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Journal articles on the topic 'Turkish Nationalism'
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1
Gürbüz, M. Vedat. "Genesis of Turkish Nationalism." Belleten 67, no. 249 (August 1, 2003): 495–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2003.495.
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In this research, conditions for the emergence of the Turkish nationalism and chief intellectuals who formulated the Turkish nationalism are comprehensively scrutinized. Turkish nationalist thought developed as a part of modernization and Westernization ideologies, then, it became an independent political ideology. Turkish nationalism was the last link of the Ottoman Empire's reconstruction and Westernization movement chains. Namık Kemal was the chief intellectual, who affected almost the entire variety of intellectuals in the Empire. He was the Hegel of the Turks. Ziya Gökalp, who was deeply influenced by Namık Kemal, was the first intellectual to see Turkist ideology as a political thought. He tried to organize and formulate the pillars of the Turkish nationalism. Although, cultural nationalism began earlier, political nationalism, among the Turks, gained popularity, especially during and after the Balkans Wars.
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Aslan, Senem. "The Politics of Emotions and Spectacles: The Case of the Turkish Language Olympiads." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 2 (October 4, 2019): 388–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.82.
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AbstractThis article examines the Turkish Language Olympiads as a political-performative strategy that the Muslim nationalists used to communicate their ideology. I argue that to understand the rise of Muslim nationalism, we also need to understand how emotional appeal is created through spectacles like the Turkish Olympiads. The spectacle was effective in boosting people’s sense of national pride and self-confidence by resolving two important tensions of Kemalist nationalism. First, it addressed the tension between Westernization and nationalization. Depicting an image of Turkish national culture that is appreciated and imitated by foreigners, it contested the imitative, Westernist character of Kemalist nationalism. Second, recasting the outside world as friendly to Turks, even Turkophile, it challenged Kemalist nationalism’s emphasis on external threats. Turkish-speaking and -acting foreigners communicated a message of nationalist self-empowerment and confidence, calling into question people’s sense of fear and distrust of the outside world. How Muslim nationalism was promoted, particularly the performative-symbolic strategies that were used, are important to understand because of their emotional resonance and potential for mass mobilization.
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Öztürkmen, Arzu. "The Role of People'S Houses in the Making of National Culture in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 11 (1994): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001023.
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Scholars engaged in the study of nationalism have often stressed an analytical distinction between the rise of nationalism and the growth of nations since nationalism, by its very nature, has always preceded the nation (Anderson, 1983; Gellner, 1983; Smith, 1983; Hobsbawm, 1990). In the case of Turkey, the rise of nationalist movements rooted in Ottoman Turkism has been well-documented by studies focussing on their pioneering leaders, publications and institutions. Efforts aimed at the making of a Turkish nation, however, coincided with the period following the establishment of the Turkish nation-state. This new phase of Turkish nationalism differed from the preceding nationalist movements of the late Ottoman era, in its concern with the consolidation of a form of its own. It borrowed elements from, but also deviated from, the expansionist, pan-Turkist tendencies of the earlier era.
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Avatkov, Vladimir A., and Alina I. Sbitneva. "New Nationalism of Turkish Republic." RUDN Journal of Political Science 24, no. 2 (May 30, 2022): 291–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-291-302.
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Turkish foreign policy, largely characterized as political selfishness, reflects the set of ideological concepts known as the new Turkish nationalism, which makes the country a rather difficult partner to deal with. This article examines the problem of the new Turkish nationalism. It focuses particularly on the Turkish-centric integration under the “neo-Ottoman” foreign policy as a new form of Turkish nationalism, which is especially evident on the space of the so-called “Turkic world”. The authors analyze the main features of Turkish nationalism in the econom ic, political, cultural, and educational spheres. They note that in the humanitarian sphere Turkey continues to focus on the “common Turkic” institutions as well as the ideas of the pan-Turkism ideologists of the past amidst the urge for unification. Moreover, the article considers the concept of Turkey’s self-perception as a “hub”, which generally occurs in all the above-mentioned areas. At the same time, all cases under study are affected by the populist expressions of the Turkish political elite about the unity of the Turks of the world.
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Goalwin, Gregory J. "Understanding the exclusionary politics of early Turkish nationalism: an ethnic boundary-making approach." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 6 (November 2017): 1150–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1315394.
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Turkish nationalism has long presented a study in contrasts. The nationalist movement that created the Republic of Turkey sought to define the nation in explicitly civic and inclusive terms, promoting a variety of integrationist reforms. Those same nationalist politicians, however, endorsed other policies that were far more exclusionary, expelling many religious and ethnic minorities from the new nation and imposing harsh restrictions on those who remained. The seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies has been mirrored by much of the scholarship on Turkish nationalism, which has often viewed Turkish nationality through the lens of the “civic/ethnic divide,” with various scholars arguing that the Turkish nation is exclusively civic or ethnic. This article seeks to transcend this dichotomous way of looking at Turkish nationalism. I argue that the policies previously seen as being exclusively civic or ethnic are in fact both examples of boundary-making processes, designed to forge a cohesive nationalist community. Seen through a boundary-making perspective, the seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies in its early years is not paradoxical at all, but represents a multidimensional effort to construct a cohesive national community that could replace the defunct Ottoman state.
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Gökçek, Mustafa. "Late Ottoman Discourses on Nationalism and Islam and the Contributions of Russia’s Muslims." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 4 (October 1, 2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i4.216.
