To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Turks of Bulgaria.
Journal articles on the topic 'Turks of Bulgaria'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Turks of Bulgaria.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Hergüvenç, Begüm, and Mehmet Hacısalihoğlu. "Inclusion and Exclusion: Image and Perceptions of Turkish Migrants in Bulgaria and Turkey." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i2.3.
Full textAbstract:
This paper deals with the image and perceptions that Turkish migrants from Bulgaria had about the Turks in Turkey, the Turkish state, Bulgarians, and the Bulgarian state both before and after 1989. Perceptions of the Turkish minority among the Bulgarian communist elite are analysed according to published reports and statements made by Bulgarian Communist Party members. The perceptions that Turkish migrants had about Bulgaria and Turkey are the main focus of this study which is based on field research and interviews conducted with Turkish migrants from Bulgaria now living in Turkey. This article shows that these migrants held both positive and negative perceptions of Bulgaria and Turkey, largely depending on the context. The Turkish minority in Bulgaria was regarded as a problem for the Communist government and as an in-ternal enemy to the Bulgarian state. Moreover, the locals in Turkey regarded the Turkish migrants from Bulgaria as “Bulgarian migrants” who possessed a non-Muslim or “liberal” culture. In this way, they experienced exclusionary attitudes from their neighbours both in Bulgaria and in Turkey. The Turks of Bulgaria perceived the Communist regime as oppressive and as a threat to their Turkish identity. Despite their dislike of the regime, prior to the period of forced assimilation that began in 1984, they still possessed a relatively positive perception about the Bulgarian people. Interestingly, while they perceive Turkey as their homeland, they nonetheless held certain prejudices against the local population in Turkey. All of these various interaction helped to strengthen their group identity as migrants from Bulgaria.This paper deals with the image and perceptions that Turkish migrants from Bulgaria had about the Turks in Turkey, the Turkish state, Bulgarians, and the Bulgarian state both before and after 1989. Perceptions of the Turkish minority among the Bulgarian communist elite are analysed according to published reports and statements made by Bulgarian Communist Party members. The perceptions that Turkish migrants had about Bulgaria and Turkey are the main focus of this study which is based on field research and interviews conducted with Turkish migrants from Bulgaria now living in Turkey. This article shows that these migrants held both positive and negative perceptions of Bulgaria and Turkey, largely depending on the context. The Turkish minority in Bulgaria was regarded as a problem for the Communist government and as an internal enemy to the Bulgarian state. Moreover, the locals in Turkey regarded the Turkish migrants from Bulgaria as “Bulgarian migrants” who possessed a non-Muslim or “liberal” culture. In this way, they experienced exclusionary attitudes from their neighbours both in Bulgaria and in Turkey. The Turks of Bulgaria perceived the Communist regime as oppressive and as a threat to their Turkish identity. Despite their dislike of the regime, prior to the period of forced assimilation that began in 1984, they still possessed a relatively positive perception about the Bulgarian people. Interestingly, while they perceive Turkey as their homeland, they nonetheless held certain prejudices against the local population in Turkey. All of these various interaction helped to strengthen their group identity as migrants from Bulgaria.
2
Forrest, Duncan, and Ruth Horne. "TURKS IN BULGARIA." Lancet 334, no. 8663 (September 1989): 621. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(89)90741-1.
Full text
3
Karpat, Kemal H. "The Turks of Bulgaria: The Struggle for National-Religious Survival of a Muslim Minority." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 4 (December 1995): 725–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408413.
Full textAbstract:
In May 1989, two series of demonstrations in Turkish villages of northeast Bulgaria was followed by a massive gathering of more than 50,000 Muslim Turks in the town of Shumnu in the same area. The Turks had converged to Shumnu from the surrounding villages and smaller towns in order to protest the forced changes of names and the bulgarization imposed by the government of Todor Zhivkov, then undisputed ruler of Bulgaria. The demonstration was put down in the usual brutal Bulgarian way; some twenty to thirty-five demonstrators were killed and hundreds were injured. However, the Turks had made their point; they were not going to give up, however fierce the official terror, their Islamic identity and culture.
4
Sarp Solakoğlu, Memed, and Begüm Hergüvenç. "Turkish Historiography on the Forced Migration of the Turks of Bulgaria to Turkey of 1989." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 1 (January 5, 2021): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i1.4.
Full textAbstract:
The history of the Turks of Bulgaria, following the forced migration that took place in 1989, became a topic highly studied in the Turkish academia. Although many scholars who are focused on the topic are in consensus about what happened between 1984 and 1989, it is less so the case in the period prior to it. In this study of reviewing the Turkish literature (or literature in Turkish) on the Forced Migration of 1989, it is aimed to provide the opinions and comments written by the Turkish scholars on the relations between the Turks and the Bulgarians of Bulgaria regarding the Forced Migration of 1989 and to show that there are discrepancies in the periodizations of the history of Bulgaria even though the main narratives overlap each other almost unanimously. To do so, this study features the interpretations of the agricultural and educational policies in Bulgaria and the dates of changes in these policies according to the scholars and researchers will be provided. The basis of their interpretations will also be included. Finally the perception of the identity of the Turks of Bulgaria prior to 1984 and its relations to that of Turks of Turkey after 1989 will be examined.
5
Vasileva, Darina. "Bulgarian Turkish Emigration and Return." International Migration Review 26, no. 2 (June 1992): 342–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839202600209.
Full textAbstract:
The history of the emigration of Bulgarian Muslim Turks to Turkey is more than a century old. The violation of the human rights of ethnic Turks by the totalitarian regime during the 1980s resulted in the most massive and unpredictable migration wave ever seen in that history. This article examines the complexity of factors and motivations of the 1989 emigration which included almost half of the ethnic Turks living in Bulgaria and constituting until that time 9 percent of the total population. The author considers the strong and long-lasting effect of this emigration—followed by the subsequent return of half of the emigrants after the fall of the regime—both on Bulgaria's economy and on the political life of the society. The article aims also at providing a better understanding of the character of ethnic conflicts in posttotalitarian Eastern Europe.
6
Leоntyeva, Anna A., and Ekaterina N. Struganоva. "Features of spiritual culture and historical memory of people in Bulgarian-Turkish village of Slavyanovo." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2020): 400–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2020.1-2.3.03.
Full textAbstract:
The field research in village of Slavyanovo (community of Popovo, Targovishte region, Bulgaria) was held in August 2019. The village was chosen because of its mixed national composition specificity: the basis of Slavic part of the village consists of the descendants of Bulgarians from the Balkan, which came there after the Ottoman-Russian war. Turkish people of Slavyanovo are divided into indigenous people, whose ancestors lived there in Ottoman time, and migrants from Kardzali and other traditionally Turkish regions of Bulgaria, which appeared in the village in the second half of the 20th century. There are several folk versions of the history of migrations, which are significantly different. The task of the study was to collect linguistic, ethnographic and historical material for further analyses of the basic values in the life of the modern Turkish-Bulgarian village, namely: language and communication, tolerance, ancestral memory, history of the homeland, faith and religious denominations, rituals, folklore etc. During the field work we looked at the history of the village and historical memory of its villagers, linguistic situation. The analyses of the data helps us infer, that cultural differences gradually lessen. Also, there are no contradictions between Turks and Bulgarians. We can observe the borrowings and infiltrations of the language elements (given the dominance of the Bulgarian as the state language), while Turks borrow the most frequent words, denoting household objects, and cliched expressions from Bulgarian language.
7
Popovic, Alexandre. "The turks of Bulgaria (1878–1985)." Central Asian Survey 5, no. 2 (January 1986): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634938608400541.
