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Journal articles on the topic 'Tzeltal language'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Robinson, Stuart. "Constituent Order in Tenejapa Tzeltal." International Journal of American Linguistics 68, no. 1 (January 2002): 51–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466479.

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2

Robinson, Stuart. "Diccionario Tzeltal de Bachajon Chiapas (review)." Language 79, no. 3 (2003): 668–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2003.0184.

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3

Brown, Penelope. "Questions and their responses in Tzeltal." Journal of Pragmatics 42, no. 10 (October 2010): 2627–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2010.04.003.

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4

Brown, Penelope. "Conversational Structure and Language Acquisition: The Role of Repetition in Tzeltal." Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 8, no. 2 (December 1998): 197–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlin.1998.8.2.197.

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5

Maffi, Lusia. "Tzeltal Maya Affect Verbs: Psychological Salience and Expressive Functions of Language." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 16, no. 2 (June 20, 1990): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v16i2.1674.

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6

Terat López, María, and Alondra Belén Mazariegos Velázquez. "Relato de una experiencia de aprendizaje del español en alumnos hablantes de lengua tseltal." Miscelánea Filosófica αρχή Revista Electrónica 6, no. 16 (September 1, 2022): 18–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31644/mfarchere_v.6;n.16/22-a02.

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This article is part of an investigation about the difficulties presented when learning Spanish by students in the Higher Distance Education (EMSAD) 315 in the community of "Iwiltic" Municipality of San Juan Cancuc Chiapas, who speak a Tseltal indigenous language. The teachers who teach classes do not have knowledge of their Tzeltal language, nor do they develop the habit of writing and reading in their own language, so they develop their knowledge of Spanish in formal education. Its purpose is to identify the difficulties presented by students who speak the Tseltal language to learn Spanish, to propose some didactic strategies that favor the acquisition of a second language and thereby contribute to the better academic performance of students in high school.

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7

ENFIELD, N. J., TANYA STIVERS, PENELOPE BROWN, CHRISTINA ENGLERT, KATARIINA HARJUNPÄÄ, MAKOTO HAYASHI, TRINE HEINEMANN, et al. "Polar answers." Journal of Linguistics 55, no. 2 (September 20, 2018): 277–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226718000336.

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How do people answer polar questions? In this fourteen-language study of answers to questions in conversation, we compare the two main strategies; first, interjection-type answers such asuh-huh(or equivalentsyes,mm, head nods, etc.), and second, repetition-type answers that repeat some or all of the question. We find that all languages offer both options, but that there is a strong asymmetry in their frequency of use, with a global preference for interjection-type answers. We propose that this preference is motivated by the fact that the two options are not equivalent in meaning. We argue that interjection-type answers are intrinsically suited to be the pragmatically unmarked, and thus more frequent, strategy for confirming polar questions, regardless of the language spoken. Our analysis is based on the semantic-pragmatic profile of the interjection-type and repetition-type answer strategies, in the context of certain asymmetries inherent to the dialogic speech act structure of question–answer sequences, including sequential agency and thematic agency. This allows us to see possible explanations for the outlier distributions found in ǂĀkhoe Haiǁom and Tzeltal.

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8

Brown, Penelope, Mark A. Sicoli, and Olivier Le Guen. "Cross-speaker repetition and epistemic stance in Tzeltal, Yucatec, and Zapotec conversations." Journal of Pragmatics 183 (October 2021): 256–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2021.07.005.

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9

Norcliffe, Elisabeth, Agnieszka E. Konopka, Penelope Brown, and Stephen C. Levinson. "Word order affects the time course of sentence formulation in Tzeltal." Language, Cognition and Neuroscience 30, no. 9 (February 17, 2015): 1187–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23273798.2015.1006238.

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10

Brown, Penelope. "Up, down, and across the land: landscape terms, place names, and spatial language in Tzeltal." Language Sciences 30, no. 2-3 (March 2008): 151–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.langsci.2006.12.003.

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11

Robertson, John S. "A Re-Reconstruction of the Ergative 1sg for Common Tzeltal-Tzotzil Based on Colonial Documents." International Journal of American Linguistics 51, no. 4 (October 1985): 555–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/465971.

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12

Robertson, John S. "The Common Beginning and Evolution of the Tense-Aspect System of Tzotzil and Tzeltal Mayan." International Journal of American Linguistics 53, no. 4 (October 1987): 423–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466067.

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13

Lacadena, Alfonso. "Antipassive Constructions in the Maya Glyphic Texts." Language and Dialect in the Maya Hieroglyphic Script 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2000): 155–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.3.1.08lac.