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This study focuses on the early twentieth-century nationalist and Islamist discourses in the Ottoman Empire. Particularly after the 1908 coup, Turkish and Arab nationalism spread among the intellectuals. Under the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) party’s leadership, Turkish nationalists received tremendous support to spread their views through associations and publications. Some of them defended the compatibility of Turkish nationalism with Islam. In response, traditional Islamist intellectuals argued that Islam was opposed to nationalism and tribalism and pointed out the potential dangers of pursuing nationalism in a multiethnic society. This article mostly focuses on the nationalist and traditionalist intellectuals. Among the first group was Halim Sabit, a Kazan Tatar who moved to Istanbul from Russia to pursue religious studies at a madrasa. He eventually became heavily involved in nationalist circles and published articles in Sırat-i Mustakım and İslam Mecmuası on how Islam allowed nationalism and how Turkish nationalism could serve Islam. At the same time, he participated in a trip to the Middle East to convince the Arabs of the need for Islamic unity. In contrast to Musa Kazım, Said Nursi, and other intellectuals, Sabit emphasized the unity of Muslim nations within the empire.
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Gökçek, Mustafa. "Late Ottoman Discourses on Nationalism and Islam and the Contributions of Russia’s Muslims." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 32, no. 4 (October 1, 2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v32i4.216.
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This study focuses on the early twentieth-century nationalist and Islamist discourses in the Ottoman Empire. Particularly after the 1908 coup, Turkish and Arab nationalism spread among the intellectuals. Under the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) party’s leadership, Turkish nationalists received tremendous support to spread their views through associations and publications. Some of them defended the compatibility of Turkish nationalism with Islam. In response, traditional Islamist intellectuals argued that Islam was opposed to nationalism and tribalism and pointed out the potential dangers of pursuing nationalism in a multiethnic society. This article mostly focuses on the nationalist and traditionalist intellectuals. Among the first group was Halim Sabit, a Kazan Tatar who moved to Istanbul from Russia to pursue religious studies at a madrasa. He eventually became heavily involved in nationalist circles and published articles in Sırat-i Mustakım and İslam Mecmuası on how Islam allowed nationalism and how Turkish nationalism could serve Islam. At the same time, he participated in a trip to the Middle East to convince the Arabs of the need for Islamic unity. In contrast to Musa Kazım, Said Nursi, and other intellectuals, Sabit emphasized the unity of Muslim nations within the empire.
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ALBAYRAK, Hakan. "AN INVESTİGATİON ON OZANTÜRK'S EPİC OF “TURNALAR” IN TERMS OF NATİONALİSM THEORİES." Zeitschrift für die Welt der Türken / Journal of World of Turks 14, no. 2 (August 15, 2022): 327–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/zfwt/140218.
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There are different researches and studies that have appeared regarding nationalism. There are 3 major theories of these studies, these studies are: primary, modernist, and ethno-symbolic hypotheses. Primary hypothesis claims that all nations came from the same race, and they share the same religion, language, culture and history. The modernist hypothesis claims that nationalism is a communal necessity. In this theory, nationalism explains the modernist process that was affected by social, political, and economic parameters. Finally, the ethno-symbolism theory posits that nationalism is mainly based on ethnic origin and culture. The Epic of “Turnalar” by Ozanturk has pushed the Turkish culture forward. There are three sections connected to each other that talk about the Turkish communities in the “Turnalar” Epic. The first section talks about the Turkish people in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, North Cyprus, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Turkey.Second section talks about Turkish tribes who live in Iraq, Iran, East Turkistan, Kirim, Tataristan, Main Kurdistan, Yakutsk, Chuvashia, The Republic of Altai, The Republic of Tuva, etc…The third section details the Turkish people who are struggling to live in eastern European countries such as Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Moldova, Serbia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Albania, Hungary and Macedonia. “Turnalar” is the first work of Bayram Durbilmez who used Ozanturk as a nickname. Bayram Durbilmez used Ozanturk as a nickname for the first time in “Turnalar”. Durbilmez is known by literature studies about love, religious literature, and Turkish national folklore. This scholar defended Turkish nationalism in non-governmental organizations, some foundations, and associations. He used the Ozanturk nickname in his work which shows us how much of a nationalist he is in the literature world. This thesis aims to study “Turnalar” by Ozanturk from the nationalist aspect. By doing this, this thesis will reference his nationalist academic studies. Keywords: Nationalism, Nationalist Theories, Turkish Communities, Ozanturk, Turnalar, Saga, Love Literature
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Goalwin, Gregory J. "“Religion and Nation Are One”: Social Identity Complexity and the Roots of Religious Intolerance in Turkish Nationalism." Social Science History 42, no. 2 (2018): 161–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2018.6.
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Turkish nationalism has long been an enigma for scholars interested in the formation of national identity. The nationalist movement that succeeded in crafting the Republic of Turkey relied upon rhetoric that defined the nation in explicitly secular, civic, and territorial terms. Though the earliest scholarship on Turkish nationalism supported this perspective, more recent research has pointed to Turkey's efforts to homogenize the new state as evidence of the importance of ethnicity, and particularly religion, in constructing Turkish national identity. Yet this marked mismatch between political rhetoric and politics on the ground is perplexing. If Turkey was meant to be a secular and civic state, why did Turkish nationalist policies place such a heavy emphasis on ethnic and religious purity? Moreover, why did religious identity become such a salient characteristic for determining membership in the national community and for defining national identity? This article draws upon historical research and social identity complexity theory to analyze this seeming dichotomy between religious and civic definitions of the Turkish nation. I argue that the subjective overlap between religious and civic ingroups during the late Ottoman Empire and efforts by nationalists to rally the populace through religious appeals explains the persistence of religious definitions of the nation despite the Turkish nationalist movement's civic rhetoric, and accounts for much of the Turkish state's religiously oriented policies and exclusionary practices toward religious minorities in its early decades.
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Ulu, Cafer. "The Reflections of the Unity in Language Studies Implemented in accordance with Nationalism in Turkey to Armenians and Other Minorities (1923-1946)." Journal of Global Social Sciences 2, no. 8 (December 1, 2021): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31039/jgss.v2i8.114.
