Academic literature on the topic 'Two Twenty Two Berkeley Ventures'

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Journal articles on the topic "Two Twenty Two Berkeley Ventures"

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Toole, Janine, and Linda Uyechi. "The Natural Classes of Two-Handed Signs." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 24, no. 1 (August 25, 1998): 256. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v24i1.1245.

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Vazirani, Ashish, and Titas Bhattacharjee. "Entrepreneurial Finance in the Twenty-first Century, a Review of Factors Influencing Venture Capitalist’s Decision." Journal of Entrepreneurship 30, no. 2 (June 29, 2021): 306–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09713557211025654.

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Investments in new ventures are risky due to lack of conventional form of quantitative information and untested products. Venture capitalists (VCs) are seen to target such new ventures for high-risk premium but with little success. Existing research has investigated and identified a variety of qualitative factors that impact VCs’ investment decisions; however, many research gaps still exist. Works published in the last two decades show the evolution in the preference of factors with the focus shifting from venture’s team and product to factors such as intellectual property rights, economic crisis and social capital. It was found that the factor’s role was limited to the binary scale (positive and negative), which undermines its effect. The purpose of this review is to provide a comprehensive framework of factors that influence VCs’ investment decisions and show theoretical research gaps. Accordingly, we have segmented factors into two macro-categories: ‘internal’ and ‘external environment’, and presented a detailed framework of the factors that influence VCs’ investment decisions. Further, we argue to consider the subjectivity of qualitative factors and to explore the role of a factor in the decision-making.
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Willis, Cleve E., Lisa M. Willis, and Jill Shea. "Institutional Affiliation of Authors in the American Journal of Agricultural Economics, 1988–1992." Agricultural and Resource Economics Review 22, no. 2 (October 1993): 175–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1068280500004767.

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Opaluch and Just reported the top 20 departments in pages per faculty of articles in the American Journal of Agricultural Economics for the five year period 1968–1972. To determine how much has changed and how much has not during the intervening two decades, the analysis was repeated for the five year period 1988–1992. Some things seem not to change. University of California, Berkeley, remains at the pinnacle twenty years later. And 13 of the top 20 departments two decades ago, remain there during the 1988–1992 period. But seven did change, and the most notable aspect is that the number of Northeast departments in the top 20 rose from two to five.
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Williams, Colin C., and Alvaro Martinez. "Entrepreneurship in the Informal Economy." International Journal of Entrepreneurship and Innovation 15, no. 4 (November 2014): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/ijei.2014.0162.

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Over the past decade or so, two competing theoretical perspectives have arisen that explain participation in informal entrepreneurship as resulting from either too little or too much state intervention. To evaluate these competing explanations critically, the authors report on a 2012 UK survey of 595 small business owners. Twenty per cent of these owners said that they had traded informally when starting up their ventures, and the authors examine and evaluate their reasons for doing so. It was found that 41% of the entrepreneurs attributed their off-the-books trading to too little state intervention (for example, a lack of government advice and support), 35% to too much intervention (burdensome red tape, high taxes, etc) and 24% to a mix of both factors. However, a multivariate analysis displays significant socio-demographic, firm-level and regional variations in the reasons. The outcome is a call to move towards more nuanced context-bound explanations of entrepreneurship in the informal economy.
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Klein, Herbert S. "History and the Study of Inequality." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 51, no. 3 (December 2020): 429–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01593.

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Economic inequality has become one of the most important themes in the social sciences. The debate has revolved around two basic models. Was Kuznets correct in his prediction that inequality declines with economic growth, or was Piketty, along with others in the Berkeley/Paris/Oxford group, correct to counter that capitalism without severe constraints inevitably leads to increasing inequality? The resolution will depend on long-term historical analysis. In Global Inequality, Milanovic proposed new models to analyze the social, economic, political, and historical factors that influence changes in inequality over time and space. In Capitalism, Alone, he changes direction to examine what patterns of capitalism and inequality will look like in the twenty-first century and beyond, as well as how inequality might be reduced without violence.
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Allen, Charles W. "High-voltage Electron Microscopy: Where it is and where it may be going." Proceedings, annual meeting, Electron Microscopy Society of America 53 (August 13, 1995): 80–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424820100136775.

