Journal articles on the topic 'U.S. Senate'

The Filibuster, more a historical coincidence than a deliberate innovation, is one of the most powerful tools of minorities in the U .S . Senate . Historically known for never-ending talking marathons, it transformed the contemporary Senate into a supermajority institution undermined by partisan obstruction . The unilateral elimination of the Filibuster for nominations in 2013 and 2017, while symbolizing the breakdown of institutional norms in the Senate, demonstrates the enormous pressure faced by majorities to deliver substantial partisan successes to their base . Given the prospects for comprehensive rules reform, the future of the Filibuster is in doubt . A majoritarian Senate, while strengthening a majority party in unified control of government, could induce a broader reform movement, as it might reveal a “crisis of legitimacy” of equal federal representation in a polarized two-party system . [ZParl, vol . 50 (2019), no . 4, pp . 830 - 851]

The 2018 Congressional elections ended with an ambivalent result for both the Democrats and Republicans . The turnout recorded the best result in almost a century . The Democrats were able to recapture a significant majority in the U .S . House of Representatives by winning particularly among white and female voters while solidifying their support among Democrats-leaning groups like African-Americans and Hispanics . The Republicans were not only able to defend their slim majority in the U .S . Senate but even increased their majority by two seats . The current 116th Congress, especially the House of Representatives, represents the most diverse make-up in history . At the same time, it is one of the politically least experienced . Under the current conditions of divided government an intensified confrontation between the Democrats in the House of Representatives and President Trump can be expected . Moreover, the forthcoming 2020 presidential election already casts its shadows . [ZParl, vol . 50 (2019), no . 4, pp . 810 - 829]

Jurisdictions are the defining characteristics of committee systems, and they are central in any discussions about the U. S. Congress; yet we know little about them. Where do committee property rights come from? Are they rigid? Are they flexible? I introduce a distinction between statutory jurisdictions (which are written in the House and Senate Rules) and common law jurisdictions (which emerge through bill referral precedents). Turf is gained through common law advances, not through formal rules changes (like the “reforms” passed by the House in 1946, 1974, and 1980). Jurisdictional change is ongoing and incremental. The analysis draws on an examination of hearings held by the House Commerce Committee from 1947 through 1990.

Author, lecturer, and long-time liberal Democrat S.I. Hayakawa joined the faculty of San Francisco State College in 1955. A general semanticist, he became acting president of the school during the student strike of 1968-69, and rode the fame generated then into the U..S Senate as a hard-nosed Republican. He was not an effective senator and served only one term, becoming infamous for sleeping during meetings. He also justified the World War II internment of Japanese Americans and Canadians and favored declaring English America's national language. His later image as an anti-immigrant bumbler seems a parody of the man, but an evaluation of the sum of his accomplishments suggests there was much more to him than his opponents concede.

Existing approaches to measuring political disagreement from text data perform poorly except when applied to narrowly selected texts discussing the same issues and written in the same style. We demonstrate the first viable approach for estimating legislator-specific scores from the entire speech corpus of a legislature, while also producing extensive information about the evolution of speech polarization and politically loaded language. In the Irish Dáil, we show that the dominant dimension of speech variation is government–opposition, with ministers more extreme on this dimension than backbenchers, and a second dimension distinguishing between the establishment and anti-establishment opposition parties. In the U. S. Senate, we estimate a dimension that has moderate within-party correlations with scales based on roll-call votes and campaign donation patterns; however, we observe greater overlap across parties in speech positions than roll-call positions and partisan polarization in speeches varies more clearly in response to major political events.

On 11 September 1941, U..S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt took to the airwaves to warn his country that “Hitler's advance guards” were readying “footholds, bridgeheads in the New World, to be used as soon as he has gained control of the oceans.” The most recent sign that the Nazis were coming, the president told his rapt national audience, was the discovery of “secret airlanding fields in Colombia, within easy range of the Panama Canal.”In Bogotá, the response was pandemonium. U.S. ambassador Spruille Braden, astonished that “the President has gone out on a limb with this statement,” sent his staff scrambling across German-owned farms and rice fields to try to produce evidence for the assertion ex post facto. Colombian President Eduardo Santos scoffed at Roosevelt's claim, telling Braden, “in the final analysis all of Colombia is a great potential airport.” A resentful Colombian Senate voted unanimously that no such airfields existed (that Colombia had fulfilled its responsibility to defend against the Axis menace). In Washington, Secretary of State Cordell Hull was forced to call in Colombia's Ambassador Gabriel Turbay to express “the very deep regret of the President, of myself and of our Government” for the “unintentional reference.”

