçek, Mustafa. "Late Ottoman Discourses on Nationalism and Islam and the Contributions of Russia’s Muslims." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 32, no. 4 (October 1, 2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v32i4.216.

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This study focuses on the early twentieth-century nationalist and Islamist discourses in the Ottoman Empire. Particularly after the 1908 coup, Turkish and Arab nationalism spread among the intellectuals. Under the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) party’s leadership, Turkish nationalists received tremendous support to spread their views through associations and publications. Some of them defended the compatibility of Turkish nationalism with Islam. In response, traditional Islamist intellectuals argued that Islam was opposed to nationalism and tribalism and pointed out the potential dangers of pursuing nationalism in a multiethnic society. This article mostly focuses on the nationalist and traditionalist intellectuals. Among the first group was Halim Sabit, a Kazan Tatar who moved to Istanbul from Russia to pursue religious studies at a madrasa. He eventually became heavily involved in nationalist circles and published articles in Sırat-i Mustakım and İslam Mecmuası on how Islam allowed nationalism and how Turkish nationalism could serve Islam. At the same time, he participated in a trip to the Middle East to convince the Arabs of the need for Islamic unity. In contrast to Musa Kazım, Said Nursi, and other intellectuals, Sabit emphasized the unity of Muslim nations within the empire.
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ALBAYRAK, Hakan. "AN INVESTİGATİON ON OZANTÜRK'S EPİC OF “TURNALAR” IN TERMS OF NATİONALİSM THEORİES." Zeitschrift für die Welt der Türken / Journal of World of Turks 14, no. 2 (August 15, 2022): 327–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/zfwt/140218.

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There are different researches and studies that have appeared regarding nationalism. There are 3 major theories of these studies, these studies are: primary, modernist, and ethno-symbolic hypotheses. Primary hypothesis claims that all nations came from the same race, and they share the same religion, language, culture and history. The modernist hypothesis claims that nationalism is a communal necessity. In this theory, nationalism explains the modernist process that was affected by social, political, and economic parameters. Finally, the ethno-symbolism theory posits that nationalism is mainly based on ethnic origin and culture. The Epic of “Turnalar” by Ozanturk has pushed the Turkish culture forward. There are three sections connected to each other that talk about the Turkish communities in the “Turnalar” Epic. The first section talks about the Turkish people in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, North Cyprus, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Turkey.Second section talks about Turkish tribes who live in Iraq, Iran, East Turkistan, Kirim, Tataristan, Main Kurdistan, Yakutsk, Chuvashia, The Republic of Altai, The Republic of Tuva, etc…The third section details the Turkish people who are struggling to live in eastern European countries such as Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Moldova, Serbia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Albania, Hungary and Macedonia. “Turnalar” is the first work of Bayram Durbilmez who used Ozanturk as a nickname. Bayram Durbilmez used Ozanturk as a nickname for the first time in “Turnalar”. Durbilmez is known by literature studies about love, religious literature, and Turkish national folklore. This scholar defended Turkish nationalism in non-governmental organizations, some foundations, and associations. He used the Ozanturk nickname in his work which shows us how much of a nationalist he is in the literature world. This thesis aims to study “Turnalar” by Ozanturk from the nationalist aspect. By doing this, this thesis will reference his nationalist academic studies. Keywords: Nationalism, Nationalist Theories, Turkish Communities, Ozanturk, Turnalar, Saga, Love Literature
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Goalwin, Gregory J. "“Religion and Nation Are One”: Social Identity Complexity and the Roots of Religious Intolerance in Turkish Nationalism." Social Science History 42, no. 2 (2018): 161–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2018.6.