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High voltage TEMs were introduced commercially thirty years ago, with the installations of 500 kV Hitachi instruments at the Universities of Nogoya and Tokyo. Since that time a total of 51 commercial instruments, having maximum accelerating potentials of 0.5-3.5 MV, have been delivered. Prices have gone from about a dollar per volt for the early instruments to roughly twenty dollars per volt today, which is not so unreasonable considerinp inflation and vastly improved electronics and other improvements. The most expensive HVEM (the 3.5 MV instrument at Osaka University) cost about 5 percent of the construction cost of the USA's latest synchrotron.Table 1 briefly traces the development of HVEM in this country for the materials sciences. There are now only three available instruments at two sites: the 1.2 MeV HVEM at Argonne National Lab, and 1.0 and 1.5 MeV instruments at Lawrence Berkeley National Lab. Fortunately, both sites are user facilities funded by DOE for the materials research community.
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Chatterjee, Sudipto. "SOUTH ASIAN AMERICAN THEATRE: (UN/RE-)PAINTING THE TOWN BROWN." Theatre Survey 49, no. 1 (May 2008): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557408000069.

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In his second year at the University of California, Berkeley, Arthur William Ryder (1877–1938), the Ohio-born Harvard scholar of Sanskrit language and literature, collaborated with the campus English Club and Garnet Holme, an English actor, to stage Ryder's translation of the Sanskrit classic Mrichchhakatikam, by Shudraka, as The Little Clay Cart. The 1907 production was described as “presented in true Hindu style. Under the direction of Garnet Holme, who … studied with Swamis of San Francisco … [and] the assistance of many Indian students of the university.” However, in the twenty-five-plus cast, there was not a single Indian actor with a speaking part. The intended objective was grandeur, and the production achieved that with elaborate sets and costumes, two live zebras, and elephants. Seven years later, the Ryder–Holme team returned with Ryder's translation of Kalidasa's Shakuntala, “bear cubs, a fawn, peacocks, and an onstage lotus pool with two real waterfalls.” While the archival materials do not indicate the involvement of any Indian actors (barring one Gobind B. Lal, who enacted the Prologue), its importance is evinced by the coverage it received in the Oakland Tribune, the Overland Monthly and Out West Magazine, and the Los Angeles Times.
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Hajbabaie, Roxanna, Matthew T. Harper, and Taufiq Rahman. "Establishing an Analogue Based In Silico Pipeline in the Pursuit of Novel Inhibitory Scaffolds against the SARS Coronavirus 2 Papain-Like Protease." Molecules 26, no. 4 (February 20, 2021): 1134. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/molecules26041134.

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The ongoing coronavirus pandemic has been a burden on the worldwide population, with mass fatalities and devastating socioeconomic consequences. It has particularly drawn attention to the lack of approved small-molecule drugs to inhibit SARS coronaviruses. Importantly, lessons learned from the SARS outbreak of 2002–2004, caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 1 (SARS-CoV-1), can be applied to current drug discovery ventures. SARS-CoV-1 and SARS-CoV-2 both possess two cysteine proteases, the main protease (Mpro) and the papain-like protease (PLpro), which play a significant role in facilitating viral replication, and are important drug targets. The non-covalent inhibitor, GRL-0617, which was found to inhibit replication of SARS-CoV-1, and more recently SARS-CoV-2, is the only PLpro inhibitor co-crystallised with the recently solved SARS-CoV-2 PLpro crystal structure. Therefore, the GRL-0617 structural template and pharmacophore features are instrumental in the design and development of more potent PLpro inhibitors. In this work, we conducted scaffold hopping using GRL-0617 as a reference to screen over 339,000 ligands in the chemical space using the ChemDiv, MayBridge, and Enamine screening libraries. Twenty-four distinct scaffolds with structural and electrostatic similarity to GRL-0617 were obtained. These proceeded to molecular docking against PLpro using the AutoDock tools. Of two compounds that showed the most favourable predicted binding affinities to the target site, as well as comparable protein-ligand interactions to GRL-0617, one was chosen for further analogue-based work. Twenty-seven analogues of this compound were further docked against the PLpro, which resulted in two additional hits with promising docking profiles. Our in silico pipeline consisted of an integrative four-step approach: (1) ligand-based virtual screening (scaffold-hopping), (2) molecular docking, (3) an analogue search, and, (4) evaluation of scaffold drug-likeness, to identify promising scaffolds and eliminate those with undesirable properties. Overall, we present four novel, and lipophilic, scaffolds obtained from an exhaustive search of diverse and uncharted regions of chemical space, which may be further explored in vitro through structure-activity relationship (SAR) studies in the search for more potent inhibitors. Furthermore, these scaffolds were predicted to have fewer off-target interactions than GRL-0617. Lastly, to our knowledge, this work contains the largest ligand-based virtual screen performed against GRL-0617.
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Togun, V. A., G. O. Farinu, O. O. Ojebiyi, S. A. Ayorinde, and C. O. Majaro. "Growth and Testicular Spermatozoa Reserve Potential Of Pre-pubertal Rabbits Fed With Diet Containing 16% Bovine Rumen Digesta-BIood Meal Mixture (50:50) In combination With 18% Cooked Macuna Bean Meal." Nigerian Journal of Animal Production 36, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 175–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.51791/njap.v36i1.1393.