Small arms delivering chemical or biological payloads have been developed by a number of states in the modern era. As the war in Vietnam was intensifying in the mid-1960s, the U. S. Army became aware of one such weapon system being developed by MBAssociates of San Ramon, California. This could silently and covertly deliver non-lethal tranquilisers to military guard dogs or lethal toxins to enemy personnel by projecting a tiny, dartlike ‘Javette’—capable of striking a target unnoticed. The Army’s Special Operations Division, Army Biological Warfare Laboratories, and the CIA subsequently acquired the new weapon, operationalising it by treating Javettes with deadly toxins such as saxitoxin. When, in 1969–1970, President Richard Nixon renounced the United States’ use of toxins and ordered stockpiles destroyed, the MBAssociates weapon was catapulted into the limelight through the actions of an unscrupulous CIA employee. This article traces the full arc of Javette development, from the predecessor experiments conducted by Robert Mainhardt and his colleagues beginning in 1960, through the Senate hearings conducted by the Church Committee in 1975, to Mainhardt’s final attempts to generate government sales in the 1990s. The author focuses on the little-known Javette projectiles themselves, but also addresses delivery devices (handguns), toxins, and the broader historical context.

Dans la pr?sente ?tude nous analysons les formes de la d?clinaison des pronoms f?minins au singulier dans les parlers du Sud-Ouest du Kosovo et de la Metochie. Dans les limites de la zone ?tudi?e, on distingue deux corpus dialectiques: a) Celui de Prizren - Sud de la Morava qui pr?sente dans la d?clinaison des pronoms f?minins au singulier certaines formes nouvelles caract?ristiques des parlers du type Kosovo - Resava; b) celui du Nord de la montagne Sara, dans lequel n'apparaissent pas ces nouvelles formes. Nous ?tudions s'il existe ou non analogie morphologique entre les formes des substantifs f?minins au singulier et celles des pronoms et adjectifs s'accordant avec eux ( dadi stare zene: dadi starejzi zene dadi stari zeni: dadi starojzi zeni: dadi starojzi zene; ot stare zene: ot starejzi zene: ot starejze zene / ot staru zenu). En analysant les relations morphologiques dans la d?clinaison des pronoms nous avons accorde une attention particuli?re au nouveau ph?nom?ne d'assimilation des formes du g?nitif fem.sing./datif fem.sing./locatif fem.sing., la forme du datif a particule s'?tendant au g?nitif sing. et au locatif sing., ainsi qu'au ph?nom?ne d'assimilation du datif sing. et accusatif sing./ cas r?gime avec la forme du datif qui s'?tend a l'accusatif. .

(francuski) Le travail est consacre aux observations sur l'architecture de l'?glise Saint-Georges ? Gornji Kozjak d'apr?s les notes et les dessins faits par l'auteur lors de sa visite du monument. Le texte comporte ?galement des ?crits pr?c?dents sur le monument, notamment ceux de la monographic de St. Mihailov. Le texte pr?sente une intepretation nouvelle de l'id?e du constructeur de Saint-Georges. Prenant pour base le texte de G. Babic et M. Suput sur l'Eglise du Roi a Studenica, l'auteur conclut que celle de Saint Georges est construite selon l'id?e id?ale du temple ? une coupole, connue du texte authentique de l'hymne Syrien sur l'architecture de l'?glise cath?drale ? Edessa. L'auteur est d'avis qu'il faut en principe consid?rer ? part les temples de conception similaire, savoir ceux ? coupole surplombant un espace cubique r?gulier. .

Prijašnja su istraživanja pokazala da prilikom glasovanja na političkim izborima birači uzimaju u obzir fizičke karakteristike političkih kandidata. Primjerice, birači češće glasaju za političare koje na temelju lica percipiraju kao kompetentnije. Također, kandidati koji izgledaju dominantnije i muževnije imaju veću prednost kod konzervativnijih birača. Budući da se omjer širine i visine lica pokazao prediktorom procjena muževnosti i dominantnosti, cilj je ovoga istraživanja bio ispitati doprinos navedenoga omjera u predviđanju ishoda stvarnih političkih izbora. U tu je svrhu korištena baza digitalnih fotografija lica političkih kandidata za Kongres (Senat i Zastupnički dom) i mjesto guvernera Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, a koji se mogu podijeliti u dvije kategorije ovisno o pripadnosti Demokratskoj, odnosno Republikanskoj stranci. Na temelju prikupljenih fotografija izračunani su omjeri širine i visine lica za ukupno 259 kandidata i 52 kandidatkinje. Nizom linearnih i binarnih regresijskih analiza, uz kontrolu spola kandidata, pripadnosti stranci, tipa izbora te vrste kandidature (reizbor ili prva kandidatura), nije utvrđeno da omjer širine i visine lica predviđa ishod izbora i proporciju osvojenih glasova. U pokušaju objašnjenja neočekivanih nalaza u obzir je uzeto nekoliko aspekata s ciljem pružanja smjernica za buduća istraživanja.