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Depending on the ethnicity and religion of the participants, different perspectives were held on the events that were based on Turkish nationalism during the early years of the Turkish Republic. Turkishness was regarded by Turkish nationalists as a shared identity. The non-Muslim minorities in the opposing neighborhood saw this as forced Turkification, even if it was ultimately seen as a great country being changed and a glorious victory. Some people viewed the severe measures used at this time as tyranny and "Turkification." It is obvious that nationalist policies were implemented throughout the early years of the Republic by both the government and groups that collaborated with the executive branch. This article discusses the consequences of nationalism policies on Armenian and other minorities as they relate to language, social life, and education during the early years of the Turkish Republic.
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Zhigulskaya, Darya. "The “Turkish Ideal” in the Philosophy of Ziya Gökalp." Ideas and Ideals 13, no. 2-2 (June 15, 2021): 340–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2021-13.2.2-340-350.
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Topic: The philosophy and views on the process of nation building of Ziya Gökalp – the revolutionary ideologist of Turkish nationalism and one of the founding fathers of Kemalism, who played a key role in the articulation of Turkish national identity in the early 20th century. It is hard to overestimate his impact on Mustafa Kemal Atatürk: the founder of the Turkish Republic described Gökalp as the “father of my thoughts”. Gökalp’s ideas come together in the concept of the “Turkish ideal” or “mefkure” (Turk. mefkûre). The principle of “mefkure” was subsequently adopted by the majority of nationalist thinkers. Methodology: Contextual analysis of sources on the research topic; historical comparativism; synthesis and generalization of factual material. Results of the study: Ziya Gökalp’s ideas were focused on the transition from the multinational Ottoman state to a national state and the promulgation of the Turkish Republic. They were largely derived from the philosophy of Émile Durkheim, including idealist epistemology, positivist methodology and solidarist corporatism - together known as positivist idealism. Gökalp’s ideas can be summarized as cultural Turkism, ethical Islamism and Durkheimian solidarism. Gökalp succeeded in synthesizing different philosophical approaches, while avoiding eclectic mixing of ideas. Conclusions: Gökalp’s nationalism was heavily influenced by the West, though he tried to withstand this influence. The romantic principle of the “Turkish ideal” largely reiterates the concept of Volksgeist (German: “spirit of the people”) characteristic of German nationalism. Gökalp’s works clearly illustrate one of the key internal problems of Turkish nationalism – the question of how to restore national self-respect, which had been undermined by the prolonged decline of the Ottoman state and its stature in the eyes of the West. Gökalp’s philosophy clearly links the Young Turk ideology with the Atatürk regime. But in the course of his life, Gökalp’s views underwent significant changes, as he gradually turned away from the principles of the 1908-1909 revolution (constitutional monarchy, Ottomanism, Islamic reformism etc.) and laid the theoretical foundations of Kemalism and the modern Turkish state.
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Erimtan, Can. "Hittites, Ottomans and Turks: Ağaoğlu Ahmed Bey and the Kemalist construction of Turkish nationhood in Anatolia." Anatolian Studies 58 (December 2008): 141–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600008711.
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AbstractThis article analyses the position of the Hittites in the theoretical development of Turkish nationalism in the 20th century. The piece provides an outline of the full content of the Hittite claim in a Turkish nationalist context, particularly its promulgation as part of the so-called ‘Turkish History Thesis’. Following this, I will give full weight to the historical circumstances surrounding the emergence of the Hittite trope in Turkish writing. Basing myself on the work of Mete Tunçay, I will give proper prominence to the publication of the propaganda tractPontus Meselesi(1922). It is my contention that the Turkish intellectual of Azerî descent, Ağaoğlu Ahmed Bey, was the sole author of the textPontus Meselesi. The remainder of the article consists of a close reading of this geo-text. I will demonstrate that Ağaoğlu's discovery of the Hittites as worthy forebears for the Anatolian Muslims, whom he refers to as ‘Turks’ in his text, was the outcome of an ideologically motivated reading of 19th century European accounts of ancient Near Eastern history. The article shows that the propagation of the Kemalist concept of Turkish nationalism in Anatolia dates back to 1922, a year prior to the establishment of the Republic of Turkey.
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Mikail, Elnur Hasan, Ali Nazmi Çora, and Hakan Çora. "Turkish Nationalism and Turkish Union Project." Open Journal of Political Science 09, no. 04 (2019): 610–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2019.94037.
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GÜMÜŞEL, Günseli. "TURKISH TYPE OF LUTHERANISM AND TURKISH NATIONALISM." Ankara Üniversitesi Türk İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü Atatürk Yolu Dergisi, no. 69 (November 25, 2021): 310–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46955/ankuayd.1028398.
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Demetriou, Olga. "The Original Turkish State: Opposing Nationalism in Nationalist Terms." New Perspectives on Turkey 33 (2005): 93–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600004258.
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On the night of July 4, 2004, Greeks across the globe celebrated their national team's triumph in winning the European Championship Cup of the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA). The victory had been unexpected and the celebrations, which lasted until the next morning, largely spontaneous. Urban streets everywhere in Greece filled with people clad in Greek flags and in plastic replicas of Alexander the Great's helmet; cars hooted past, horns blowing to that well-known five-and-six-beat rhythm signifying soccer victory, the air thick with the bright fumes of celebratory crackers. In the towns of Thrace, where the majority of Greece's Turkish population lives, the scene was the same: loud, celebratory, and full of nationalist symbols. In Komotini, the capital of Thrace, minority members watched and listened, some with apprehension, others with excitement about the unexpected victory.
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Lohr, Eric. "Russian Economic Nationalism during the First World War: Moscow Merchants and Commercial Diasporas." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 4 (December 2003): 471–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599032000152924.