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The growth response of pre-pubertal rabbits and their gonadal sperm reserve potential at pubertal stage when fed diets containing a combination of 16% (50-50) bovine rumen digesta-blood meal (BRDBM) mixture and 18% cooked mucuna bean (CMBM). This was in replacement of 500/0 of the maize and 50% of the groundnut cake of a pre-pubertal control diet. Twenty-four male rabbits of mixed breed aged between 6-8 weeks and body weight range 900-915g were randomly allocated to two diets: the control (diet 1) and the experimental (diet 2). Daily feed intake (72.4±7.5g vs 64.0±9.1g), total weight gain (518±1g Vs 406±18g) and Terminal live weight (1427±48g vs 1317±410 were significantly (P <0.05) higher in the control than experimental group. Feed to gain ratio in group I was marginally lower (7.5±2.6g Vs 8.5±1.2g) than for diet 2. However, dressing percentage (68.6±7.00/6 Vs 75.4±9.0%) was significantly higher in the rabbits on diet 2 than diet l. The cost per kg of diet Vs as well as the cost per kg live weight gain (N352.6±O.l VsN344.5H).l) was significantly lower for diet 2 than diet l. The paired testes weight (1.8±0.6g Vs 1.9±0.40, daily sperm production (3.6x 108 Vs 3,8x 108) and testicular spermatozoa reserve were marginally higher in rabbit on diet 2 (experimental) than diet 1 (control). The paired epididymal weight for rabbits on diet 2 was significantly (P <0.05) higher (0.6±0.3g Vs 1.2±0.30 than those on diet l, indicating more efficient sperm storage. The hematological measured were not affected (P>O. 05) by the dietary treatments. The non-significant difference (P>O. 05) in the efficiency of sperm production and sperm reserve between the two diets confirmed that the inclusion of these materials, in the diet of rabbits supports the ventures Of increasing animal protein sources through cheaper rabbits production process in Nigeria
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Kuharski, Allen J. "Raised and Written in Contradictions: the Final Interview Jan Kott in conversation with Allen J. Kuharski." New Theatre Quarterly 18, no. 2 (May 2002): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x02000192.