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Turkish nationalism has long been an enigma for scholars interested in the formation of national identity. The nationalist movement that succeeded in crafting the Republic of Turkey relied upon rhetoric that defined the nation in explicitly secular, civic, and territorial terms. Though the earliest scholarship on Turkish nationalism supported this perspective, more recent research has pointed to Turkey's efforts to homogenize the new state as evidence of the importance of ethnicity, and particularly religion, in constructing Turkish national identity. Yet this marked mismatch between political rhetoric and politics on the ground is perplexing. If Turkey was meant to be a secular and civic state, why did Turkish nationalist policies place such a heavy emphasis on ethnic and religious purity? Moreover, why did religious identity become such a salient characteristic for determining membership in the national community and for defining national identity? This article draws upon historical research and social identity complexity theory to analyze this seeming dichotomy between religious and civic definitions of the Turkish nation. I argue that the subjective overlap between religious and civic ingroups during the late Ottoman Empire and efforts by nationalists to rally the populace through religious appeals explains the persistence of religious definitions of the nation despite the Turkish nationalist movement's civic rhetoric, and accounts for much of the Turkish state's religiously oriented policies and exclusionary practices toward religious minorities in its early decades.
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Ulu, Cafer. "The Reflections of the Unity in Language Studies Implemented in accordance with Nationalism in Turkey to Armenians and Other Minorities (1923-1946)." Journal of Global Social Sciences 2, no. 8 (December 1, 2021): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31039/jgss.v2i8.114.

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Depending on the ethnicity and religion of the participants, different perspectives were held on the events that were based on Turkish nationalism during the early years of the Turkish Republic. Turkishness was regarded by Turkish nationalists as a shared identity. The non-Muslim minorities in the opposing neighborhood saw this as forced Turkification, even if it was ultimately seen as a great country being changed and a glorious victory. Some people viewed the severe measures used at this time as tyranny and "Turkification." It is obvious that nationalist policies were implemented throughout the early years of the Republic by both the government and groups that collaborated with the executive branch. This article discusses the consequences of nationalism policies on Armenian and other minorities as they relate to language, social life, and education during the early years of the Turkish Republic.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Turkish Nationalism"

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Poulton, Hugh Ronald. "Turkish nationalism and the Turkish Republic." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.321766.

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Okem, Mekin Mustafa Kemal. "Turkish Modernity And Kurdish Ethno-nationalism." Phd thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607241/index.pdf.

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This dissertation analyzes the context and discourse the Kurdish ethno-nationalism have emerged in modern Turkey. In a critical survey of a selected Kurdish nationalist theories, it tries to analyze the historical and contextual trajectory the nationalist discourse have assumed vis-à
-vis Turkish modernity. A particular emphasis is given on how and on what basis Kurdish nationalism has questioned the formation and the sources of the legitimacy of the Turkish state and its role in the making of Turkish modernity. Kurdish nationalism, in doing so, defined and instrumentally utilized ethnicity, along with other aspects of cohesion such as Islam, socialism and traditional tribal solidarity since the 1920s. This study argues that modern Kurdish nationalist movement emerged by divorcing itself from the Turkish left in the 1960s. It proliferated in the 1970s and spiraled down to separatist violence in the 1980s. Violence has dominated and synchronized Kurdish nationalist discourse in the 1990s. It sought for international recognition and independent sovereignty by targeting the legitimacy of the Turkish state. The Kurdish nationalist movement moved along, in discourse and practice, around the issues related to the Turkish state, which has evolved with the changing and diversified context of international rights.
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Limoncuoglu, Alihan. "The evolution of Turkish nationalism between 1904 and 1980." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/18256.

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This study aims to look at the discourse and development of Turkish Nationalism. This is done through focusing on four well known thinkers of Turkish Nationalism. In this dissertation, works, actions, discourse and legacies of Mehmet Ziya Gokalp, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Huseyin Nihal Atsiz and Alparslan Turkes are looked at using textual analysis and an ethno-symbolist approach. Through this work the family relation between these thinkers and the boundaries of Turkish Nationalism can be understood. Ziya Gokalp, as the 'father' of the Ideological Turkish Nationalism, has laid the foundation for nationalists after him and his ideas have been instrumental in the setting up of the Republic of Turkey. Gokalp by setting up the three ideals; "To be more Turk, to be more Islamic and to be more modern" has set the tone for the rest of the century for Turkish Nationalism. Kemal Ataturk was the founder of Modern Turkey and was also a nationalist, as a result he implemented many policies that were highly nationalistic. His legacy continues to live on but can be interpreted differently by different people. Nihal Atsiz affected Turkish Nationalism in a very different manner. Instead of having a long term ideological effect he gave 'soul' to nationalism through his literary work and his rich usage of imagery. After him, Alparslan Turkes' struggle in a tumultuous time in Turkey and Turkish Nationalism as a competing ideology in Turkish politics is viewed. This work also takes a look at mainstream political currents in Turkey and nationalists' relations with them and the critique of Turkish Nationalism and Turkish Nationalists, and from the findings of this research, it can be speculated that there are three mainstream political movements, contrary to widely believed two. This can be best personified by the three pashas of the Turkish Independence War; Ismet Inonu, Kazim Karabekir and Fevzi Cakmak. The findings of this research shows that there is a family relation between the four thinkers and despite that there have been some slight differences the discourse and the activities of Turkish Nationalism has stayed on one course.
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Johnson, Aaron Scott. "Road to Turkish language reform and the rise of Turkish nationalism." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18197.

