Academic literature on the topic 'Types of clause'

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2006.<br>Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 297-307). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

<p> Wix&aacute;rika, also known as Huichol, is an endangered Uto-Aztecan language spoken in Mexico. Published works on Wix&aacute;rika include articles and brief sketches on different aspects of the grammar; however, much about the language remains unknown. This dissertation presents a systematic description of simple clauses in Wix&aacute;rika, based on eight hours of naturally recorded speech and elicited materials. Using a functional-typological perspective, I explore Wix&aacute;rika&rsquo;s morphosyntactic devices to express different types of events. In keeping with the study of clause types, I also explore the language&rsquo;s morphological devices for modifying the number of arguments. Wix&aacute;rika has five devices that add a core argument into the clause: causatives <i>-tia, -ta, -ya,</i> applicative <i> -ri(e),</i> vowel alternation, lability, and suppletion. Similarly, the language has five devices that reduce the number of arguments: reflexive/reciprocal pronoun prefixes, passive suffixes (<i>-rie, -ya, -wa, -riwa, -tsie</i>), middle voice prefix (<i>yu-</i>), and noun incorporation.</p><p> The overall analysis discusses the implications of the language&rsquo;s system in existing typological theories. Wix&aacute;rika shows to be devoid of any clear-cut boundary between clause types, as proposed in typological studies (Hopper &amp; Thompson 1980; Giv&oacute;n 1984; Stassen 1997; N&aelig;ss 2007; Kittil&auml; 2002). Of particular interest are the prefixes <i> ta-/ti-</i> since they provide more evidence of this scalar nature; the speakers use these prefixes to encode the &lsquo;effectiveness&rsquo; of the action (Cf. Grimes 1964; Iturrioz &amp; G&oacute;mez 2006). These prefixes are explored in relation to other components of transitivity (e.g., the number of arguments and their encoding, tense/aspect/mood, polarity, the individuation of actor and undergoer, and the prefixes <i>ti-/te-</i> &lsquo;distributive subject&rsquo;) in expressing different degrees of transitivity. I show that these components lack co-variation (Cf. Hopper &amp; Thompson), particularly with the prefixes <i>ta-/ti-.</i> However, the presence or absence of the prefixes <i>ta-/ti-</i> and/or the (de)transitivization devices express different degrees of transitivity. Particularly interesting is the fact that Wix&aacute;rika has a tendency to polysynthesis, not common in Southern Uto-Aztecan languages. Therefore, this study not only contributes to a growing understanding of the grammatical system of Wix&aacute;rika but also will clarify the evolution and intra-genetic relations of the Uto-Aztecan family.</p><p>