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While accounts of the end of the Ottoman and Hapsburg empires have often stressed the rise of Turkish and German nationalisms, narratives of the Romanov collapse have generally not portrayed Russian nationalism as a key factor. In fact, scholars have either stressed the weaknesses of Russian national identity in the populace or the generally pragmatic approach of the government, which, as Hans Rogger classically phrased it, “opposed all autonomous expressions of nationalism, including the Russian.” In essence, many have argued, the regime was too conservative to embrace Russian nationalism, and it most often “subordinated all forms of the concept of nationalism to the categories of dynasty and empire.”
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Conrad-Bradshaw, Jared. "Turkish Nationalism and the Incorporation of Migrants and Minorities into the Turkish State: a Study in the Civic and Ethnic Contours of Turkish Nationalism." BORDER CROSSING 8, no. 2SI (December 11, 2018): 521–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/bc.v8i2si.616.
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This article uses the integration of immigrants and minorities into Turkey as a lever to investigate the boundaries of Turkish nationalism. Turkish nationalism is often treated as an ethnic nationalism, and that’s indeed how it was thought of by many of its Ottoman founders. However, the legal system is constructed in a largely civic way, such that ethnic heritage—in theory—does not matter for citizenship. Immigrants and domestic minorities provide a useful lens to look at who is included within the category of “Turk”. This article uses the integration of immigrants and minorities into Turkey as a lever to investigate the boundaries of Turkish nationalism. Turkish nationalism is often treated as an ethnic nationalism, and that’s indeed how it was thought of by many of its Ottoman founders. However, the legal system is constructed in a largely civic way, such that ethnic heritage—in theory—does not matter for citizenship. Immigrants and domestic minorities provide a useful lens to look at who is included within the category of “Turk”.
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Szkudlarek, Magdalena. "Programowa niechęć do państwa jako kwintesencja zjawiska identyfikacji narodowej wśród Kurdów tureckich – analiza głównych przejawów nacjonalizmu kurdyjskiego w Turcji." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 5 (October 31, 2018): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2012.5.7.
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The aim of this article is to present a comprehensive analysis of the phenomenon of Kurdish nationalism and identity in Turkey. An emphasis will be placed on aspects such as the lack of acceptance of Kurdish nationalists for state-oriented attitudes among some Kurds, the lack of acceptance for the Turkish government’s pro-Kurdish decisions and abusing of tragic Turks and Kurds’ past by both sides of the conflict in order to win the propaganda war. The groundless conviction that “Kurdish nationalism” and “ PKK terrorism” is the same thing leads to misunderstanding that terror is the only indication of show ing Kurdish identity. The true complexity of this phenomenon will be presented in this article.
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Köse, Aynur, and Mustafa Yılmaz. "Flagging Turkishness: the reproduction of banal nationalism in the Turkish press." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 6 (November 2012): 909–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.742495.
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This article explores banal nationalist themes and symbols in the Turkish media on the basis of the study by Michael Billig titled “Banal Nationalism”. In this study, we used content analysis method to reveal how the key concepts that encompass the idea of the nationhood have been propagated within presentations of the daily news. The research sampling consisted of 36 daily newspapers of the mainstream Turkish media dated 3th February 2010. Our analysis revealed that even in an ordinary day when nationalist themes or developments were not intensely situated in the newspapers, nationhood was reproduced via both nationalist language forms and classifications of “us” and “them”, praise of the nation/country, and the emphasis on common interest or common history. This further highlights the constant transformation of nationalism, underlining its allusions and evocations not as a forgotten ideology but as something that is being reproduced in an unnoticed way every day and survives as a principal determinant of daily life activities. In addition, although it is not possible to see overt dichotomies or expressions of feeling within each part of the news or in every column, we found that the nation was implied or the national sentiments were presented.
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Balkιlιç, Özgür, and Deniz Dölek. "Turkish nationalism at its beginning: Analysis of Türk Yurdu, 1913–1918." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 2 (March 2013): 316–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.752353.
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Turkish nationalism became an element of the Ottoman political scene in the late nineteenth century. Although its roots can be traced back to the Hamidian period (1876–1909), Turkish nationalism emerged as one of the most important political ideologies during the Constitutional Regime. Wars that the Ottoman State participated in from 1911 to the end of the empire in 1918 resulted in population and land losses. Especially, following the Balkan Wars, most of the lands that were populated by non-Muslim and non-Turkish subjects were lost. Within this context, Turkish nationalism came to be seen as the most dominant ideological tool intended to save the Empire. This article argues that Turkish nationalism emerged as a reactive ideology that addressed Ottomanism and Islamism, which were the two other dominant state ideologies during the late Ottoman State, due to the changing political context. In this article, Türk Yurdu, a well-known and influential periodical, is used as the primary source of reference to demonstrate the basic features of Turkish nationalism in its infancy.
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Matevosyan, Mariam. "Transformation of Armenian Nationalist Discourse and Social Mobilization." WISDOM 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2013): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v1i1.10.
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Despite the wide variety of theories aiming to explain the emergence of nationalism and its social functions, there is still a serious gap in studying transformation of nationalism in an environment where comparative analysis of nationalist discourse of post-soviet Armenian context is almost nonexistent. The 1988 “Sharjum” for the constitutional right of Nagorno Karabagh to demand a referendum and the ‘No’ movement to Turkish-Armenian Protocols in 2008-09 constitute two different moments of social mobilization in Armenia and Diaspora.
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OKUTAN, Muhammet Erdal. "The European Union and First Years AKP: Popular Nationalism in Turkey." International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 7, no. 4 (December 23, 2020): 1090–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol7iss4pp1090-1109.