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This thesis examines the concurrent changes in Turkish identity and in the Turkish language from the early developments in the period of the modernizing Tanzimat reforms to the Anatolian Turkish nationalism and the alphabet and language reform of the Republican era. It looks specifically at how language issues played a large role in the development of Turkish national identity towards the end of the Ottoman period, and also examines the development of Ottomanism and Islamism. Finally it looks at how the desire to promote secular Turkish nationalism in place of the old Ottoman-Islamic identity was the driving force behind the Kemalist script and language reforms and discusses some of the consequences of these planned changes to the Turkish language and to the basis of Turkish identity.
Ce mémoire traite des changements qui ont eu lieu en même temps dans l’identité turque et dans la langue turque à partir de la période de réforme et de modernisation du Tanzimat jusqu’au nationalisme turc anatolien et à la réforme de l’alphabet et de la langue dans la période républicaine. Ce travail étudie spécifiquement le grand rôle que le thème du langage a joué dans le développement de l’identité nationale turque vers la fin de la période ottomane, et aussi s’occupe du développement de l’ottomanisme et de l’Islamisme. Finalement, on examine comment le désir de propager le nationalisme turc laïc en place de l’ancienne identité ottomane-Islamique a motivé les réformes kémalistes de l’alphabet et de la langue, et on termine avec une discussion de quelques conséquences de ces changements planifiés par rapport à la langue et à la base de l’identité turque. fr
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Bayir, Derya. "Negating diversity : minorities and nationalism in Turkish law." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2010. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/391.

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The management of diversity has been the chief dilemma of the Turkish state since the 19th century to the present day. This thesis explains, from a legal perspective, the ongoing dilemmas regarding the management of diversity in Turkey. The Turkish legal system is shown to have persistently failed to accommodate ethno-religious diversity in the country. This failure is attributable to the state’s founding philosophy - Turkish nationalism - and its influence upon legislation and judicial bodies. The concepts of ‘nation’, ‘citizenship’ and ‘minority’, formulated in line with this nationalist perception, are key coordinates of a policy on managing diversity in the Turkish legal system. The ‘civic’ language used in the Constitutions is therefore argued to be misleading if one takes into account the heavily loaded ethno-cultural and religious references in the constitutional preambles, legislation, and particularly the courts’ jurisprudence. In fact, as shown here, the state’s official stance of ‘civic/territorial nationalism’ has been used to justify the promotion of ‘Turkishness’ and the Turkification of ‘others’ in Turkey. Thus, one of the main concerns of this thesis is to examine the scope as well as the ethnic and religious coordinates of the notion of ‘Turk’ which is claimed by the state and judicial bodies to be an ‘umbrella’ identity. Lastly, this thesis argues that the Turkish state and legal system’s nationalist stance has created a legal discourse which has problems with the very justification for minority protection given in international law. Thus, the thesis further hopes to demonstrate that without a thorough reconstruction of the founding philosophy of the state and the legal system, which would also require a de-construction of history, education, legislation, jurisprudence, etc., any solution to dilemmas of managing diversity would be inadequate.
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Nevzat, A. (Altay). "Nationalism amongst the Turks of Cyprus: the first wave." Doctoral thesis, University of Oulu, 2005. http://urn.fi/urn:isbn:9514277511.