This work investigates the formal properties of interrogative clauses in standard Italian, in the framework of the cartographic approach (Cinque and Rizzi 2010). In chapter 2 “The syntax of Italian interrogatives” a novel account of interrogative inversion is proposed according to which Italian has T-to-C movement in matrix interrogatives, as originally proposed in Rizzi and Roberts (1989). The starting point is the observation that in Italian, and in other Romance languages as well, overt non-clitic subjects cannot occur in their canonical position (that is in between the wh-phrase and the tensed verb or immediately on the right of the auxiliary/modal verb) in matrix wh-interrogatives. This fact has been explained in different ways over the past thirty years, with the debate focussing on two major points: whether T moves to C or not, and whether Romance preverbal subjects have the same status and target the same position as their Germanic counterparts. Building on theoretical reasoning and empirical evidence, I endorse the idea that the Subject- Agreement field must be split into several layers. I also argue that th Subject criterion (the cartographic rendition of the EPP) involves the satisfaction of two requirements: (i) the licensing of subject-verb agreement, and (ii) the licensing of the referential properties of the subject. Each requirement involves a different position in the Subject-Agreement field, where the lowest node is devoted to subject-verb agreement and Nominative licensing and the highest ones expressing subjectrelated features. I argue that in Null Subject Languages, inversion, independently motivated by the need of typing the clause as interrogative, might also satisfy the second requirement of the Subject Criterion. This fact, I argue, has the effect of allowing the projection of a reduced structure which doesn’t contain the layers usually targeted by preverbal subjects. Chapter 3 “The distribution of wh-items and the path of non criterial movement” investigates how the featural specialization of different left peripheral positions plays a role in wh-movement. Discussing dta involving clefted questions I propose that whenever different wh-items target different left peripheral positions in criterial wh-movement, they also target different positions in non criterial (that is, cyclic) wh-movement. This proposal prompts a novel view of “criterial positions” according to which a position should not be seen as criterial in an absolute sense. Only when the criterial feature projects, a cartographic position gives rise to the usual “criterial” effects. Chapter 4 “Focus and Ellipsis in questions and answers: the case of split questions” deals with so called split questions, that is interrogative structures formed by two parts: a wh-part which corresponds to a standard wh-question and a tag which constitutes a possible answer for that question. Building on previous work by Arregi (2010) I will adopt an ellipsis-based account according to which Split Questions are in fact biclausal structures. In chapter 5 “Rhetorical and «non canonical» questions” I discuss several instances of non standard questions, that is interrogatives which do not, or do not only, inquire for new information but convey further meaning. A natural question is whether the form of non standard questions is exactly the same of true questions, that is whether their peculiar meaning is reflected in the syntax - the null hypothesis from a cartographic viewpoint – or not. In order to address this question I investigate whether rhetorical questions and their non-rhetorical counterparts involve the same layer in the left periphery of the clause or not. Building on Obenauer and Poletto (2000), I endorse the idea that there are structural differences between the left periphery of the two types of questions; in particular I argue that rhetorical questions involve an extra left peripheral position dedicated to the licensing of modal properties. In the second part of the chapter I take into account some properties of non standard interrogative structures in modern Fiorentino. Chapter 6 “Beyond interrogatives: exclamative clauses and the internal syntax of wh-phrases” extends the analysis to wh-exclamatives, which are related to their interrogative counterparts under several respects. After reviewing some recent influential analyses of exclamatives (Zanuttini and Portner 2003, Rett 2008), wh-exclamatives derived from copular structures are discussed. This analysis provides the basis to investigate two aspects of the internal structure of the extended adjectival projection: the distribution of silent fuctional nouns in the spirit of R. Kayne’s recent work and the distribution of modifiers within the extended AP which, perhaps unsurprisingly, seems to follow Cinque’s hierarchy.

Cette thèse décrit comment l'ajout de trois ingrédients à Système Fω permet d'écrire des programmes de façon modulaire dans un système explicite à la Church, tout en gardant un style proche des modules de ML. Le premier chapitre s'intéresse aux types existentiels ouverts, qui confèrent la possibilité d'utiliser des types existentiels sans restriction de portée : cela offre une plus grande flexibilité dans l'organisation des programmes. Le deuxième chapitre est consacré à l'étude des kinds singletons, qui modélisent les définitions de types : dans ce cadre, on donne une caractérisation simple de l'équivalence de types, fondée sur une relation de réduction confluente et fortement normalisante. Le dernier chapitre intègre les deux notions précédentes dans un langage noyau muni d'une relation de sous-typage : cela apporte à Fω un gain de modularité important, de niveau comparable à celui des modules de ML. Une traduction des modules vers ce langage est esquissée, permettant une comparaison précise des deux langages.

Les systèmes basés sur la Théorie des Types prennent une importance considérable tant pour la vérification de programmes qu'en tant qu'outils permettant la preuve formelle de théorèmes mettant en jeu des calculs complexes. Ces systèmes nécessitent aujourd'hui une grande expertise pour être utilisés efficacement. Nous développons des constructions de haut niveau permettant d'utiliser les langages basés sur les théories des types dépendants aussi simplement que les langages de programmation fonctionnels usuels, sans sacrifier pour autant la richesse des constructions disponibles dans les premiers. Nous étudions un nouveau langage permettant l'écriture de programmes certifiés en ne donnant que leur squelette algorithmique et leur spécification. Le typage dans ce système donne lieu à la génération automatique d'obligations de preuve pouvant être résolues a posteriori. Nous démontrons les propriétés métathéoriques essentielles du système, dont les preuves sont partiellement mécanisées, et détaillons son implémentation dans l'assistant de preuve Coq. D'autre part, nous décrivons l'intégration et l'extension d'un système de "Type Classes" venu d'Haskell à Coq via une simple interprétation des constructions liées aux classes dans la théorie des types sous-jacente. Nous démontrons l'utilité des classes de types dépendantes pour la spécification et la preuve et présentons une implémentation économique et puissante d'une tactique de réécriture généralisée basée sur les classes. Nous concluons par la mise en œuvre de l'ensemble de ces contributions lors du développement d'une bibliothèque certifiée de manipulation d'une structure de données complexe, les "Finger Trees"<br>Systems based on dependent type theory are getting considerable attention for the verification of computer programs as well as a practical tool for developing formal mathematical proofs involving complex and expensive computations. These systems still require considerable expertise from the users to be used efficiently. We design high-level constructs permitting to use languages based on dependent type theory as easily as modern functional programming languages, without sacrificing the powerful constructs of the former. We study a new language allowing to build certified programs while writing only their algorithmical squeleton and their specification. Typing in this system gives rise to proof obligations that can be handled interactively a posteriori. We demonstrate the main metatheoretical results on this system, whose proofs are partially mechanized, and present its implementation in the Coq proof assistant. Then we describe an integration and extension of the type classes concept à la Haskell into Coq, providing a simple interpretation of the constructs linked with type classes into the underlying dependent type theory. We demonstrate the usefulness of these dependent type classes for specifications and proofs and present an economical yet powerful implementation of a generalized rewriting tactic based on them. We conclude by employing these contributions in the development of a certified library of a complex data structure called Finger Trees