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Nationalism is one of the important ideologies; it is too difficult to express what nationalism is in one sentence, because it is a multidimensional, debatable ideology. In Turkey, nationalism is also an important issue because of its multi-ethnic and multi-cultural structure. Moreover elites have an important roles on constructing a type of nationalism, especially popular nationalism. Critiques and opposition of the political and intellectual elites against the governmental policies indicated the escalated atmosphere in nationalist discourse in Turkey until 2010. Therefore, this work empowered the theories of popular nationalism, which contribute the relationship between the elites and nationalism to the body of theoretical knowledge. However, some other issues may escalate the popular nationalism in Turkey. Turkish public thinks on that way; 29 percentages of the sample group think that the cause of escalating nationalism in Turkey is PKK terrorism, and secondly 17 percentages of the sample group suggested that EU demands led the increase. On the other hand some may claim that even those issues are interrelated.
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Morack, Ellinor. "FEAR AND LOATHING IN “GAVUR” IZMIR: EMOTIONS IN EARLY REPUBLICAN MEMORIES OF THE GREEK OCCUPATION (1919–22)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 49, no. 1 (January 20, 2017): 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816001148.
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AbstractBased on a series of recollections published between January and April 1926 in the Izmir-based daily newspaperAhenk(Harmony), this article explores how individual Muslim Turks remembered their emotional responses to the Greek occupation of that city (May 1919–September 1922). Analyzing these recollections, it considers why certain events were remembered while others were almost completely left out. By studying how Muslim Turks described their feelings towards the occupying forces, local non-Muslims, and the eventually victorious Turkish army, the article makes an initial contribution to the history of emotions in early republican Turkey. I argue that the composition and consumption of memories were avenues for connecting emotionally to the Turkish nationalist project. This finding challenges the widespread notion that the early republican period was characterized by collective amnesia of the immediate past, and contributes to the growing body of scholarship on popular participation in early republican nationalism.
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Prica, Bogdan. "Nationalism among the Croats." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 116-117 (2004): 103–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0417103p.
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These are the three lectures about Croatian nationalism presented in the Serbian Culture Club in 1940. They review the history of the Croato-Serbian relations in a specific way, from the time when the Serbs settled in the regions of the former Croatian medieval state, after the Turkish conquest of the Balkans, after the fall of Bosnia in 1463 and after the Moh?cs Battle in 1526, till the period preceding World War II. Comparing Serbian and Croatian nationalism, the author points out that nationalism among the Croats appeared relatively late, that it did not have deeper folk roots and that at first it was the nationalism of the upper class. It was a feudal-estate nationalism but later there also appeared Austro-Catholic nationalism of the lower class in the regions under the Habsburgs. Enmity, hatred towards the Serbs and Serbophobia were the common features of these two nationalisms. The author points out that the feudal-estate nationalism of the upper class was caused by the state-legal and agrarian-legal regulation in the regions of the former Croatian kingdom settled by the Serbs. These regions, under the name of Military Border, were granted a special legal system. As for their state-legal status, the Serbs were completely excluded from the rule of the Croatian Ban the Croatian Assembly, and were under the jurisdiction of the Austrian military commanders ? therefore, directly under Vienna. As for the agrarian-legal status, Vienna completely freed the inhabitants of the Border from all taxes for the Croatian gentry, who had owned these regions before the Turkish offensive; the reason was to motivate the Serbs for permanent military service at the Border and to use these regulations to lure new Serbs-solders from the neighbouring Turkish Empire. And the dynastic-catholic nationalism of the lower class clashed with the Serbs, inhabitants of the Border, primarily because of the religious intolerance, of the irresistable desire to convert the Serbs into Catholicism. In addition, envy towards the Serbs in the Border area ? warriors and free men ? began to develop more and more among the Croatian peasants in the Ban?s Croatia, in the so-called provincial, who still remained the serfs of their gentry. The author underlines that the Croatian Serbophobias have deep historical and social roots, and points to the typical historical facts which confirm that. Croatian nationalism withdrew only sporadically before the Illyrian Yugoslavism, which saw several rises and falls in Croatia. Yugoslavism was strengthened only when the pressure from Vienna, Pest or the Italians was stronger and, secondly, it worked only when there were chances to realize it from Zagreb, not from Belgrade. As soon as one of these two conditions was not met, Croatian spirit exclusively prevailed. The author disagrees with those who believed that the Croatian nationalism could have been neutralized by decentralization, federalization and democratization of the common state. He thinks that the Croatian nationalist movement did not want a just arrangement of the relations with the Serbs, but Croatia with the border on the Drina, in which the Serbian nation would be stifled with the use of "modern" methods. Therefore, he believes that only a resolute resistance of the Serbs in the defence of their interests could stop Croatian chauvinism.
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Aktürk, Sener. "Incompatible Visions of Supra-Nationalism: National Identity in Turkey and the European Union." European Journal of Sociology 48, no. 2 (August 2007): 347–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975607000409.
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This essay looks at Turkish-EU relations with a specific focus on identity narratives from the Turkish point of view. It outlines Turkey's official national narrative in its Ottoman, Turkic, and Islamic supra-national contexts and compares it with the supranational framework of EU member states' national narratives. According to the official Turkish historiography, Turkey is not part of a European family of nations. Turkey's non-European post-imperial identity is found to be comparable to that of Britain.
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Firdiani, Dian, Hasaruddin Hasaruddin, Umiyati Jabri, Hasan Hasan, and Ilham Assidiq. "MUSTAFA KEMAL'S RENEWAL IDEAS." International Journal Conference 1, no. 1 (February 2, 2023): 129–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.46870/iceil.v1i1.478.