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Abstract The rise of competing nationalisms in Cyprus first drew world attention in the 1950's, yet the origins of nationalism in Cyprus can clearly be traced to the closing stages of Ottoman rule on the island during the nineteenth century. While the earlier development of nationalism in the Greek Orthodox community of Cyprus is commonly acknowledged, the pre-World War II evolution of nationalism amongst Cyprus' Moslem Turks is consistently overlooked or misrepresented. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, this work contends that Turkish nationalism in Cyprus did not first emerge in the 1950's, but instead grew gradually from the late nineteenth century onwards; that nationalism amongst the island's Turks was first discernible in a 'civic' form founded on Ottomanism which was gradually, though progressively replaced by Turkish ethno-nationalism; and that while both British colonial policies and especially the threat perceived from the rise of Greek nationalism on the island may have helped spur nationalism amongst the Turks, the continued cultural and political interaction with Ottoman, and even non-Ottoman Turks, and later with the Turkish Republic was at least as influential in fostering nationalist sentiments and prompting their expression in political actions. While particular note is made of the often neglected impact of the Young Turk movement in the early twentieth century, this study acknowledges and seeks to elucidate a complex assortment of variegated stimuli that ranged from international developments, such as the recurring crises in the Balkans and President Wilson's speech on the 'Fourteen Points', to the personal attitudes and attributes of British administrators and domestic inter-ethnic relations, and local and international economic trends and developments. Together, it is maintained, these influences had made Turkish nationalism a perceptible phenomenon amongst the Turks of Cyprus by the time of the October Revolt of 1931.
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Oguz, Alaattin. "The Interplay Between Turkish And Hungarian Nationalism: Ottoman Pan-turkism And Hungarian Turanism (1890-1918)." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606629/index.pdf.

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This thesis dealt with the issues of the emergence of Pan-Turkism in Ottoman Empire and of Pan-Turanism in Hungary between the years 1890 and 1920. The theoretical discussion and literature review related to the subject exhibited that these two nationalisms were possible only when a state bureaucrats and intellectuals try to save the state from collapse and make discussions on the national issues, or when a state elites and noble classes aim to use national ideology for protecting the state from external threats and providing benefits on behalf of national interest. While former suits to Ottoman Pan-Turkism, latter describes Hungarian Pan-Turanism. The thesis consisted of three main and related parts. The first part focused on the historical and theoretical development of nationalism and pan movements, and condition of pan movement in the context of theories of nationalism. In the second part, the emergence of Turkish nationalism and Pan-Turkism was analysed in the historical context. The third part dwelt upon the genesis of Pan-Turanism in Hungary, and its relations with Ottoman Pan-Turkism until the end of the First World War. For that reason, firstly, historical roots of Turkish nationalism and Pan-Turkism were sought so that it is able to see how the attempts to modernization in the Ottoman state provided a ground for the spreading of Western political concepts and ideas and the emergence of a secular nationalist intelligentsia. Also the role of Turcology and the influence of Russian Turks on the development and politicization of Turkish nationalism and Pan-Turkism could be assessed. Secondly, the political condition of Hungary in the nineteenth century was exposed in order to explain the emergence and development of Pan-Turanism. Then, the focus was made on the linguistic debates of Hungarian academic circles on the origin of Hungarians. Exposing the political and cultural conditions could facilitate to project the partnership between Pan-Turkism and Pan-Turanism. Throughout the thesis, it was tried to be demonstrated that Ottoman Empire and Hungarian state had different political conditions and necessities. While Ottoman state bureaucrats and intellectuals aimed to save the state
Hungarian elites and intellectuals urged on the Hungarian national interests. Although some strong relations and partnerships were manifest in political and cultural areas, Hungarian Pan-Turanists and Ottoman Pan-Turkists belonged to different state traditions. Turkish nationalism and Pan-Turkism had an aim to save the state and create a new national identity. Nevertheless, Hungarian nationalism and Pan-Turanism tended towards the national interests of Hungarians through expansionist policy. That was the reason why the relations between Pan-Turkists and Pan-Turanists remained temporary.
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Uckan, Rafet. "The Emergence Of Turkish Nationalism In The Cyprus Conflict." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614755/index.pdf.