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Jan Kott invited me to conduct this formal ‘final interview’ early in 2001, after I shared with him a draft of the essay ‘Arden and Absolute Milan’ that follows. The essay and the interview were the culmination of over fifteen years of friendship and intermittent writing about Kott, which had extended to the translation of his works. I first met Jan and his wife Lidia at Berkeley in 1986, when they travelled from Los Angeles to see a production of Tadeusz Różewicz's White Marriage that I had directed and designed there, which proved the start of a long personal and professional relationship. I interviewed Kott at his modest apartment in Santa Monica, California, over the weekend of 31 March to 2 April 2001. Lidia had passed away the summer before, and his own health was extremely frail, requiring twenty-four-hour care by a group of charming and attentive Polish-speaking women. He shared his apartment after Lidia's death with an energetic black-and-white kitten, whose energy and mischief amused him greatly. Born in the Chinese Year of the Tiger, he had a cereal box decal of Tony the Tiger stuck next to the name-plate on his apartment door (the name Kott also means ‘cat’ in Polish). He was not able to move about without a nurse and a walking frame, but he nevertheless insisted on inviting me out to dinner in a local Polish restaurant, where he heartily ate a meal of steak tartar and flaczki (Polish tripe soup), accompanied by a shot or two of vodka. His nurse, who was with us, seemed amused but not at all astonished by this performance. Afterwards, he admitted this was his first meal out of the house in months – it was possibly his last. In spite of his physical weakness, Kott's mind remained lucid, and he had clearly rehearsed the interview extensively before our meetings in person. Most of the questions I had prepared proved unnecessary. What is published here is culled from approximately five hours of taped material, which Kott later edited along with myself. I owe a great debt of gratitude to my Philadelphia colleague, Helena Morawska White, for her time and energy in transcribing the taped interviews in Polish, and to Michal Zadara for his careful work in translating the unedited text into English.
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Books on the topic "Two Twenty Two Berkeley Ventures"

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Advisors, Copley Real Estate. Two twenty two berkeley. 1988.

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Advisors, Copley Real Estate. Two twenty two berkeley. 1988.

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Authority, Boston Redevelopment. Prudential financing documents. 1989.

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Bontemps, Arna. Business. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037696.003.0011.

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This chapter focuses on Illinois Negroes who were engaged in business. In 1837, three of the seventy-seven included in Chicago's population of 4,170 were business men. Among them were Lewis Isabel, Abram Hall, John Johnson, Ambrose Jackson, and John Jones. In 1860, there were 1,500 Negroes in the city, and thirty-two of them were involved in business. There were sixteen hairdressers, five barbers, four draymen, three butchers, one hotel keeper, one blacksmith, and one whitewasher. Negro business suffered in the “panic” years of 1867, 1873, and 1876, with many ventures failing. One of the successful Negro businessmen of the following years was Charles H. Smiley, who arrived in 1885, and became one of the city's foremost caterers. Chicago's first Negro millionaire was William Henry Lee, a publisher who owned F. C. Laird. In 1885 there were 110 businesses in Chicago owned and operated by Negroes in twenty-seven fields.
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Storrie, Stefan, ed. Berkeley's Three Dialogues. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198755685.001.0001.

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Published in 1713 when Berkeley was twenty-nine years old, the Three Dialogues between Hylas and Philonous was the last of a trio of works, the others being the New Theory of Vision (1709) and the Principles of Human Knowledge, Part I (1710), that cemented Berkeley’s position as one of the truly great philosophers of the western canon. The dialogues were Berkeley’s most influential philosophical work in the eighteenth century, going through five editions compared to the Principles’ two. It was also, unlike the Principles, translated into French (1750) and German (1756, 1781) and therefore instrumental for spreading Berkeley’s philosophical views on the continent. The Three Dialogues is a dramatization of Berkeley’s philosophy in which the two protagonists, Hylas and Philonous, debate the full range of Berkeleyan themes: the rejection of material substance, the nature of perception and reality, the limits of human knowledge, and his approach to the perceived threats of scepticism, atheism, and immorality. This book is a collection of twelve essays on Berkeley’s Three Dialogues between Hylas and Philonous. The first eight papers have been arranged to broadly follow the general structure of the dialogues; the last four papers consider the work in its broader philosophical context.
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Book chapters on the topic "Two Twenty Two Berkeley Ventures"

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Keats, Jonathon. "Copernicium." In Virtual Words. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195398540.003.0005.