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Mustafa Kemal is known as a reformer whose role was to save the nation and state of Turkey from thecatastrophe of total destruction due to European colonialism. However, Mustafa Kemal is also considered acontroversial figure because he changed the caliphate culture that became the character of the OttomanEmpire for hundreds of years into a secular state. Mustafa Kemal is known as the creator of modern Turkey andwas given the title as Ataturk which means father of Turkey. The type of research "library research", namely thestudy carried out for solving a problem by using library materials, whether in the form of books, theses, journals,or those related to the Mustafa Kemal's Renewal Idea. The current nationality of Turkish society is the reductionof the thoughts of a Turkish thinker who is considered the father of Turkish nationalism, namely Ziya Gokalp.Mustafa Kemal's Renewal Thought Principles began when he was assigned as a military attaché in 1913 inSofia. It was from here that he became acquainted with western civilization, especially its parliamentarysystem. The principles of Turkish renewal thought which later became its ideological style consisted of threeelements, namely nationalism, secularism and Westernism
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Muradov, Adalat, Ferruh Tuzcuoğlu, and Yusuf Ziya Bölükbaşı. "The Construction of Geography by Nationalism: Homeland, Motherland, Fatherland." Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 24, no. 1 (April 2021): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2021.24.1.5.
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In this study, the relationship between space and geography in the composition of nationalism is examined. As a modern ideology, nationalism has been the most powerful ideology for the last two centuries that have shaped the world map, constructing identities and influencing people’s worlds of meaning. Understanding the content of nationalism, which is such a powerful ideology, is essential in understanding today’s events. Therefore, in the present study, the relationship between nationalism and geography is explained through the concept of space, which is one of the two components of identity phenomena. This statement, what is the effect of geography on the composition of nationalism? The answer to the question is made around. It is necessary to understand the conceptual and methodological frameworks of the study to answer this question. The literature review constitutes the methodological framework of the study. The literature on nationalism has been analyzed in this manner. The conceptual framework, on the other hand, constitutes nationalism, nationalism-nation, and nationalism-geography relations. French, German and Turkish nationalisms explain the concepts of homeland, motherland, and fatherland. Consequently, it can be said that in addition to the role of geography in understanding nationalism, it also determines the forms of nationalism concerning the concepts of homeland, motherland, and fatherland.
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Yilmaz, C. "Modernity and Economic Nationalism in the Formation of Turkish Nationalism." Mediterranean Quarterly 17, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-2006-007.
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Burton, Elise K. "Narrating ethnicity and diversity in Middle Eastern national genome projects." Social Studies of Science 48, no. 5 (October 2018): 762–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312718804888.
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Most Middle Eastern populations outside Israel have not been represented in Western-based international human genome sequencing efforts. In response, national-level projects have emerged throughout the Middle East to decode the Arab, Turkish and Iranian genomes. The discourses surrounding the ‘national genome’ that shape scientists’ representation of their work to local and international audiences evoke three intersecting analytics of nationalism: methodological, postcolonial and diasporic. Methodologically, ongoing human genome projects in Turkey and Iran follow the population logics of other national and international genome projects, for example justifying research with reference to projected health benefits to their fellow citizens. Meanwhile, assumptions about and representations of ethnicity and diversity are deeply inflected by local histories of scientific development and nationalist politics. While Iranian geneticists have transformed this paradigm to catalog national genetic diversity through a discourse of ‘Iranian ethnicities’, Turkish geneticists remain politically constrained from acknowledging ethnic diversity and struggle to distance their work from racialized narratives of Turkish national identity. Such nationally-framed narratives of genomic diversity are not confined to their original contexts, but travel abroad, as demonstrated by a US-based genome project that articulates a form of Iranian-American diasporic nationalism.
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GÜLMEZ, RECEP. "Two Islamic Movements in conflict in terms of linguistic nationalism." Japanese Journal of Political Science 18, no. 2 (May 9, 2017): 247–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109917000019.
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AbstractReligion and nationalism are not only two distinctive but also closely related concepts when it comes to nation-building. Their role in language policy and linguistic nationalism is pervasive. Today, in Turkey, two religious movements of the same origin play a key role in linguistic nationalism and decision-making in language policy: the Gülen movement and the Med-Zehra movement. These two non-governmental affinities are important groups in the Nur movement. The Gülen movement is supportive of Turkish nationalism and thereby Turkish language and identity, while the Med-Zehra group emphasizes Kurdish identity and separatism. This study makes a comparison between the two movements and investigates in detail their role in language policy and linguistic nationalism.
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Razo Jr., Juan Carlos. "Understanding the Dynamics of Turkish Nationalism." NETSOL: New Trends in Social and Liberal Sciences 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24819/netsol2016.5.
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Yeğen, Mesut. "Turkish nationalism and the Kurdish question." Ethnic and Racial Studies 30, no. 1 (January 2007): 119–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870601006603.
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Xypolia, Ilia. "Racist Aspects of Modern Turkish Nationalism." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 18, no. 2 (February 18, 2016): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2016.1141580.
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Nefes, Türkay Salim. "The Sociological Foundations of Turkish Nationalism." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 20, no. 1 (October 9, 2017): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2017.1375627.
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Açikyildiz, Birgül. "Ideology, Nationalism, and Architecture: Representations of Kurdish Sites in Turkish Art Historiography." International Journal of Islamic Architecture 11, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 323–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijia_00082_1.
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This article discusses how the narrative of Turkish national historiography, crafted by Turkish elites in the 1930s in light of the official doctrine of the Turkish History Thesis and the Sun Language Thesis, attempted to Turkify the patronage of historical buildings constructed by diverse ethnic and religious communities of the country’s eastern region. I focus on the architectural production of the seven Kurdish dynasties that ruled a large area in the Middle East from the tenth to the mid-nineteenth century. Kurdish rulers constructed a large number of urban monuments bearing their names. These sites were appropriated into the Turkish national historiography in a denial of their Kurdish origins. This approach to history has rendered Kurdish material culture all but invisible, pushing the understanding of Kurdish architectural patronage and identity to the academic margins. This study aims to develop an alternative approach to the history of urban and architectural production in eastern and south-eastern Turkey, and opens a discussion for a definition of Kurdish art and architecture.
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Grigoriadis, Ioannis N., and Irmak Özer. "Mutations of Turkish Nationalism: From Neo-Nationalism to the Ergenekon Affair." Middle East Policy 17, no. 4 (December 2010): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2010.00465.x.