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This thesis investigates the construction of the &ldquo
Turkish side&rdquo
in the Cyprus conflict in connection with the emergence and rise of Turkish nationalism in the island. In this line, with regard to the development of Turkish Cypriot nationalism and its historical background, this study focuses on the period between 1948 and 1955 in which the political propaganda for making Turkey part of the conflict was carried out by the Turkish nationalist cadres of Cyprus and Turkey. This study attempts to analyze this propaganda by focusing on the newspapers Halkin Sesi and Hü
rriyet. In this study, it is assumed that the mentioned period in which the ground for getting Turkey involved in the Cyprus conflict was prepared can reveal the roots of the current relations between Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots. For this aim, this study attempts to specify the positions of the Republic of Turkey and Turkish Cypriots in the historical process of Cyprus politics through an analysis of the nationalist discourse of Halkin Sesi and Hü
rriyet.
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Mason, David Charles. "Investigating Turkey: detective fiction and Turkish nationalism, 1928-1950." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=96737.

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After extensive study of the Ottoman Empire, one notes that the historiographyfocuses on events from the perspective of the sultan and/or the elites. This should comeas no surprise as this has historically been the case. However, I felt an urge to know moreabout the lives and histories of the general population. In addition to this interest, I hold along-standing interest in propaganda in popular culture. Concepts of Turkish nationalismwere expounded by the elite in a top-down effort to rally the population of Anatolia toprotect their homeland from the impending attempt by European powers to control theterritory. As it was a top-down effort, there needed to be a mechanism or mechanismsthrough which these concepts could be transmitted to the general population. I decided toassess the level to which authors of indigenous Turkish detective fiction written between1928 and 1950 attempted to aid in this process of transmission. In order to assess this, Icarefully analysed five series of detective fiction. I found that authorial intent to spreadideas of Turkism was clearly displayed by personal addresses to the reader and theuniformity of message in each and every series. These messages of character traits Turksshould embody, the palpable derision shown toward Turks who would work to support aforeign power, and promotion of both rationalism and feminism adhered closely toKemalist concepts of Turkism. As a result, I conclude that these authors did work tospread concepts of Turkism to the general population.
Une étude extensive de l'Empire ottoman, m'a amené à relever quel'historiographie se concentrait sur les événements uniquement du point de vue du sultanet/ou des élites. Ceci ne devrait pas être surprenant puis qu'historiquement c'était le cas.Cependant, j'ai eu envie d'en savoir plus sur la vie et l'histoire de la population. Parailleurs, j'ai un intérêt de longue date pour la propagande dans la culture populaire. Lesconcepts du nationalisme turc ont été énoncés par l'élite, dans un effort du haut vers lebas, de rassembler la population d'Anatolie pour protéger leur patrie contre la tentativedes puissances européennes de contrôler le territoire. Comme il s'agissait d'une initiativepartant du haut pour aller vers le bas, il fallut un mécanisme ou des mécanismes parlesquels ces concepts pourraient être communiqués à la population. J'ai décidé d'étudierles moyens par lesquels les auteurs de littérature policière turque, écrite entre 1928 et1950, ont essayé de faciliter ce processus de transmission. Pour ce faire, j'aisoigneusement analysé cinq séries de littérature policière. Cela m'a permis de constaterque l'intention des auteurs de répandre le Turkisme se manifestait clairement par desmessages adressés directement au lecteur et par l'uniformité du message au sein dechaque série. Ces messages exaltent les traits de caractère turcs, expriment une dérisioncertaine en vers les Turcs qui travailleraient pour soutenir une puissance étrangère etpromeuvent le scepticisme et le féminisme, s'inscrivant ainsi dans la droite ligne duKémalisme et du Turkisme. Ma conclusion est que ces auteurs ont contribué à propagerl'idéologie turkiste parmi la population.
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Acikel, Fethi. "The twilight of 'the holy articulation' : nationalism, capitalism and Islam." Thesis, University of Essex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310234.

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Books on the topic "Turkish Nationalism"

1

Bayir, Derya. Minorities and nationalism in Turkish law. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate, 2012.