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The only accolade that American chemist Glen T. Seaborg cared for more than winning the Nobel Prize was having an element named in his honor. In 1994 his colleagues gave him that distinction, elevating the Nobel laureate to the status of helium and hydrogen. Over the next fifteen years, six more elements followed seaborgium onto the periodic table, bringing the total to 112. The last, enshrined in 2009, pays homage to Nicolas Copernicus. Unlike Seaborg, Copernicus never sought such a tribute. Having already scored ample name recognition with the Copernican Revolution, he didn’t really need it. If anything, by the time copernicium was recognized as an element, the periodic table needed him. Copernicium is one of twenty elements containing more protons than the ninety-two naturally found in uranium. All twenty are made artificially in laboratories by colliding preexisting elements such as zinc and lead in a particle accelerator or cyclotron. In some ten billion billion bombardments, two protons will fuse to make one atom of a new super-heavy element. Typically the atom is unstable, lasting perhaps a millisecond before decaying into lighter elements again. All of which makes element fabrication a tricky enterprise, nearly as miraculous as alchemy and considerably more contentious. Who synthesized the first atom of an element, and therefore gets to name it? Seaborg’s UC Berkeley laboratory was the only one in the business through the 1940s and 1950s, netting him ten elements, including plutonium, for which he won the 1951 Nobel Prize in Chemistry. By the 1960s, however, there was competition from the Soviets, resulting in the so-called Transfermium Wars. For several decades the periodic table became a political battlefield rather than an intellectual commons. Nothing could have been further from the table’s Enlightenment origins. The product of empirical research and intended to disseminate universal knowledge, a table of presumed elements was first published by the French chemist Antoine Lavoisier in 1789, arranging thirty-three substances, including silver and sulfur and phosphorus, based on observed attributes (such as “Oxydable and Acidifiable simple Metallic Bodies”) rather than according to philosophical precepts.
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Brint, Steven, and Jerome Karabel. "Organizing a National Education Movement: 1900–1945." In The Diverted Dream. Oxford University Press, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195048155.003.0006.

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Of all the changes in American higher education in the twentieth century, none has had a greater impact than the rise of the two-year, junior college. Yet this institution, which we now take for granted, was once a radical organizational innovation. Stepping into an educational landscape already populated by hundreds of four-year colleges, the junior college was able to establish itself as a new type of institution—a nonbachelor’s degree-granting college that typically offered both college preparatory and terminal vocational programs. The junior college moved rapidly from a position of marginality to one of prominence; in the twenty years between 1919 and 1939, enrollment at junior colleges rose from 8,102 students to 149,854 (U.S. Office of Education 1944, p. 6). Thus, on the eve of World War II, an institution whose very survival had been in question just three decades earlier had become a key component of America’s system of higher education. The institutionalization and growth of what was a novel organizational form could not have taken place without the support and encouragement of powerful sponsors. Prominent among them were some of the nation’s greatest universities—among them, Chicago, Stanford, Michigan, and Berkeley—which, far from opposing the rise of the junior college as a potential competitor for students and resources, enthusiastically supported its growth. Because this support had a profound effect on the subsequent development of the junior college, we shall examine its philosophical and institutional foundations. In the late nineteenth century, an elite reform movement swept through the leading American universities. Beginning with Henry Tappan at the University of Michigan in the early 1850s and extending after the 1870s to Nicholas Murray Butler at Columbia, David Starr Jordan at Stanford, and William Rainey Harper at Chicago, one leading university president after another began to view the first two years of college as an unnecessary part of university-level instruction.
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Colby, Jason M. "A Boy and His Whale." In Orca. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190673093.003.0010.

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It was february 1966, and Richard Stroud had seal sex on his mind. A recent graduate of Oregon State University, the Portland-born Stroud had taken a job at the Marine Mammal Biological Laboratory in Seattle. For one of his first field assignments, he had come to Morro Bay to study the reproduction of northern fur seals in their wintering area off the California coast. The primary focus of the lab, which was still administered by the US Fish and Wildlife Service, remained the fur seal harvest on the Pribilof Islands, and its scientists retained close ties to US whaling firms, often chartering their vessels for research. For this seventy-day expedition, Stroud and his colleagues hired the 136-foot whaler Lynnann for the purpose of shooting and dissecting five hundred fur seals under the terms of the 1957 treaty. Stroud also had instructions to kill and examine killer whales when possible. So when the Lynnann passed six orcas off Morro Bay just before noon on February 12, he asked Captain Roy J. “Bud” Newton to follow them. Ordinarily, Newton wouldn’t have bothered with killers. His employer, the Del Monte Fishing Company, focused on fin, sperm, and humpback whales. Located in Richmond, a short drive from Berkeley, the station processed nearly two hundred whales per year. But the whaling season was months away, and the US government was paying for this voyage. Newton wheeled the Lynnann around, and after an hour-long chase, his crew harpooned and killed a large male killer whale. Measuring just under twenty-one feet, it was a healthy specimen, though its teeth seemed unusually worn. Stroud planned to examine the orca’s stomach contents and send its skull and organs to the Seattle lab. Yet he chose not to dissect the carcass in port. Instead, as one reporter explained, Stroud and his fellow researchers “planned to butcher their killer whale Sunday while far out at sea.” The reasons for this decision are unclear. Perhaps they hoped to spare Morro Bay residents the stench of orca innards.
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Gordon, Robert B. "Community, Culture, and Industrial Ecology." In A Landscape Transformed. Oxford University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195128185.003.0013.