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The Classic Maya hieroglyphic texts of the Southern Lowlands provide morphological and syntactic evidence for antipassive constructions. Two sets of signs, wa/wi and ni, are involved in the relevant spellings, probably rendering suffixes of the shape -(V)w and -(V)n. These two suffixes are related to attested Tzeltalan and Ch’olan antipassive suffixes, and they have ancestors reconstructible for proto-Greater Tzeltalan. Other Mayan languages outside Greater Tzeltalan also have cognate -(V)w and -(V)n antipassive suffixes. The proto-Mayan ancestors have been reconstructed as *-(V)w and *-(V)n (Smith-Stark 1978) or *-(o)w ~ *-(a)w and *-o-an ~ *-an (Kaufman 1986).

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14

Mora-Marín, David F. "KAMINALJUYU STELA 10: Script classification and linguistic affiliation." Ancient Mesoamerica 16, no. 1 (January 2005): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536105050029.

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This paper examines various lines of evidence for the classification and linguistic affiliation of writing at Late Preclassic Kaminaljuyu. The linguistic evidence for the ethnic composition of the Maya highlands and Pacific slopes during the Late Preclassic period points to contact among Ch'olan-Tzeltalan, Greater K'iche'an, and other non-Mayan languages, and to a dominant political economic role of Ch'olan-Tzeltalan. The epigraphic evidence supports classifying the script together with the Lowland Mayan script, and separately from the Epi-Olmec script, and hints at the presence of uniquely Ch'olan traits, some of which have been pointed out by other authors. A comparison with contemporaneous texts of unambiguous Lowland Mayan (Ch'olan or Yukatekan) affiliation suggests an overlap of orthographic, calligraphic, and semantic traits. Both lines of evidence support the hypotheses that Ch'olan-Tzeltalan speakers were the innovators of the Maya script, and that such a development perhaps took place in the Maya highlands. At the very least, the evidence points to a much closer relationship between the Maya highlands and lowlands during the Late Preclassic than previously thought.

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15

Macri, Martha J. "Numeral Classifiers and Counted Nouns in the Classic Maya Inscriptions." Language and Dialect in the Maya Hieroglyphic Script 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2000): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.3.1.03mac.

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Yucatecan, Ch’olan, and Tzeltalan languages have numeral classifiers which obligatorily follow numbers. Although such classifiers are not present in every number expression, several numeral classifiers occur frequently in the Classic Maya inscriptions. The most common of them, the period glyphs, constitute a feature which distinguishes Maya inscriptions from Mixe-Zoquean inscriptions, since the classifiers required in Mayan languages do not occur in Mixe-Zoquean languages. Any glyph immediately following bar/dot numbers should be examined carefully for that possibility. Several morphemes which immediately follow numbers are discussed here, and evaluated for the likelihood of their having functioned as classifiers.

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16

Robertson, John S., and Danny Law. "From Valency to Aspect in the Ch’olan-Tzeltalan Family of Mayan." International Journal of American Linguistics 75, no. 3 (July 2009): 293–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/604702.

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17

Becquelin, Aurore. ""Dans les Pas de Nos Pères et de Nos Mères, Semés par le Seigneur...:" Notes de Sémantique Tzeltale." International Journal of American Linguistics 51, no. 4 (October 1985): 341–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/465885.

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18

Mora‐Marín, David F., and Melissa Frazier. "The Historical Reconstruction of Greater Tzeltalan (Mayan) Vowel Assimilation and Vowel Raising Patterns." Transactions of the Philological Society 119, no. 2 (June 28, 2021): 182–240. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-968x.12212.

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19

Cruz-Salazar, Tania. "Young Tzeltal Migrants from the Ejido to California’s Cities." Latin American Perspectives, February 9, 2023, 0094582X2311542. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x231154218.

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The meaning of “youth” is changing among young Tzeltal migrants from Chiapas, Mexico, living in the U.S. state of California. Migration improves young people’s condition in terms of work, leisure time, and cultural consumption. A study based on ethnographic data, interviews, questionnaires, and participant observation undertaken in 2011, 2013, and 2016 shows how the material resources to which these migrants have access are directed toward building a unique youth style based on aesthetics and language that can be called the “Tzeltal jungle cowboy.” El significado del concepto “juventud” está cambiando entre los jóvenes migrantes tzeltales de Chiapas, México, que viven en el estado de California en Estados Unidos. La migración mejora las condiciones de vida de los jóvenes debido a su acceso al trabajo, tiempo libre y consumo cultural. Un estudio hecho en base a datos etnográficos, entrevistas, cuestionarios y observación participante realizado en 2011, 2013 y 2016 nos muestra cómo los recursos materiales a los que tienen acceso estos migrantes se dirigen a construir un estilo juvenil único basado en la estética y el lenguaje que podría denominarse el “vaquero Tzeltal de la selva”.

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20

BROWN, PENELOPE. "Children’s first verbs in Tzeltal: evidence for an early verb category." Linguistics 36, no. 4 (1998). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling.1998.36.4.713.