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Grigoriadis, Ioannis N. Instilling Religion in Greek and Turkish Nationalism. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137301208.

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Turkish foreign policy: Islam, nationalism, and globalization. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.

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Turkish nationalism in the Young Turk era. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1992.

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Poulton, Hugh. Top hat, grey wolf, and crescent: Turkish nationalism and the Turkish Republic. Washington Square, N.Y: New York University Press, 1997.

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Safa, Peyami. Reflections on the Turkish Revolution. Ankara: Atatürk Supreme Council for Culture, Language and History, Atatürk Research Center, 1999.

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Instilling religion in Greek and Turkish Nationalism: A "sacred synthesis". New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.

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Turkish foreign policy and Turkish identity: A constructivist approach. New York: Routledge, 2003.

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Kasaba, Resat. Greek and Turkish nationalism in formation: Western Anatolia 1919-1922. Badia Fiesolana, San Domenico (FI): European University Institute, 2002.

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Kasaba, Re*sat. Greek and Turkish nationalism in formation: Western Anatolia 1919-1922. San Domenico: European University Institute, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Turkish Nationalism"

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Kohn, Hans. "Turkish Nationalism." In A History of Nationalism in the East, 222–65. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003344773-8.

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Soleimani, Kamal. "Ottoman/Turkish “Official Nationalism”." In Islam and Competing Nationalisms in the Middle East, 1876-1926, 73–92. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59940-7_4.

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Coşar, Simten. "Turkish nationalism and patriarchy." In The Routledge Handbook on Contemporary Turkey, 192–204. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429264030-16.

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Belge, Murat. "Genç Kalemler and Turkish Nationalism." In Turkey’s Engagement with Modernity, 27–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230277397_3.

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Kentel, Ferhat. "Turkish secular nationalism as religion." In The Routledge Handbook on Contemporary Turkey, 89–102. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429264030-8.

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Kuzu, Durukan. "The politics of Turkish nationalism." In The Routledge Handbook of Turkish Politics, 69–80. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315143842-6.

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Kösebalaban, Hasan. "Kemalist Nationalism and Foreign Policy Isolationism (1923–1950)." In Turkish Foreign Policy, 47–68. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230118690_3.

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Morin, Aysel. "Constitutive rhetoric and nationalism." In Crafting Turkish National Identity, 1919–1927, 7–24. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003152354-3.

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Morin, Aysel. "Development of Turkish nationalism: Questions of identity from Ottomans to Turks." In Crafting Turkish National Identity, 1919–1927, 25–38. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003152354-4.

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Samancı, Özge. "Images, perceptions and authenticity in Ottoman–Turkish cuisine." In Food Heritage and Nationalism in Europe, 155–70. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, [2020] | Series: Critical heritages of Europe: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429279751-9.

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Conference papers on the topic "Turkish Nationalism"

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Olgun-Baytas, Muge. "Local Children's Perception and Experience of Nationalism and Citizenship in a Turkish Elementary Mainstream School." In 2021 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1684196.

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ÖZTUNÇ, Müge, and Umur BEDİR. "NEW MEDIA AND NATIONAL IDENTITY: THE REPRESENTATION OF ATATURK ON NGO’s NOVEMBER 10th INSTAGRAM POSTS." In COMMUNICATION AND TECHNOLOGY CONGRESS. ISTANBUL AYDIN UNIVERSITY, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17932/ctc.2021/ctc21.049.