Full text
8
Muratova, Nurie. "Baku instead of Ankara – Turkish Students from Bulgaria in Azerbaijan during 1950s." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i2.2.
Full textAbstract:
The paper presents the nonresearched question about the Turks from Bulgaria who studded in Baku in the 1950s. In this period in Bulgaria the Soviet policy for acknowledging of the rights of the national minorities was applied and the communist regime aimed at directing Bulgarian Turks to the Turkic republics of Soviet Union and especially to Azerbaijan. This policy changed at the end of the 1950s. From 1952 to 1960 more than 50 students graduated from Azerbaijan Peda-gogical Institute and Azerbaijan State University. They were prepared to teach in the Turkish schools in Bulgaria (around 1100 at the beginning of 1950s) but when they returned there were not anymore Turkish schools in Bulgaria. The processes in the sphere of the national languages and educational policies in USSR for this period have been researched. The alumni from the universities in Baku have to experience the contradictions between the Soviet policies to national republics and dynamic of the policy of the communist regime in Bulgaria concerning the Turkish population. The research is based on documents from the State Archive of Azerbaijan, documents from the Central State Archive in Sofia and oral testimonies.
9
Eminov, Ali. "The Turks in Bulgaria: Post-1989 Developments*." Nationalities Papers 27, no. 1 (March 1999): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999109172.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the status of Turks in Bulgaria under the transition from Communism to post-Communism. After a summary of the demography of the Turkish population in Bulgaria, the paper focuses on developments in three specific areas: religious, political, and educational issues. For each issue a brief historical background is given but the emphasis is on developments since 1989. Since the article is an expanded version of a presentation on East European Linguistic Minorities, the issue of Turkish language and Turkish language education in Bulgaria is discussed in greater detail than religious and political issues. This in no way implies that the latter are any less important.
10
Methodieva, Milena B. "How Turks and Bulgarians Became Ethnic Brothers." Turkish Historical Review 5, no. 2 (October 7, 2014): 221–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-00502005.
Full textAbstract:
In 1905 the Bulgarian authorities initiated preparations for a large-scale propaganda project in order to advertise the wellbeing of Bulgaria’s Muslims among the Muslim inhabitants of Ottoman Macedonia. Its purpose was to dispel inter-communal hostility during particularly turbulent times in the area. The project capitalized on arguments about ethnic and historical connections between Turks and Bulgarians by developing a novel theory maintaining that Bulgaria’s Turks were descendants of the Bulgars who founded the first Bulgarian state in the seventh century. However, Young Turk activists from the area were also involved in the enterprise hoping to use it for their own purposes. The article uses this interesting background to explore questions concerning Bulgarian policies and narratives about the local Muslim Bulgarian aspirations in Ottoman Macedonia, relations between Young Turks and Bulgarians, and Young Turk revolutionary strategies.
11
Kovic, Milos. "The eastern question in the parliament of the United Kingdom in 1876." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 178 (2021): 189–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2178189k.
Full textAbstract:
This article scrutinizes the attitude of the British political elites towards the Eastern question, in the year of the beginning of the Serbian liberation and unification wars of 1876-1878. It is based on diverse sources, Hansard?s Parliamentary Debates being the most important one. The Eastern question, as geopolitical problem of the future of the Balkan and Levantine lands from which the Ottoman Empire was gradually retreating, has been considered through the confrontation of Great Britain and Russia on the wider Eurasian stage, especially in relation to their conflict in the Central Asia. The article is mainly devoted to the different interpretations, debates and conflicts in the British Parliament and public opinion, provoked by the Serbian uprising in Herzegovina and Bosnia, atrocities in Bulgaria, and the beginning of the Serbian-Turkish Wars. The divisions went mainly through the party lines. Behind almost all events in the East, the Conservatives perceived the hand of Russia and League of the Three Emperors (Dreikaisebund). These ?foreign influences? were attributed mainly to Russia and Serbia, as the alleged Russia?s tool in the Balkans. Thus, according to the Conservatives, the Serbs and Russians were to blame for the sufferings of Bulgarians in the hands of the Turks. Additionally, they were repeating that Turkish crimes were committed in self-defence, and that the numbers of victims were hugely exaggerated by the Russian, Serbian and Bulgarian propaganda and the British liberal press. The Conservatives had similar attitudes towards the atrocities committed by the Turks in the Eastern Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Liberals, on the other hand, were insisting that the main causes of these uprisings and wars were national feelings, economical problems, and the misrule of the Turks. They were directing their moral indignation not only to the Turks, but to the British government as well. According to the Liberals, by despatching of the British fleet in the vicinity of the Ottoman capital, the British government encouraged the Turks and made Great Britain co-responsible for the atrocities committed in Bulgaria, Serbia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
12
Muratova, Nurie, and Zeynep Zafer. "Political and Scientific Persecutions – the Case of Hayrie Memova-Suleymanova." Balkanistic Forum 29, no. 3 (November 1, 2020): 9–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v29i3.1.
Full textAbstract:
The research is focussed on the scientific carrier and life destiny of Hayriye Süleymanoğlu Yenisoy, lecturer of Turkish language at Sofia University, interpreted in the wider frame of the policies of the communist regime to Turks in Bulgaria. We followed how the political events in the second half of the 20th century in communist Bulgaria played a decisive role for the professional carriers of Turkish scientists and lecturers in the country. Their destinies were not exceptions on the background of the persecutions of ideologically unhandy persons by the regime. Our research is related to the entirety of scientific life in the totalitarian Bulgaria, but is focussed on the mechanisms of repressions of Turkish intelligentsia in the context of the policy of the communist power to Turks and other Muslims in Bulgaria. The paper considers the means of destruction of the educated Turkish elite after 1944 and the efforts of the communist regime to create politically loyal new elite among the Turks. But the short flirt of the communist power with the Muslim minorities finished up with the persecution of the elite of the Turkish community who suffered mostly of the increasing assimilation efforts. The regime did away with many representatives of this elite requiring impossible loyalty from them – refusal of their ethnic identity, changing their Muslim names, falsification of scientific facts. The Bulgarian – Turkish thematic dictionary created by Hayriye Memova was convicted of being espionage order from Turkey. She was dismissed from the academic institutions and compelled to survive by working as cleaner in a factory for 4 years. Against her an investigation was initiated by the State Security which lasted for 7 years and included 19 secret agents most of them her colleagues, students and random acquaintances. Nevertheless she defended her PhD and habilitated in Bulgaria, in Turkey where she emigrated in 1989 with thousands of Turks who were expelled from the country, her scientific degrees were not acknowledged and she had to habilitate again in Baku. Following the scientific and personal trajectory of Hayriye Memova who is a representative example of the resistance we followed the policies of the regime to scientific community focussing on the control of the repressive apparat of the regime over the Sofia University.
13
Eminov, Ali. "Turks and Tatars in Bulgaria and the Balkans." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 1 (March 2000): 129–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990050002489.
Full textAbstract:
The Koran and the Bible are God's grace Which is what all four holy Books embrace; To scorn and segregate this or that race Would be the darkest stains on one's face.Aşik VeyselNationalist movements everywhere aim to create “territorially bounded political units (states) out of homogeneous cultural communities (nations).” Unfortunately, ethnic, linguistic, religious, political, and personal identities rarely coincide with geographical boundaries that enclose nation states. There are always groups within nation states whose identities are different from the majority. The leaders of nation states often see the presence of multiple ethnic communities within a single nation state as a sign of tension and instability, a threat to the integrity and indeed the very survival of a nation state. Consequently, they seek ways to culturally homogenize the nation so that the state and the nation come to coincide with one another.