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21

LEVINSON, STEPHEN C. "Vision, shape, and linguistic description: Tzeltal body-part terminology and object description." Linguistics 32, no. 4-5 (1994). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling.1994.32.4-5.791.

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22

BROWN, PENELOPE. "The INs and ONs of Tzeltal locative expressions: the semantics of static descriptions of location." Linguistics 32, no. 4-5 (1994). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling.1994.32.4-5.743.

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23

Brown, Penelope. "‘She had just cut/broken off her head’: Cutting and breaking verbs in Tzeltal." Cognitive Linguistics 18, no. 2 (January 19, 2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cog.2007.019.

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24

Sánchez Carrillo, Óscar. "CUERPO, CH’ULEL Y LAB ELEMENTOS DE LA CONFIGURACIÓN DE LA PERSONA TSELTAL EN YAJALÓN, CHIAPAS." Revista Pueblos y fronteras digital 2, no. 4 (December 1, 2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cimsur.18704115e.2007.4.222.

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El presente artículo tiene el propósito de analizar la relación de las diferentes entidades anímicas y su contraparte corporal, chanul, que configuran e integran a la persona tseltal de las comunidades del municipio de Yajalón, Chiapas. El objetivo es enunciar las representaciones y/o nociones de los actores sobre el cuerpo y sus entidades anímicas residentes: el ch’ulel y lab entre otras criaturas, yalak’, que lo habitan. Así la persona se configura con el único propósito de trazar la línea de la vida y su destino en el Balumilal-Tierra-Cosmos. No es de extrañar que en el lenguaje sagrado, k’opontik Dios, en las oraciones y cánticos de los diferentes ritos religiosos y terapéuticos se establezca un paralelismo entre el cuerpo humano y la Tierra humanizada, espacio en cuyo interior residen una extraordinaria cantidad de seres sobrenaturales que la habitan, yalak’ y chambalam, y al mismo tiempo tolera a los hombres y animales en su superficie. ABSTRACT The present article pretends to analyze the relation of different spiritual entities and their corporal (body-) counterpart, that configure and shape the tzeltal person from the communities of Yajalon (county in northern Chiapas). The objective is to enounce the conceptions which the subjects have about the body and his animic entities that reside within: amongst others, the ch’ulel and lab creatures. With the animic entities the person configures itself with the only purpose to trace the line of his life and his destiny in the Balumilal – which means Earth and Cosmos. It is not surprising that the sacred language –K’opontik Dios-, in the prayers and songs of different religious and therapeutic rituals, establishes a parallelism between the human body and the humanized Earth. The earth is perceived as a space which encloses an extraordinary quantity of supernatural beings (yalak’ and chambalam) and at the same time, as one that tolerates humans and animals on its surface.

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25

Pelkey, Jamin. "Upright posture and the meaning of meronymy: A synthesis of metaphoric and analytic accounts." Cognitive Semiotics 11, no. 1 (May 25, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cogsem-2018-0003.

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Abstract Cross-linguistic strategies for mapping lexical and spatial relations from body partonym systems to external object meronymies (as in English ‘table leg,’ ‘mountain face’) have attracted substantial research and debate over the past three decades. Due to the systematic mappings, lexical productivity, and geometric complexities of body-based meronymies found in many Mesoamerican languages, the region has become focal for these discussions, prominently including contrastive accounts of the phenomenon in Zapotec and Tzeltal, leading researchers to question whether such systems should be explained as global metaphorical mappings from bodily source to target holonym or as vector mappings of shape and axis generated “algorithmically.” I propose a synthesis of these accounts in this paper by drawing on the species-specific cognitive affordances of human upright posture grounded in the reorganization of the anatomical planes, with a special emphasis on antisymmetrical relations that emerge between arm-leg and face-groin antinomies cross-culturally. Whereas Levinson argues that the internal geometry of objects “stripped of their bodily associations” (1994: 821) is sufficient to account for Tzeltal meronymy, making metaphorical explanations entirely unnecessary, I propose a more powerful, elegant explanation of Tzeltal meronymic mapping that affirms both the geometric-analytic and the global-metaphorical nature of Tzeltal meaning construal. I do this by demonstrating that the “algorithm” in question arises from the phenomenology of movement and correlative body memories — an experiential ground that generates a culturally selected pair of inverse contrastive paradigm sets with marked and unmarked membership emerging antithetically relative to the transverse anatomical plane. These relations are then selected diagrammatically for the classification of object orientations according to systematic geometric iconicities. Results not only serve to clarify the case in question but also point to the relatively untapped potential that upright posture holds for theorizing the emergence of human cognition, highlighting in the process the nature, origins and theoretical validity of markedness and double scope conceptual integration.

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