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The people who settied northwestern Connecticut created an agricultural surplus that allowed them to undertake industrial ventures within a few years of their arrival. Their knowledge of the mechanical arts, coupled with the region’s natural resources, gave them opportunities to make material goods needed by their neighbors. Successive generations continued industrial use of the region’s natural resources over the next two centuries, each making its own choices about how to structure its enterprise within the framework of values and beliefs held separately by individuals and in common within the community. Each had to respond to changes in markets and the advent of new products and techniques. These opportunities, and the participants’ choices about how to use them, combined to create the region’s industrial ecology. Like the rest of the New England hill country, northwestern Connecticut had two abundant, renewable natural resources: streams with steep gradients and reliable flow for waterpower, and forest that covered the large areas that were too steep or too thinly mantled with soil for decent pasture. Millwrights could easily build waterpower systems on the streams, and farmers could manage the forest for continuous production of fuel wood, since it regrew trees to useful size within about twenty years. Unlike other highlands, however, northwestern Connecticut had a unique mineral resource: iron ore beds unmatched elsewhere in New England. Everyone in the newly settled lands and on the frontiers expanding into Vermont and New York in the early eighteenth century needed iron products. As described in chapter 3, individuals throughout the Salisbury district, aided by family members or fluid partnerships, built bloomery forges that they operated as components of their cropping, husbandry, or mercantile enterprises. Nearly every family in Kent and the other new towns had a partner in one of the forges. Individuals lacking metallurgical skills or access to any capital dug ore or cut wood. Others developed their skills as colliers or millwrights. Negotiated exchanges of labor and services among these artisans promoted interdependence within the community. As the colonists in southern New England increasingly mechanized their grain, timber, and cloth production in the mid—eighteenth century, they brought a new opportunity to the ironmakers of the Salisbury disno trict. By making standard parts for grain mills, sawmills, fulling mills, and oil mills that they could distribute widely, Salisbury ironmakers added value to the bar iron they made and enlarged the scope of their market.
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Conference papers on the topic "Two Twenty Two Berkeley Ventures"

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Berberoglu, Berch. "The Impact of Globalization on Eurasian Economies: Prospects for Development in the 21st Century." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00150.

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The post-Soviet transformation of Eurasian economies over the past two decades has taken place within the context of the globalization process that has affected many countries around the world. Globalization of capital and transformation of these countries in a market-oriented direction through privatization and joint-ventures with foreign capital has had varied effects in growth and development of Eurasian economies. These developments have taken place at various rates and at varying speeds, depending on the country, especially when one contrasts those in Central Asia with other countries in more developed regions of Eurasia, such as Turkey. In Turkey, a hybrid model of development has evolved over several decades -- one that is built on a strong economic base inherited from the past, where heavy state intervention in the economy has led to the development of a viable industrial infrastructure upon which private capital has expanded and benefited immensely. Thus, the Turkish economy can serve as a model for other Eurasian economies that lack the necessary industrial and financial base, but are able to address the region’s economic problems through a partnership with Turkey. Although a common characteristic of Eurasian economies is the adoption of neoliberal economic policies and integration into the global economy, which often has a negative impact on national economies, a careful approach in engaging with the global economy with heavy state support to guide through the process (as in China) could result in a positive outcome that fosters growth and development of the Eurasian region in the twenty-first century.
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