14
Ragaru, Nadege. "Islam in Post-Communist Bulgaria: An Aborted “Clash of Civilizations”?" Nationalities Papers 29, no. 2 (June 2001): 293–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990120053755.
Full textAbstract:
During the first years of the Bulgarian transition to democracy, all indicators seemed to point towards an impending explosion of interethnic hatred. Located at the crossroads of Islam and Christianity, this predominantly Orthodox country harbors a 13.1% strong Muslim minority, which was subjected to forcible assimilation under communist rule. The assimilation policy reached a climax in 1984–1985, when around 800,000 Bulgarian Turks were forced to renounce their Turkish-Arabic names in favor of Slavic patronyms within the framework of the so-called “Revival Process,” a campaign that aimed at precipitating the unification of the Bulgarian nation. Far from achieving the intended result, the authorities' move not only fostered a reassertion of distinct ethnic and religious identification among the Turks, but also succeeded in durably upsetting intercommunitarian relationships. Significantly, the Communist Party's announcement on 29 December 1989 that it would restore Muslim rights met with sharp resistance in mixed areas, where large-scale Bulgarian protests rapidly gathered momentum. Against this background, in 1990–1991, few analysts would have predicted that Bulgaria could avoid religious conflict, especially as the country was faced with growing regional instability and a belated shift to a market economy—two conditions often said to be conducive to the exacerbation of ethnic tensions.
15
Kyuchukov, Hristo. "Turkish, Bulgarian and German Language Mixing Among Bulgarian Muslim Roma in Germany." East European Journal of Psycholinguistics 6, no. 2 (December 27, 2019): 50–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/eejpl.2019.6.2.kyu.
Full textAbstract:
The paper presents the phenomenon of language mixing with Bulgarian by Muslim Roma migrants from northeastern Bulgaria in Berlin, Germany. They identify as Turks and in their everyday communication speak mainly Bulgarian and old variety of Turkish, in the scientific literature known as Balkanized Turkish. They can speak relatively little German and have low proficiency in the language. The paper describes the language mixing as well as the forms of code-switching between Turkish, Bulgarian and German. These linguistic and social phenomena within the Muslim Roma community are analysed within the framework of several sociolinguistic theories regarding code-switching and bilingualism. The theory of J. Gumperz (1962) about communication matrix is used and patterns of Turkish- Bulgarian, Turkish-German and Turkish-Bulgarian-German are presented and analysed. The grammatical categories which are switched in the Turkish-Bulgarian-German language contacts, involve nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs and negations. However, code-switching is used only in communication with other Bulgarians. In communication with Turks from Turkey they switch only between Turkish and German and use another variety of Turkish.
References
Bugarski, R. (2005). Jeziki Kultura [Language and Culture]. Beograd: Biblioteka XX vek.
Friedman, V. (2003). Turkish in Macedonia and Beyond. Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz Verlag.
Fishman, J. (1997). Language and ethnicity: the view from within. In F. Coulmas, (Ed.) The Handbook of Sociolinguistics. (pp. 327-343). Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.
Giray, B. (2015). Code-switching among Bulgarian Muslim Roma in Berlin. In D. Zeyrek, C. S. Simsek, U. Atasand J. Rehbein (Eds.), Ankara papers in Turkish and Turkic linguistics. (pp. 420-430). Wiesbaden: Harassowitz.
Gumperz, J. J. (1962). Types of linguistic communities. Anthropological Linguistics 4(1), 28-40.
Kocheva-Lefedzhieva, A. (2004) Nemski leksikalni elementi v bulgarskite govori [German lexical elements in Bulgarian spoken discourse]. Sofia: Multprint.
Kocheva-Lefedzhieva, A. (2017) Smeseniyat ezik na vienskite bulgari. [The mixed language of Vienna Bulgarians]. Sofia: Bukovica.
Kyuchukov, H. 1995. The Turkish dialects of Muslim Roms (Gypsies) in Bulgaria. Journal of Turkology, 2, 305-307.
Kyuchukov, H. (1996). Etnolingvodidaktika [Ethnolingual didactics]. Sofia: Club '90.
Kyuchukov, H. (1997). Psicholingvistichni aspecti na rannia bilingvizam [Psycholinguistic aspects of early bilingualism]. Sofia: Yezykoznanie i Semiotika.
Kyuchukov, H. 2007. Turkish and Roma children learning Bulgarian. Veliko Tarnovo: Faber.
Matras, Y. (1990). On the emergence of finite subordination in Balkan Turkish. Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference on Turkish Linguistics, SOAS, (17-19 August, 1990).
Matras, Y. (2004). Layers of convergent syntax in Macedonian Turkish. Mediterranean Language Review, 15, 63-86.
Matras, Y. (2009). Language Contact. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Matras, Y. and Tufan, Ş. 2007. Grammatical borrowing in Macedonian Turkish. In Y. Matras and J. Sakel (Eds.), Grammatical Borrowing in Cross-linguistic Perspective. (pp. 215-227). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Nikolskij, L.B. (1976). Sinhronnaja Lingvistika [Synchronous Linguistics]. Moskow: Nauka.
Schiffman, H. (1997). Diglossia as a sociolinguistic situation. In F. Coulmas, (Ed.), The Handbook of Sociolinguistics. (pp. 205-216). Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.
16
Verdery, Katherine. "Nationalism and National Sentiment in Post-socialist Romania." Slavic Review 52, no. 2 (1993): 179–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499919.
Full textAbstract:
For western observers, a striking concomitant of the end of communist party rule was the sudden appearance of national movements and national sentiments. We were not alone in our surprise: even more taken aback were party leaders, somehow persuaded by their own propaganda that party rule had resolved the so–called "national question." That this was far from true was evident all across the region: from separatism in Slovenia, Croatia, Slovakia and the Baltic and other Soviet republics; to bloodshed between Romania's Hungarians and Romanians, and between Bulgaria's Turks and Bulgarians; to Gypsy-bashing in Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Poland and Bulgaria; and widespread anti-Semitism–even in countries like Poland where there were virtually no Jews.
17
Gradeva, Rossitsa. "Turks in Eighteenth‐century Bulgarian literature: Historical roots of present‐day attitudes in Bulgaria." European Legacy 1, no. 2 (April 1996): 421–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848779608579432.
Full text
18
Sardamov, Ivelin. "The Turks of Bulgaria: Karpat's Excursion Into Nationalist Propaganda." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 743–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408482.
Full textAbstract:
In his recently published article, “The Turks of Bulgaria: The Struggle for National-Religious Survival of a Muslim Minority,” Kemal H. Karpat addresses an important and sensitive topic. The manner in which he undertakes to explore it, however, leaves much to be desired.
19
Djordjevic, Dimitrije. "Pasic and Milovanovic in the negotiations for the conclusion of the Balkan alliance of 1912." Balcanica, no. 45 (2014): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1445295d.