Ce mémoire est une étude sémantique ayant comme sujet l’utilisation du Present Perfect dans les constructions temporelles introduites par la conjonction since en anglais. Le Simple Past étant la forme verbale la plus fréquente dans ce type de constructions syntaxiques telles que « She has been my friend since we were at school together », le Present Perfect est tout de même parfois utilisé par les interlocuteurs de l’anglais, comme dans « I have known you since I have lived in Quebec City ». Le but de la présente étude est donc de démontrer qu’il existe une certaine corrélation entre l’utilisation du Present Perfect et les différents types d’évènements/prédicats dans ce type de construction. Pour ce faire, la catégorisation des évènements en accomplissements, achèvements, activités, et états décrite par Vendler (1957) sert de base pour classer les 527 contextes de corpus utilisés. Dans ce sens, la signification intrinsèque de chaque type de prédicat, en combinaison avec l’influence d’éléments de durée présents dans la phrase principale tels que « It’s been twenty years since… », a une influence sur quelle forme verbale entre le Present Perfect et le Simple Past est la plus fréquente dans ce type de construction pour chaque type de prédicat. Il deviendra aussi clair que l’utilisation du Present Perfect dans les since-clauses n’est pas si rare qu’on peut le croire. Cependant, il est souvent possible de le remplacer par le Simple Past, ce qui nous amène à nous questionner sur le rôle et l’utilité du Present Perfect dans les propositions introduites par since.<br>This thesis is a semantic study of the behaviour of the Present Perfect in temporal sinceclauses. The Simple Past being the most commonly found verb form in temporal sinceclauses of the kind She has been my friend since we were at school together, there are times when speakers of English use the Present Perfect instead, such as in I have known you since I have lived in Quebec City. The purpose of this study is therefore to show a correlation between the use of the Present Perfect and the different types of events/predicates in this type of construction. To do so, Vendler’s (1957) categorization of events into accomplishments, achievements, activities, and states is used as a basis for the classification of the 527 corpus results examined in this study. In this sense, the intrinsic meaning of each type of predicate, combined with the influence of durational elements in the main clause such as It’s been twenty years since…, has an influence on whether the Present Perfect or the Simple Past is the most frequent verbal form used for each type of predicate. It will also become apparent that the presence of the Present Perfect in since-clauses is not as rare a phenomenon as one might think. However, in some cases, the Present Perfect can be replaced by its counterpart, the Simple Past, leading one to seek the reason for the choice of the Present Perfect in sinceclauses.

Orientador: Dessislava Hristova Kochloukova<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Matemática Estatística e Computação Científica<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T02:25:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_LeonardodeAmorine_D.pdf: 582293 bytes, checksum: ed3c907af5279b8923c782d730bcf1d4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014<br>Resumo: Nesta tese consideramos uma extensão cindida G de um grupo abeliano A por um grupo nilpotente (de classe 2) Q e provamos dois resultados. Primeiro, se Q age nilpotentemente sobre A e G tem tipo FP2, calculamos o sigma invariante de G em dimensão 2. Segundo, se G tem tipo FP4, mostramos que cada quociente de G tem tipo FP4<br>Abstract: In this thesis we consider a split extension G of an abelian group A by a nilpotent group (class 2) Q and prove two results. First, if Q acts nilpotently on A and G has type FP2, compute the sigma invariant of G in dimension 2. Second, if G has type FP4, we show that every quotient G has type FP4<br>Doutorado<br>Matematica<br>Doutora em Matemática