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National symbols, traditions, and rituals emerge as the most influential signifiers of national identity and nationalism. These symbols and images that embody the basic concepts of nationalism, make them visible to other members of society, help to make abstract ideologies more socially concrete, strengthen the sense of national loyalty and strengthen the awareness of the members of the community that they belong to the same nation. On the other hand, Atatürk appears as a symbol of both Turkey’s modernization process and Turkish unity and solidarity. Focusing on the representations of Atatürk as one of the national symbols on the internet and social media, this research examines symbolic construction of national identity of NGOs that represent different social groups in Turkey through the “November 10, Atatürk Commemoration Day”. In this context, the 10 November 2019 posts of 38 Non-Governmental Organizations, which operate in different fields, are the most followed and have social, cultural, and economic activity on the society, were analyzed on Instagram. Shared visuals were used to categorize with the help of various codes assigned to them. Thematization method was used to characterize the types of photos posted on Instagram with embedded coding. Then, by combining very close codes, they were also subjected to clustering analysis in order to see which symbols are frequently used together and which meaning patterns they form. The findings of the study show that social media, which is often depicted as the space of global identities and flows, is a space where national identities are eclectically reconstructed by subjects and social groups that make up the nation and circulated through symbols.
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Öztunç, Müge, and Umur Bedir. "New Media and National Identity: The Representatıon of Atatürk on Ngo’s November 10th Instagram Posts." In COMMUNICATION AND TECHNOLOGY CONGRESS. ISTANBUL AYDIN UNIVERSITY, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17932/ctcspc.21/ctc21.018.

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National symbols, traditions, and rituals emerge as the most influential signifiers of national identity and nationalism. These symbols and images that embody the basic concepts of nationalism, make them visible to the members of society, help to make abstract ideologies more socially concrete, strengthen the sense of national loyalty and strengthen the awareness of the community members that belong to the same nation. On the other hand, Atatürk appears as a symbol of both Turkey's modernization process and Turkish unity and solidarity. Focusing on the representations of Atatürk as one of the national symbols on the internet and social media, this research examines the symbolic construction of the national identity of NGOs that represent different social groups in Turkey through the "November 10th, Atatürk Commemoration Day”. In this context, the November 10, 2019, posts of 38 Non-Governmental Organizations, which operate in different fields, are the most followed and have social, cultural, and economic activity on the society, were analyzed on Instagram. Shared visuals were used to categorize with the help of various codes assigned to them. The thematization method was used to characterize the types of photos posted on Instagram with embedded coding. Then, by combining very close codes, they were also subjected to clustering analysis to see which symbols are frequently used together and which meaning patterns they form. The findings of the study show that social media, which is often depicted as the space of global identities and flows, is a space where national identities are eclectically reconstructed by subjects and social groups that make up the nation and circulated through symbols.
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Barut, Yaşar, Murat Gökalp, Mürsel Akdenk, and Agamurat Nazarov. "An Evaluation of Percepctives of Students Studing in Turkey from Turkish Republics and Relative Communities about Instructional Progams." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00491.

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In this study, relative communications and Turk Republics’ students thought about instructional programs according to their sex, age, departments, marriage and nationality who attended Samsun Education Faculty In 19 May University were investigated The sample and universe of research consists 106 students who attended in different departments of Samsun Education Faculty. Data required a questionnaire developed by researcher with 5 Likert type with 20 items. Data was analyzed in terms of frequencies, percentages, t-Test, One way Anova, Post Hoch (LSD). The results of research show that there are meaningful differences between of variables about instructional programs. (p<0.05).
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Reports on the topic "Turkish Nationalism"

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Ozturk, Ibrahim. On the Political Economy of Populism: The Decline of the Turkish Economy under Erdoğan’s Populist-Authoritarian Regime. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0008.

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Whether it adopts a right- or left-wing ideology or it is embraced as a belief or a set of ideals, and no matter the strategy or tactics, populism, in the final analysis, is a way of seizing power, and differences between the different strands carry significant repercussions. Many diverse economic, political, and cultural factors have been put forward to explain the rise of populism. One leader who has drawn increasing attention on the crest of the most recent wave of populism is Turkey’s incumbent president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. After a period of progressive and democratic leadership through to 2007, Erdoğan’s fundamental beliefs and personality surfaced, and the entire process was reversed, with devastating consequences for Turkey. This article argues that Erdoğan’s Islamist–nationalist populism has been one of the primary triggers of Turkey’s current political and economic meltdown. Moreover, his populist rhetoric has weakened Turkey’s already fragile autonomous institutions and paved the way for reform reversals and incoherent economic policy. Taken together, Erdoğanism has brought a woeful deterioration in macroeconomic indicators, including rampant inflation, mounting national debt, massive unemployment, rising poverty, and a profound currency shock.
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