Full textAbstract:
This essay examines the divergence in views and actions between the two leading Serbian statesmen, Nikola Pasic and Milovan Milovanovic, during the course of negotiations with Bulgaria which led to the conclusion of the Serbo-Bulgarian alliance, a prerequisite for the successful military operations against the Turks in the Balkan War of 1912. Milovanovic, the foreign minister, considered an agreement with Bulgaria as an indispensable diplomatic asset for Serbia which would allow her to preserve her independence in the face of the hostile Austria-Hungary and secure an outlet to the Adriatic Sea. Although he fully appreciated the difficulties of Serbia?s position pointed out by Milovanovic, Pasic was rather unbending in respect of the territorial concessions to Bulgarians in Macedonia to which Serbia had to agree in return for the conclusion of an alliance. This essay demonstrates that the difference between Pasic and Milovanovic was a matter of tactics rather than principle. The former realised that the price had to be paid for the Bulgarian alliance but preferred to have the Serbian government accept an unfavourable borderline under duress, because of the arbitration of Russian Emperor, rather than on its own volition. Not willing to take the responsibility for the concessions made in Macedonia, Pasic chose to present formal rather than real opposition to his party colleague. It was Milovanovic?s diplomatic elasticity and courage that enabled the Serbo-Bulgarian agreement to come into being.
20
Petkova, Lilia. "The ethnic Turks in Bulgaria: Social integration and impact on Bulgarian ‐ Turkish relations, 1947–2000." Global Review of Ethnopolitics 1, no. 4 (June 2002): 42–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14718800208405112.
Full text
21
Warhola, James W., and Orlina Boteva. "The Turkish Minority in Contemporary Bulgaria." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 3 (September 2003): 255–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599032000115484.
Full textAbstract:
Although there is indisputable evidence of hostile perceptions, the gulf between ethnic groups has not yet caused any substantial violence between Turks and Bulgarians. Compared not only with former Yugoslavia but also with Romania, this must be upheld as a genuine success story in the endeavor to cope with ethnic tensions in post-Communist Eastern Europe. (Wolfgang Hoepken)
22
Trupia, Francesco. "Debating (Post-)Coloniality in Southeast Europe: A Minority Oriented Perspective in Bulgaria." Acta Humana 9, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.32566/ah.2021.1.6.
Full textAbstract:
Despite the fact that its scholarly application has been considered highly problematic in the former Eastern Bloc and barely employed due to the Marxist background, post-colonialism has been recently introduced by a large number of scholars and academics. Yet, theoretical experiments, research, and projection of post-colonialism in Central and Eastern Europe have come to compose an abundant field of reference. Drawing on this theoretical approach, this paper aims to debate the category of post-coloniality in postcommunist Bulgaria in order to better venture the parapet of the post-1989 transition. Employing a ‘minority perspective’, which will reveal minority positionality in the contemporary Bulgarian cultural and political ground, this paper traces potential power actions of (dis)possession of knowledge among subaltern groups, which actions continue to negate, disavow, distort, and deny access to different forms of minority cultures and life visions represented by non-majoritarian segments of the Bulgarian society. In general, this paper digs into the historical experience of the ethnic Turks and Muslim minority groups in Bulgaria prior to the communist experience, throughout and after the collapse of communism, and in the contemporary Republic of Bulgaria. In particular, post-coloniality – understood in terms of ‘coloniality of being’ – shall offer a better and critical angle of investigation over the issues of human marginalisation, cultural subordination, and knowledge exploitation in Bulgaria and Southeast Europe.
23
Zafer, Zeynep. "The “Turkish Wing” of the Independent Society of Human Rights Protection." Balkanistic Forum 28, no. 3 (November 16, 2019): 91–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v28i3.6.
Full textAbstract:
The paper relates in first person about the motivation, participants, organizing and enlarging the Turkish resistance movement against the assimilation actions of the Bulgarian communist regime from the 1980s. From the inside point of view are narrated the processes of the resistance of the Turks and Muslims against the attempts to change their names and violent Bulgarisation. In details are followed the actions concerning the voicing of the repressions of the regime against the Muslims, starving strikes as symbols of resistance, the participation of Turks in the Independent Society of Human Rights Protection and the establishment of „Turkish section“ to it.The paper relates about the role of the radio for the „voiceless“ minorities suffering from the repressions of the totalitarian regime. The importance of the Western radio stations as the only hope for penetration of news about the dissident movement in the socialist countries in the 1970s – 1980s has been outlined. The radio stations played also the role of coordinating centre for the resistance of the Turks and Muslims in Bulgaria during 1985-1989.
24
Şahin, Tezcan Kaşmer, and Tuncer Asunakutlu. "Entrepreneurship in a Cultural Context: A Research on Turks in Bulgaria." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 150 (September 2014): 851–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2014.09.094.
Full text
25
Dişbudak, Cem, and Semra Purkis. "Forced Migrants or Voluntary Exiles: Ethnic Turks of Bulgaria in Turkey." Journal of International Migration and Integration 17, no. 2 (December 20, 2014): 371–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12134-014-0411-z.
Full text
26
Dawson, James. "The ethnic and non-ethnic politics of everyday life in Bulgaria's southern borderland." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 3 (May 2012): 473–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.674018.
Full textAbstract:
Ethnicity is found in real-world contexts where non-ethnic forms of identification are available. This conclusion is drawn from an empirical study carried out in the multiethnic town of Kurdzhali in Southern Bulgaria, where members of the Bulgarian majority live alongside the Turkish minority. Drawing on the “everyday nationhood” agenda that aims to provide a methodological toolkit for the study of ethnicity/nationhood without overpredicting its importance, the study involved the collection of survey, interview, and ethnographic data. Against the expectations of some experienced scholars of the Central and Eastern Europe region, ethnic identity was found to be more salient for the majority Bulgarians than for the minority Turks. However, the ethnographic data revealed the importance of a rural–urban cleavage that was not predicted by the research design. On the basis of this finding, I argue that the “everyday nationhood” approach could be improved by including a complementary focus on non-ethnic attachments that have been emphasized by scholarship or journalism relevant to the given context. Rather than assuming the centrality of ethnicity, such an “everyday identifications” approach would start from the assumption that ethnic narratives of identity always have to compete with non-ethnic ones.
27
Kutlay, Muzaffer. "The Turks of Bulgaria: An Outlier Case of Forced Migration and Voluntary Return." International Migration 55, no. 5 (September 14, 2017): 162–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imig.12381.
Full text
28
Atasoy, Emin, and Abdullah Soykan. "Freedom walk of the Turks in Bulgaria: Events of May in 1989 and their reflections." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 19 (2011): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2011.05.113.
Full text
29
Cheterian, Vicken. "Ethnic Cleansing During the Cold War. The Forgotten 1989 Expulsion of Turks From Communist Bulgaria." Europe-Asia Studies 72, no. 8 (September 13, 2020): 1429–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2020.1814607.
Full text
30
Dimitrova, Radosveta, Athanasios Chasiotis, Michael Bender, and Fons J. R. van de Vijver. "Turks in Bulgaria and the Netherlands: A comparative study of their acculturation orientations and outcomes." International Journal of Intercultural Relations 40 (May 2014): 76–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2014.01.001.
Full text
31
Иванова [Ivanova], Евгения [Evgeniia]. "„Турското робство” като място на памет. Резултати от теренно изследване." Slavia Meridionalis 11 (August 31, 2015): 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2011.008.