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Özoğlu, Hakan. "“NATIONALISM” AND KURDISH NOTABLES IN THE LATE OTTOMAN–EARLY REPUBLICAN ERA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 3 (August 2001): 383–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801003038.
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The era culminating in World War I saw a transition from multinational empires to nation-states. Large empires such as the Austro-Hungarian and the Ottoman searched for ways to cope with the decline of their political control, while peoples in these empires shifted their political loyalties to nation-states. The Ottoman Empire offers a favorable canvas for studying new nationalisms that resulted in many successful and unsuccessful attempts to form nation-states. As an example of successful attempts, Arab nationalism has received the attention that it deserves in the field of Middle Eastern studies.1 Students have engaged in many complex debates on different aspects of Arab nationalism, enjoying a wealth of hard data. Studies on Kurdish nationalism, however, are still in their infancy. Only a very few scholars have addressed the issue in a scholarly manner.2 We still have an inadequate understanding of the nature of early Kurdish nationalism and its consequences for the Middle East in general and Turkish studies in particular. Partly because of the subject's political sensitivity, many scholars shy away from it. However, a consideration of Kurdish nationalism as an example of unsuccessful attempts to form a nation-state can contribute greatly to the study of nationalism in the Middle East.
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Kınıkoğlu, Canan Neşe. "Spatio-Temporal Dynamics of Sociology in Post-1990 Turkey." Sociological Research Online 24, no. 4 (September 6, 2019): 598–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780419870810.
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This study explores the spatio-temporal conditions of producing sociological knowledge at universities at a time of transformation in post-1990 (1990–2017) Turkey. Through a content analysis of the sociology PhD theses submitted in this period, it investigates the questions of where, when, and how sociological knowledge is institutionalized in Turkey. The study has two main findings. First, spatial distribution of sociology PhD theses highlights the ensuing centre–periphery relationships inside Turkey, a country itself located in the periphery. Endowed with better resources, the centre (mainly Ankara and Istanbul) focuses on macro solutions to the problems faced by Turkey and other countries, whereas the rest of the country produces knowledge about their immediate surroundings, that is, particular regions/cities/towns of Turkey. This difference illustrates the degrees to which sociological research in post-1990 Turkey is territorially limited by (Turkish) national borders. Second, temporally speaking, the sociological interest in domestic issues revolves mainly around ‘politics’ and ‘economy’, insofar as they relate to the economic crises, neoliberalism, globalization, and democratization attempts Turkey experienced in the post-1990 period. A closer reading of this spatio-temporality may suggest that Turkish sociology is susceptible to methodological nationalism that downplays the impact of nationalism, conforms to the nation-state and nations, and territorially limits the unit of analysis. Despite the transformations brought about by the period and the spatial differences in knowledge production between the centre and the periphery, sociology in Turkey is bound by the national territorial and ideational boundaries, reproducing the ethnic, political, cultural, and social foundations of Turkish nationalism. This study argues that although Turkish sociology stands on the periphery within the non-Western context, it is nonetheless formalized around its own centre–periphery relationship within the country itself, and that its spatio-temporal institutionalization in the post-1990 period has reproduced an implicit methodological nationalism that relies on Turkish nationalism.
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Kolluoğlu, Biray. "Excesses of nationalism: Greco-Turkish population exchange." Nations and Nationalism 19, no. 3 (May 31, 2013): 532–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nana.12028.
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Bayar, Yeşim. "Constitution-writing, nationalism and the Turkish experience." Nations and Nationalism 22, no. 4 (June 1, 2016): 725–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nana.12221.
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Bozarslan, Hamit. "The Ottomanism of the Non-Turkish Groups: The Arabs and the Kurds after 1908." Die Welt des Islams 56, no. 3-4 (November 28, 2016): 317–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05634p03.
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After 1909, the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) abandoned the Ottomanist ideals that had earlier characterised the group, adopting instead a purely Turkish nationalist ideology. They were not necessarily hostile to Arab and Kurdish communities, but considered that the latter had no say in the definition of the Empire, let alone in its future. In contrast, many Arab and Kurdish intellectuals continued to define themselves as Ottomanists. These intellectuals, including Sāṭiʿ al-Ḥuṣrī and Şerif Pasha, were defenders of the fraternity of the Islamic umma and, before the ‘nationalist-turn’ they took after World War I, were opposed to any kind of nationalism within Islam. They could not, however, easily justify the fusion of Islam and an Ottoman entity defined as Turkish. Integration into the Ottoman Empire for them did not imply the dissolution of the Arab and the Kurdish component within its Islamic imperial fabric.
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Özateşler, Gül. "Multidimensionality of exclusionary violence: A case of anti-Gypsy violence in Turkey." Ethnicities 17, no. 6 (January 2, 2014): 792–815. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796813518206.
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This article aims to explore the forced dislocation of immigrant Gyspy townspeople from a Turkish town, Bayramiç, Çanakkale in 1970. It focuses on the workings of social categories of Turkishness and Gypsyness through this exclusionary violent case, how they were re-employed and reproduced exclusively in conjunction with Turkish nationalism. It was the time of socio-economic transformation and rise in populist–nationalist discourses in Turkey. In the town, the reflections of this historical context demonstrated the transformation in power allocation and competing personal interests in highway transportation and forestry. Eventually, the attacks started as “Drivers’ Fight” but turned into “Gypsy hunt” with the effects of socio-economic competition and interests, the employment of historical stigma of Gypsyness and terrorization of the perpetrators in the town.
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Al, Serhun. "Elite Discourses, Nationalism and Moderation: A Dialectical Analysis of Turkish and Kurdish Nationalisms." Ethnopolitics 14, no. 1 (July 15, 2014): 94–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2014.937638.