Full textAbstract:
Topoi of historical memory in Bulgaria. Field researchThe article summarizes the preliminary results from the research project “Topoi of Memory”, which is a joint venture between the New Bulgarian University and the American University in Bulgaria.The major goal of the research team is to investigate the level of modernization of Bulgarian society using the mechanism of historical memory. Thus we are trying to answer the question: whether there exists one coherent and normative Grand Historical Narrative, inspired by “the inventors of tradition” – and how does it function. Or, whether there are diverse narratives which circulate among the various social, ethnic and religious groups, according to their own value systems.Another aim of the research is to establish the generators of memory, which are at odds between the institutional education and the traditions of the different groups.The results are quite clear: the Grand Bulgarian Historical Narrative is centered on the last decade of the Ottoman Rule in Bulgaria (the 1870’s) which presents the climax of the national liberation movement and the Liberation from the “Turkish Joke”. Still, the “joke” is marked primarily by the heroic discourse. This is in sharp distinction with Serbia, where the traumatic discourse is dominant. The heroic discourse allows much more wider deployment of the narratives of epic heroism, than the traumatic national memory of martyrdom.The leading topoi of memory among the majority of Bulgarians and the diverse minorities groups are relatively similar, still they differ on the level of repetition of these topoi. Even the representatives of the Turkish minority consider the Liberation of Bulgaria from the Ottoman rule the most important historical event. This fact does not mean that these Bulgarian Turks highlight a distinct “martyrdom memory”, or feature a high level of integration in Bulgarian society. It rather presents (in the majority of the cases) a special mimicry of the minority group versus the majority. „Niewola turecka” jako miejsce pamięci. Wyniki badań terenowych Tekst zawiera raport z badań przeprowadzonych w ramach projektu „Toposy pamięci historycznej” realizowanego przez Nowy Uniwersytet Bułgarski i Uniwersytet Amerykański w Bułgarii. Głównym celem była ocena poziomu modernizacji społeczeństwa bułgarskiego, który byłby do uchwycenia z perspektywy mechanizmów pamięci. Czy można mówić o istnieniu jednej wielkiej narracji narodowej, inspirowanej przez „wynalazców tradycji”, czy też o cyrkulacji wielu opowieści – zależnie od systemów wartości poszczególnych grup społecznych, etnicznych, religijnych? Innym celem badania było wyznaczenie czynników tworzących pamięć (generatorów), jak powszechne wykształcenie czy tradycje rodowe.Wyniki badań jednoznacznie pokazują, że wielka bułgarska narracja narodowa – jeśli w ogóle istnieje – osadzona jest w ostatniej dekadzie panowania osmańskiego: okresie walk narodowowyzwoleńczych i wyzwolenia spod „jarzma tureckiego”. „Jarzmo” jednak nie tyle definiowane jest w kategoriach traumy (jak chociażby w Serbii), ile heroizmu. Okazuje się w większym stopniu impulsem do wielkiego zrywu niż martyrologią.W przypadku Bułgarów i poszczególnych mniejszości narodowych wiodące toposy są podobne, mimo iż pojawiają się z różną częstotliwością. Nawet mniejszość turecka uznaje wyzwolenie Bułgarii spod panowania osmańskiego za najważniejsze wydarzenie, w czym nie należy upatrywać martyrologii czy wysokiego stopnia integracji; w większości przypadków pozwala to dojrzeć w tym zjawisku tendencję do stosowania strategii mimikry.
32
Kahraman, Cahit, İlhan Güneş, and Nanae Kahraman. "1989 göçü sonrası Bulgaristan göçmenlerinin yemek kültüründeki değişim." Göç Dergisi 4, no. 2 (October 30, 2017): 227–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/gd.v4i2.598.
Full textAbstract:
1989 göçü öncesi, dünyada eşzamanlı olarak gittikçe gelişen ve zenginleşen mutfak kültürü, Bulgaristan Türklerini de etkilemiştir. Pazardaki çeşitlilik arttıkça, yemek alışkanlıkları da değişime uğramıştır. Büyük göçten sadece 30-40 sene evvel kısıtlı imkânlar ile sınırlı sayıda yemek çeşidi üretilirken, alım gücünün artmasıyla yemek kültüründe de hızlı gelişmeler olmuştur. Artan ürün çeşitliliği yemeklere de yansımış, farklı lezzetler mutfaklara girmiştir. Göçmen yemekleri denilince hamur işleri, börek ve pideler akla gelir. Ayrıca, göçmenlerin çok zengin turşu, komposto ve konserve kültürüne sahip oldukları da bilinir. Bu çalışma, 1989 öncesi Bulgaristan’ın farklı bölgelerinde yaşayan Türklerin yemek alışkanlıklarına ışık tutmakla birlikte, göç sonrasında göçmen mutfak kültüründe bir değişiklik oluşup oluşmadığını konu almaktadır. Bu amaçla, 1989 yılında Türkiye’ye göç etmiş 50 kişiye 8 sorudan oluşan anket düzenlenmiştir. Bu verilerden yola çıkarak oluşan bulgular derlenmiş ve yeni tespitler yapılmıştır. Ayrıca, Türkiye’nin farklı bölgelerine yerleşen göçmenler, kendi göçmen pazarlarını kurmuşlardır. Bulgaristan’dan getirilen ürünlerin bu pazarlarda satılması böyle bir arz talebin hala devam ettiğine işaret etmektedir.ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHThe Diversity in Cuisine Culture of the Immigrants from Bulgaria After 1989 MigrationThe Cuisine culture that has been developing and getting rich day by day contemporaneously in the world before 1989 migration has also had an impact on Bulgarian Turks. By the increase in diversity in the market, eating habits have changed. While producing a limited number of food types with limited opportunities just some 30 or 40 years before the ‘Big Migration’, there has been a rapid progress in food culture by the help of the increase in purchase power. Enhancing product range has been reflected in food, and different tastes have entered the cuisines. When we say immigrant, the first things that come to our mind are pastry, flan and pitta bread. Moreover, it is also known that immigrants have a very rich cuisine culture of pickle, stewed fruit, and canned food. This study aims both to disclose the eating habits of Turks living in different regions of Bulgaria before 1989 and to determine whether there has been a difference in immigrant cuisine culture before and after the migration. For this purpose, a questionnaire consisting of 8 questions has been administered to 50 people who migrated to Turkey in 1989. The results gathered from these data have been compiled and new determinations have been made. In addition, immigrants that settled in different regions of Turkey have set their own immigrant markets. The fact that the products brought from Bulgaria are being sold in these markets shows that this kind of supply and demand still continues.
33
Sunier, Thijl. "Book review: The Turks of Bulgaria. History, Traditions, Culture, written by Anthony Georgieff & Dimana Trankova." Journal of Muslims in Europe 4, no. 1 (May 4, 2015): 113–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22117954-12341298.
Full text
34
Paraskevov, Vasil. "Tomasz Kamusella, Ethnic Cleansing During the Cold War: The Forgotten 1989 Expulsion of Turks from Communist Bulgaria." European History Quarterly 49, no. 2 (April 2019): 326–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419839585n.
Full text
35
Kamusella, Tomasz. "Between Politics and Objectivity: The Non-Remembrance of the 1989 Ethnic Cleansing of Turks in Communist Bulgaria." Journal of Genocide Research 22, no. 4 (February 14, 2020): 515–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2020.1726649.
Full text
36
Kahraman, Cahit, and İlhan Güneş. "Tuna Dergisinde Göç Şiirleri: “1989 Göçü”." Göç Dergisi 3, no. 2 (October 10, 2016): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/gd.v3i2.581.
Full textAbstract:
“1989 Göçü” olarak bilinen Bulgaristan Türklerinin son göçü, sayısız yazı, söyleşi, öykü, şiir, kitap ve hatta dergi ve süreli yayınlarda konu edilmiştir. Bu yayınlardan bir tanesi de Tuna dergisidir. Tuna dergisi, kendisi de bir Bulgaristan göçmeni ve aynı zamanda yazar ve şair olan Mehmet Çavuş tarafından 1996 yılında kurulmuş, edebiyat, sanat, kültür, eğitim ile ilgili sorunları müzakere ve değerlendirme alanı sunmuştur. Dergi, Bulgaristan’da yetişmiş kalem ustalarına sahip çıkmış, göçmen yazarlara özgürce yazı olanağı yaratmıştır. Dergide yazar ve şair tanıtımlarından, araştırma, eleştiri, söyleşi, deneme yazıları olduğu gibi, kısa öykü, hikâye, anı, şiir ve hatta fıkralara da yer verilmiştir. Bu çalışmada, Tuna dergisinde neşredilmiş göç temalı şiirler tespit edilerek, göçmenlerin göç olayına bakışları irdelenmiştir. Araştırma, Bulgaristan’dan göç etmiş yazarlar ordusu tarafından kaleme alınmış bu şiirleri, göçün çağrıştırdığı duygu ve düşüncelere göre kategorilere ayırarak, oluşan göç algısını bulmayı amaçlamıştır. 1989 yılında Bulgaristan’dan göç etmiş bu yazarların gözünden göç nasıl yansıtıldı, göçmenlerin hangi hislerine ayna tuttu ve bunlarla birlikte okuyuculara verilmek istenilen mesajlar incelenmiştir. ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHMigration Poems in Tuna Journal: “1989 Migration”AbstractThe last migration of the Bulgarian Turks, known as the “Migration of the 1989”, represents the subject matter of numerous articles, interviews, stories, poems, books, and even whole journals and magazines. One of these publications is “Tuna Journal”. Tuna Journal was founded by Mehmet Çavuş, also an immigrant from Bulgaria as well as an author and poet, in 1996. During its history between 1996 and 2009, the Journal offered discussion and consideration field for problems about literature, art, culture, and education. The Journal supported the pen experts grown up in Bulgaria and created independent writing opportunity for the immigrant writers. The Journal included introductions of authors and poets, surveys, criticisms, interviews, essays as well as short stories, anecdotes, memoirs and even jokes. The aim of the present paper is to scan and analyze the poems focused thematically on “migration” and published in Tuna Journal, and to determine the viewpoints of immigrants on migration issue. It is also aimed to find out the created migration perception by categorizing these poems which were written by an army of writers migrated from Bulgaria with regard to feelings and thoughts created by migration. Our study also deals with questions such as how the migration was reflected through the eyes of these writers migrated from Bulgaria in the 1989 and what feelings of the migrants the Journal mirrored along with the messages which it transmitted to the readers.
37
Neuman, Emmanuel. "Simsir, Bilal N. The Turks of Bulgaria (1878-1985). London (England), K. Rustem and Brother, 1988, 356 p." Études internationales 21, no. 4 (1990): 889. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702768ar.
Full text
38
Mancheva, Mila. "Image and Policy: The case of Turks and Pomaks in inter-war Bulgaria, 191844 (with special reference to education)." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 12, no. 3 (July 2001): 355–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713670353.
Full text
39
Kyriazi, Anna. "The education of minorities in Bulgaria and Romania: Analyzing the formation and articulation of preferences." Ethnicities 18, no. 3 (December 22, 2016): 412–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796816684147.
Full textAbstract:
This paper investigates explanations in variation in the education-related preferences of comparable minorities in Bulgaria and Romania (i.e., Turks and Hungarians, respectively) as articulated by political, institutional, and civil society actors claiming to speak on their behalf. The study, which is based on original data extracted from 32 in-depth interviews, begins with a classification of the preferences that the interviewees articulated and the diverse arguments on which these were grounded. Subsequently, I turn to the potential explanations of the observed variation by examining a number of themes that emerged during the discussions and that also correspond to the factors usually considered in the literature on ethnic politics. These include the constraining effect of majority public opinion, the minorities' political representation, and notions related to the opportunities of exit and voice. I argue that actors' preferences adapt to the prevailing circumstances through an incremental process: before higher order preferences can be met or even conceived all the lower steps along the way have to be accounted for.
40
Zafer, Zeynep. "The Turkish Press about the Attitudes of the Bulgarian Turks and the Totalitarian Deportation Policy (1968 - 1969)." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 87–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i2.6.
Full textAbstract:
The flow of refugees and displaced people from the present territories of Bulgaria to the Ottoman Empire and Turkish Republic continued more than a century. In the scientific researches the refugee problem usually is considered from the political and historic point of view, the authors basing their studies mainly on official documents, treaties and bilateral agreements, protocols and reports preserved in different archives, in which personal experiences and human stories are lacking. The memories and the impressions of victims and witnesses shared in memoirs and in the press present the most vivid, intimate and realistic human stories. Some of the popular newspapers published testimonies and papers of the eviction from 1969 - 1978 which took place in the frame of a bilateral agreement. Three series of reportages published from the beginning of 1968 to the end of 1969 testified about the realistic attitudes of the Turkish minority, the personal drama of some of its representatives (leaving or staying in the totalitarian state) in the stormiest and full of tension years of negotiation, signing and starting the limited emigration. The aim of this research is to present the public discourse in Turkey about this exodus which have not found proper place in the researches.
41
Mancheva, Mila. "Image and Policy: the case of Turks and Pomaks in inter-war Bulgaria, 1918–44 (with special reference to education)." Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 12, no. 3 (July 1, 2001): 355–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410120065895.
Full text
42
Şen, Hasine. "Şiirin Tanıklık Gücü: 1989 Zorunlu Göçünün Bulgaristan Türk Şiire Yansıması." Göç Dergisi 2, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/gd.v2i1.535.
Full textAbstract:
Bu makalede, Bulgaristan Türklerinin 1989’da yaşadığı zorunlu göçün, bu sancılı sürece maruz kalan Bulgaristan Türk şairlerinin eserlerinde ne şekilde ele alındığı incelenmiştir. Makalenin amacı, 1989 zorunlu göçünün şiirin diliyle yazılan kapsamlı bir tarihçesini oluşturarak, edebiyatın tanıklık gücünü sergilemektir. Çalışmada, şiirin “tanıklık gücü” terimi ile göç konulu şiirlerin okurun dikkatini sürekli şiir metninden gerçek olayın kendisine (zorunlu göçe) doğru yönlendirerek, bu eserlerin tarih yazımını onaylama/sorgulama gücü ifade edilir. Çalışma, Bulgaristan hükümetinin 1989’da zorunlu göçle noktaladığı etnik eritme politikasının kısa bir tanıtımından sonra, bu sürecin farklı aşamalarını ele alan şiirlerle örneklendirir. 1989 zorunlu göçünü ele alan şiirler, iki alt başlık altında incelenmiştir: 1. Ayrılık şiirleri; 2. Kavuşma şiirleri. Ayrılık şiirleri, Bulgaristan Türklerinin doğup büyüdükleri ülkelerinden kovulmalarını yoğun bir hüzün duygusu ile anlatırken, totaliter rejimin akıl almaz politikalarını da lanetleyen eserlerdir. İkinci bölüm, Anavatan Türkiye’ye ulaşmanın coşku dolu mutluluğunu milliyetçi bir söylemle aktaran örneklerin irdelenmesi ile başlayıp, göçün doğurduğu özlem ve bölünmüşlük (ne Türkiyeli ne Bulgaristanlı olma durumu) gibi duygularla yüklü şiirlerin incelenmesi ile devam eder. Bu döneme ait bazı şiirlerin yansıttığı derin milliyetçilik ruhunu açıklamak için, çalışmaya göç öncesinde yaşanan baskıları anlatan şiirler de dahil edilmiştir. ENGLISH ABSTRACTThe testimonial power of poetry: representation of the 1989 forced migration in the poetry of the Turks from BulgariaThe article focuses on the representation of the 1989 Forced Migration (of the Turks from Bulgaria to Turkey) in the works of Turkish poets from Bulgaria who have themselves been victims of this tragic event. Providing a comprehensive poetic chronicle of the migration, the article aims to illustrate the testimonial function of poetry, namely its power to complement and/or challenge historiography by constantly pushing the reader’s attention from the poetic text to the original event (the forced migration) itsef. After a brief discussion of the 1989 Forced Migration as part of the assimilation policy of the Bulgarian Government, the article examines poems which reconstruct different stages of the process. The poems are divided into two main groups. The first group (departure poems) consists of works which illustrate the migrants’ painful separation from their birthplaces, relatives and neighbors. Infused with deep grief, they provide a mighty indictment of the policy of the totaliterian regime. The second group (arrival poems) starts with a discussion of poems which reveal the migrants’ joyful unification with the rescuing image of the Motherland (Turkey) and goes on with the analysis of works which report the subsequent stages in the migrant’s life which are marked by a sense of nostalgia and liminality. To explain the mood of strong nationalism which governs the majority of the poems, this section includes also works which report the repressions the migrants had been subjected to prior to their flight to Turkey.