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Merdjanova, Ina. "Secularism, Nationalism, and Minorities in Turkey." Journal of Religion in Europe 7, no. 3-4 (December 4, 2014): 301–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-00704006.
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The vivid interest in the philosophical and legal premises of secularism in Turkey, as well as in its workings in the public and private life of Turkish citizens resonates with an ongoing questioning in Western academia of the validity of established theories of secularization. More importantly, the political and social transformations in Turkey itself, and the growing role and visibility of Islam in the public sphere, especially during the last decade marked by the rule of the Islamic-oriented Justice and Development Party (jdp), have triggered a search for new explanatory frameworks and reconceptualization of Turkish secularism.The four books discussed in this article tackle the interrelated issues of secularism, nationalism and minorities in Turkey from a variety of disciplinary and methodological perspectives.
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Eliassi, Barzoo. "Nationalism, cosmopolitanism and statelessness: An interview with Craig Calhoun." Kurdish Studies 2, no. 1 (May 17, 2014): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v2i1.379.
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This interview with Professor Craig Calhoun expands on issues of nationalism and cosmopolitanism in relation to the question of statelessness. Since the 1990s, Calhoun has worked on nationalism, ethnicity and cosmopolitanism. For Calhoun, nations still matter despite post-national and cosmopolitan elaboration and repudiation of so-called parochial and provincialised identities like nation or national identity and citizenship. In this interview, Calhoun dis-cusses the material, political and cultural situations of the Kurds in the Middle East and the role of Kurdish nationalism in the context of statelessness. Calhoun finds class-based understanding of inequalities between the Kurds and their dominant others in the Middle East as problematic and incomplete since the cultural, political and material inequalities are intimately interlinked in rendering the Kurds to a subordinated position in the states they inhabit. The interview also engages with diasporic identities and examines how countries of residence can impinge on the identity formation of diasporas and how they obstruct or facilitate migrants translating their citizenship status into the right to have rights (Arendt). An important issue that Calhoun discusses is that there are both asymmetrical power relations between dominated (Kurdish) and dominating nationalisms (Turkish, Iraqi, Iranian and Syrian) and within the same nationalisms.
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Iljazi, Ajsel, and Mahmut Mahmut. "THE MOVEMENT OF THE TURKISH LITERATURE." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2367–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072367a.
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The movement of Turkish literature is divided into several broad periods of Turkish writers. Older literature covers the period from the Seljuks (900-1300) and the Ottoman period (1300-1922). The early period of the Ottoman literature, until the 16th century, was influenced by the Persian ideas, and after the 1520s, Arab ideas began to dominate.The movement of Turkish literature is often a part of political movements. Turkish patriotism gradually replaced the old Ottoman and Muslim traditions. This publicatoin will focus on the influence of the West, in particular the French concept of nationalism in Turkish Literature.The Young Turk Revolution, World War I, the Turkish War of Independence and the Reformation of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk all profoundly influenced the development of modern Turkish literature."New Turkish Literature" is a literary genre developed and transformed in parallel with Western effects. Starting from the birth until the 19th century, it is possible to mention the existence of Turkish literature formed under the influence of Central Asia and the Orient.The "New Turkish Literature" is a literary reflection of pro-Western oriented Turks, or the modernization process that began in 1839 in the Tanzimat period (Reorganization).
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Iljazi, Ajsel, and Mahmut Mahmut. "THE MOVEMENT OF THE TURKISH LITERATURE." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2367–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082367a.
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The movement of Turkish literature is divided into several broad periods of Turkish writers. Older literature covers the period from the Seljuks (900-1300) and the Ottoman period (1300-1922). The early period of the Ottoman literature, until the 16th century, was influenced by the Persian ideas, and after the 1520s, Arab ideas began to dominate.The movement of Turkish literature is often a part of political movements. Turkish patriotism gradually replaced the old Ottoman and Muslim traditions. This publicatoin will focus on the influence of the West, in particular the French concept of nationalism in Turkish Literature.The Young Turk Revolution, World War I, the Turkish War of Independence and the Reformation of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk all profoundly influenced the development of modern Turkish literature."New Turkish Literature" is a literary genre developed and transformed in parallel with Western effects. Starting from the birth until the 19th century, it is possible to mention the existence of Turkish literature formed under the influence of Central Asia and the Orient.The "New Turkish Literature" is a literary reflection of pro-Western oriented Turks, or the modernization process that began in 1839 in the Tanzimat period (Reorganization).
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Maksudyan, Nazan. "The Turkish Review of Anthropology and the Racist Face of Turkish Nationalism." Cultural Dynamics 17, no. 3 (November 2005): 291–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0921374005061992.
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Gündoğdu, Cihangir. "An intellectual history of Turkish nationalism: between Turkish ethnicity and Islamic identity." Turkish Studies 17, no. 4 (August 31, 2016): 733–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2016.1222694.
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Gökatalay, Semih. "Economic Nationalism of the Committee of Union and Progress Revisited: The Case of the Society for the Ottoman Navy." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 5 (January 27, 2020): 942–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.79.
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AbstractThe Ottoman-Turkish historiography has been largely concerned with the economic nationalism of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), which consisted of four doctrines: elimination of foreign dominance on the Ottoman economy, removal of non-Muslims from the economic sphere, creation of a Turkish/Muslim bourgeoisie, and rapid industrialization. Through its focus on the economic activities of the Society for the Ottoman Navy, a CUP-affiliated charitable organization with enormous economic power, the present study investigates how the economic policies of the period can be regarded as a practice of economic nationalism. Based on archival material and in dialogue with secondary sources, this article argues that although the Unionist leadership and intelligentsia employed the language of economic nationalism, the operation of the economy in practice was considerably different from its rhetoric. War conditions, the lack of indigenous capital accumulation, and relations of the Ottoman Empire with foreign powers heavily shaped the implementation of the economic nationalism of the CUP.