43
Кючуков, Хрісто. "Acquisition of Turkish Grammatical Categories in Bilingual Context." East European Journal of Psycholinguistics 6, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/eejpl.2019.6.1.kyu.
Full textAbstract:
The paper presents results form a study on acquisition of Turkish grammatical categories by first grade Turkish speaking minority children in Bulgarian primary school. Two groups of children speakers of Turkish are tested: ethnic Turks and ethnic Roma. The Roma are Muslims and are also speakers of Turkish. Both groups speak the Northeast variety of Turkish, spoken in the surroundings of Varna, Bulgaria. The author examines the lexical reaches, syntax complexity and narrative knowledge of the children and predicts that the low results on mother tongue tests will be a reason for difficulties in the second language acquisition - Bulgarian. The author connects the results of mother tongue knowledge of the children with the language interdependence theory of Cummins (1991), where the level of the mother tongue is a predictor of second language acquisition.
References
Aarssen, J. (1994) Acquisition of discourse anaphora in Turkish children’s narratives. VII International Conference of Turkish Linguistics. Mainz.
Akıncı, M. (2016) From emergent bilingualism to biliteracy competences of French-Turkish bilingual children and teenagers in France. The Future of Multilingualism in the German Educational System, Berlin, March 3-4.
Aksu-Koç and Slobin (1985) Acquisition of Turkish. In: The Crosslinguistic Study of Language Acquisition: Vol. 1. The Data, (pp. 839-878). D. I. Slobin (Ed.). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates
Aksu- Koç, A. (1994) Development of linguistic forms: Turkish. In: Relating Events in Narrative: A Crosslinguistic Developmental Study. R. Berman and D. Slobin, (Eds.). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Boeschoten, H. (1990) Acquisition of Turkish by immigrant children: a multiple case study of Turkish children in the Netherlands aged 4 to 6. Tilburg: Tilburg University Press.
Boeschoten, H. & Verhoeven, L. (1987). Turkish language development of Turkish children in the Netherlands. Proceedings of the Conference on Turkish Linguistics, A. Aksu-Koç & E. Erguvanli-Taylan (Eds.), Istanbul, 1984. Boaziçi University Press, (269-280).
Cummins, J. (1991). Interdependence of first- and second-language proficiency in bilingual children. In: Language Processing in Bilingual Children. (pp. 70-89). E. Bialystock (Ed.), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511620652.006
Küntay, A. (1997) Extended Discourse Skills of Turkish Preschool Children Across Shifting Contexts. Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Berkeley.
Kyuchukov, H. (2000) Introducing referents in Turkish children's narratives. Psychology of Language and Communication, 4(1), 65-74.
Kyuchukov, H. (2007) Turkish and Roma Children Learning Bulgarian. Veliko Tarnovo: Faber.
Kyuchukov, H. (2019) Za Mefkure Mollova i neyniyat prinos za izsledvane na turskite dialekti v Bulgaria. [About Mefkure Mollova and her commitment for researching the Turkish dialects in Bulgaria]. Veliko Tarnovo: Faber
Luria, A. R. and Yudevich, F. Ia. (1959) Speech and the Development of Mental Processes in the Child. London: Strapless Press.
Pfaff, C. (1993) Turkish language development in Germany. In: Immigrant Languages in Europe, G. Extra and L. Verhoeven (Eds) Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
Verhallen, M. and Schoenen, R. (1993) Lexical knowledge of monolingual and bilingual children. Applied Linguistics, 14, 344-363.
Verhoeven, L. (1993) Acquisition of narrative skills in a bilingual context. In: Current Issues in European Second Language Acquisition Research. V. Ketteman and W. Wieden, (Eds). Tübingen: Max Niemeyer.
44
Pavlovic, Bojana. "Serbs in the works of Demetrios Cydones." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 49 (2012): 257–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1249257p.
Full textAbstract:
One of the main topics of the works of Cydones is the foreign policy of Byzantium. Mutual incomprehension of Byzantium and the West, the growing threat and fear of the Ottoman Turks, lack of trust and, in a way, animosity towards the neighboring countries (primarily towards Bulgaria and Serbia in the time of Stefan Dusan and his immediate successors), represent three most important factors of that foreign policy in which Cydones also took part. This article deals with Cydones? perception of Serbs and the information he provides on them in his works. Two major parts can be discerned in this paper. The first chapters deal with the information Cydones? provides on Serbs in his letters. The last chapter, in which his speeches and the preambule of the charter of John V Palaiologos written by Cydones are being analyzed, deals with his perception of the Byzantine Slavic neighbor.
45
Кючуков, Хрісто, and Сава Самуїлов. "Language Use and Identity Among Migrant Roma." East European Journal of Psycholinguistics 6, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/eejpl.2019.6.1.hky.
Full textAbstract:
The paper presents the issue of language use and identity among Muslim Roma youth from Bulgaria, living in Berlin, Germany. Interviews with a structured questionnaire on language use and identity was conducted with Bulgarian Muslim Roma living in Berlin, Germany. The results showed that, in order to be accepted by the German Turks, Bulgarian Muslim Roma youth change their language use and identity from Muslim Roma to a new identity - Bulgarian “Osmanli” Turks. The findings showed that the change of language and identity among young Roma in this study served as strategies for integration and acceptance in the German society.
References
Bailey, B. (2001). The language of multiple identities among Dominican Americans. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, 10(2), 190-223.
Berry, J. (1997). Immigration, acculturation and adaptation. Applied Psychology: An International Review, 46, 5-36.
Bleich, E. (2009). Where do Muslims Stand on Ethno-Racial Hierarchies in Britain and France? Evidence from Public Opinion Surveys, 1998-2008; 43, 379-400.
Brizic, K. (2006). The secret life of a languages. Origin-specific differences in L1/L2 acquisition by immigrant children. International Journal of Applied Linguistics, 16(3), 339-362.
Broeder, P. & Extra, G. (1995). Ethnic identity and community languages in the Netherlands In: Sociolinguistica – International Yearbook of European Sociolinguistics/ Internationales Jahrbuch für europäische Soziolinguistik, 9, 96-112.
Dimitrova, R., Ferrer-Wreder, L. (2017). Positive Youth Development of Roma Ethnic minority Across Europe. In: Handbook on positive development of minority children and youth (pp. 307-320). N. Cabrera & B. Leyendeker, (Eds.). New York: Springer
Erikson, E. (1964). Childhood and Society. New York: W. W. Norton & Company.
Fishman, J. (1998). Language and ethnicity: The view from within. In: The Handbook of Sociolinguistics. (pp. 327-343). F. Coulmas (Ed.). Oxford: Blackwell.
Fought, C. (2006). Language and ethnicity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Giles, H. (ed.) (1984). The Dynamics of speech accommodation. International Journal of Sociology of Language, 46, 1-155
Giray, B. (2015). Code-switching among Bulgarian Muslim Roma in Berlin. In: Ankara Papers in Turkish and Turkic Linguistics. (pp. 420-430). D. Zeyrek, C.S. Șimșek, U. Ataș and J. Rehbein (Eds.). Wiessbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.
Kivisto, P. (2013). (Mis)Reading Muslims and multiculturalism. Social Inclusion, 1, 126-135.
Kyuchukov, H. (2016). The Turkish in Berlin spoken by Bulgarian Muslim Roma. Ural-Altaic Studies, 22, 7-12.
Kyuchukov, H. (2007). Turkish and Roma children learning Bulgarian. Veliko Tarnovo: Faber.
Larson, R. W. (2000). Toward a psychology of positive youth development. American Psychologist, 55, 170-183.
Lerner, R. Et al. (2005) Positive youth development. A view of the issues. Journal of Early Adolescence, 25(1), 10-16.
Lerner, R., Dowling, E., Anderson, P. (2003) Positive youth development: Thriving as the basis of personhood and civil society. Applied Developmental Science, 7(3), 172-180.
Marushiakova, E. & Popov, V. (2004). Muslim Minorities in Bulgaria. In: Migration and Political Intervention: Diasporas in Transition Countries. (pp. 18-32). Blaschke, J. (Ed.). Berlin: Parabolis.
Merton, R. (1968). The Matthew effect in Science. Science, 159(3810), 56-63.
Ochs, E. (1993). Constructing social identity: a language socialization perspective. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 26, 287-306.
Organista, P. B, Marin, G., Chun, K. M. (2010). The psychology of ethnic groups in United States. London: SAGE Publication.
Padilla, A., Perez, W. (2003). Acculturation, social identity and social cognition: A new Perspective. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 25, 35-55.
Peoples, J., Bailey, G. (2010). Humanity: An Introduction to Cultural Anthropology (9th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Cengage learning.
Rovira, L. (2008). The relationship between language and identity. The use of the home language as a human right of the immigrant. Revista Interdisciplinar da Mobilidade Humana, XVI (31), 63-81.
Tajfel, H. Turner, J.C. (1986). The social identity theory of intergroup behavior. In: Psychology of Intergroup Relations (pp. 7-24). Worchel, S. & Austin, W. G. (Eds.). Chicago: Nelson-Hall.
Tabouret-Keller, A. (1998). Language and identity. In: The Handbook of Sociolinguistics. (pp. 315-326). F. Coulmas (Ed.). Oxford: Blackwell.
Trudgill, P. (1992). Ausbau sociolinguistics and the perception of language status in contemporary Europe. International Journal of Applied Linguistics, 2, 167-178.
46
Gurel, Zeki, and Mahmut Chelik. "OVER THE NAMIK KEMAL’S LIFE, ART AND WORKS." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2223–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072223z.
Full textAbstract:
Namık Kemal (1840-1888) is one of the most important poets and writers of Turkish literature. The mother of Namık Kemal is from the Balkan Turks. . Namık Kemal, due to the duty of his grandfather, was also found in Bulgaria in the Balkans as a child. Namık Kemal is known as a poet, writer and journalist in the period called Turkish Literature which developed in the Western Effect in the history of Turkish Literature. He is one of the founders of Tanzimat Literature. Art has an opinion for society. He is known as “Fatherland Poet and“ Freedom Poet ”in Turkish Literature with his works. Many writers who came after him have affected with his works , especially the young generations. His poems, theaters and novels, as well as his historical works of personality, influenced the masses. Many works have been done and published about Namik Kemal to this day. With this statement, we wanted to draw attention to Namık Kemal from the beginning.
47
Gurel, Zeki, and Mahmut Chelik. "OVER THE NAMIK KEMAL’S LIFE, ART AND WORKS." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2223–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082223z.
Full textAbstract:
Namık Kemal (1840-1888) is one of the most important poets and writers of Turkish literature. The mother of Namık Kemal is from the Balkan Turks. . Namık Kemal, due to the duty of his grandfather, was also found in Bulgaria in the Balkans as a child. Namık Kemal is known as a poet, writer and journalist in the period called Turkish Literature which developed in the Western Effect in the history of Turkish Literature. He is one of the founders of Tanzimat Literature. Art has an opinion for society. He is known as “Fatherland Poet and“ Freedom Poet ”in Turkish Literature with his works. Many writers who came after him have affected with his works , especially the young generations. His poems, theaters and novels, as well as his historical works of personality, influenced the masses. Many works have been done and published about Namik Kemal to this day. With this statement, we wanted to draw attention to Namık Kemal from the beginning.
48
Karapınar, Ahmet Can. "An Analysis of the Migration of Turks of Bulgaria to Turkey in 1950-51 with the Turkey s Domestic and Foreign Policy of the Era." Journal of Applied and Theoretical Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.37241/jatss.2021.25.
Full text
49
Qerimi, Muhamet, and Muhamet Mala. "Political and Military Developments in the Byzantine Empire During the 11th Century." Human and Social Studies 7, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 36–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/hssr-2018-0013.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract For the Byzantine Empire, at the end of the first quarter of the 11thcentury, a new period starts, which in the historiography opinion is generalized as the period of the rule of bureaucratic aristocracy of the capital city. This covers the period 1025-1081, which was characterized by disintegration in the state system and failures in the field of internal and foreign politics. The political crisis at its beginning did not appear clearly, because bureaucratic aristocracy came to power following the thriving period that Byzantine Empire had experienced until then, known as the golden age of the empire. After a calm developmental beginning, the period commenced to be characterized by some developments of decentralizing character. Heirs of the then Byzantine Emperor, Basil II. could not resist enough the separatist movements of feudal and military leaders. Despite these trends towards weakening and separatism, Empire reached that thanks to Komnena dynasty to successfully withstand the challenges that were created by Seljuk Turks and Norman Crusaders. It partially reclaimed its former reputation to continue with the political existence for some more centuries. In these developments, the Byzantine Emperors were supported or often were objected by the non-Byzantine feudal elements that in various cases came from Albania, Bulgaria, Rasha and Zeta.
50
Williams, Brian Glyn. "The Ethnogenesis of the Crimean Tatars. An Historical Reinterpretation." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 11, no. 3 (October 29, 2001): 329–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186301000311.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWith the collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe the west has been confronted with the existence of several, little-understood Muslim ethnic groups in this region whose contested histories can be traced back to the Ottoman period and beyond. Previously overlooked Muslim ethnies, such as the Bulgarian Turks, Bosniaks, Pomaks, Kosovars, Chechens, and Crimean Tatars, have begun to receive considerable attention from both western scholars and the general public. Much of the interest revolves around the question of the identity of these Muslim communities and the history of their formation as distinct ethnic groups. The history of the formation of these groups has in many cases been contested terrain as Bulgarian authorities, for example, attempted in the 1980s to prove that the Bulgarian Turks were actually “Turkified Bulgarians”, as the Greek government sought to demonstrate that the Pomaks (Slavic Muslims) were actually Islamicized Greeks, and as Bosniaks were labelled “Turks” by their Serbian nationalist foes in spite of their Slavic background.