ABSTRACT Advances in head and neck reconstruction techniques have improved the results in function and the aesthetic outcome. Several flaps with different composition are available for specific reconstruction to achieve optimum result. Sensate free tissue transfer, dental rehabilitation and epiphyseal transfer for pediatric mandible are also now possible to achieve better function. The specific choice of the flap according to the region of defect and important keypoints in harvesting and reconstruction strategy for head and neck cancer are based on our experience in the last two decades. How to cite this article Baliarsing AS, Thorat TS, Gupta A, Bhat U, Garg S, Bhattacharyya D. Flap Selection in Head and Neck Cancer Reconstruction. Int J Otorhinolaryngol Clin 2013;5(2):63-76.

Auktor ovoga rada utvrdio je početkom 2005. godine da prijepis jedne pjesme Klaudija Klaudijana (Claudius Claudianus, oko 370/75 – oko 404) na posljednjim stranicama glasovitoga trogirskog kodeksa (Codex Parisiensis lat. 7989 olim Traguriensis) potječe od Marulićeve ruke. To otkriće ponukalo ga je da temeljito istraži čitav kodeks, što je dovelo do zaključaka koji imaju znatne implikacije ne samo za marulićevsku filologiju, nego i za povijest toga znamenitog rukopisa uopće. Te će se novosti izložiti na drugom mjestu. Tema je ovog rada Marulićev prijepis Klaudijanove pjesme Feniks (Phoenix, Carm. min. 27), a u njemu se pokušava odgovoriti na tri pitanja. Iz kojeg predloška je Marulić prepisao tekst? Kada je prijepis nastao? Čime je bio motiviran? (Drugačije rečeno: zašto je Maruliću Klaudijan važan; zašto je prepisao baš tu pjesmu?) U nedostatku drugih podataka, odgovor na prvo pitanje temelji se na tekstološkoj i paleografskoj analizi prijepisa. Pomoću njih dolazi se do zaključka da je Marulićev predložak bio rukopis, a ne tiskano izdanje. Na temelju usporedbe duktusa u prijepisu Feniksa s drugim Marulićevim autografima, od kojih se neki mogu barem približno datirati, ustanovljuje se da prijepis Feniksa vjerojatno potječe iz osamdesetih godina 15. st. Čvršća uporišta moguće je naći za odgovor na treće pitanje. Marulić je Klaudijanu posvetio dvije stranice svoje epigrafičke rasprave In epigrammata priscorum commentarius. Prepisavši natpis (CIL VI 1710 = Dessau 2949) što ga je rimski Senat postavio u čast Klaudijanu još za njegova života, Marulić je u svojem popratnom komentaru izrekao kratku ali nedvosmislenu pohvalu rimskom pjesniku: on je dostojan usporedbe s prethodnicima, a nadmašuje potonje pjesnike. Nije moguće utvrditi je li Marulić Klaudijana smatrao kršćaninom ili poganinom. No zato je pripovijest o bajoslovnoj ptici feniksu, koja uskrisuje iz vlastitoga pepela, za kršćane oduvijek nosila simbolično značenje Kristova uskrsnuća. Takvo značenje Maruliću zasigurno nije bilo nepoznato. Kršćanska simboličnost teme kao i visoko mišljenje o Klaudijanu kao pjesniku bili su dostatnim razlogom da splitski humanist prepiše Feniksa na prazne stranice svojega dragocjenog kodeksa. U prilogu se donosi prvo izdanje Marulićeva prijepisa Klaudijanove pjesme.

(francuski) Le d?veloppement et le renforcement de l'Etat serbe se sont traduits par l'?tablissement de contacts intenses, et sur un vaste plan, tant avec les ?tats voisins qu'avec des contr?es plus ?loign?es, ouvrant ainsi la voie ? de fortes influences originaires du monde byzantin et des pays d'Europe centrale et occidentale. L'id?ologie imp?riale, d'une part, et la culture aulique ainsi que celle fond?e sur les id?aux de la chevalerie, d'autre part, se sont rencontr?es sur le territoire serbe o? leurs traces s'entrem?lent dans la diplomatique, les monnayages mais aussi dans la vie quotidienne. Une de ces traces particuli?res est assur?ment constitu?e par l'apparition et l'emploi de l'h?raldique. De nombreux exemples de blasons repr?sent?s sur des sceaux, des monnaies, des monuments fun?raires, des parures, des v?tements et de la vaisselle r?v?lent l'importance conf?r?e ? l'h?raldique en Serbie m?di?vale o? cet art re?oit une place ? part enti?re sous le r?gne de Stefan Dusan. Cette p?n?tration de l'h?raldique est parfaitement attest?e par le sceau et les monnaies de ce souverain sur lesquels l'image du blason ainsi que les repr?sentations simplifi?es de divers attributs rev?tent un r?le de tout premier plan. Il convient ?galement de mentionner ici la place importante de l'h?raldique parmi les seigneurs de Stefan Dusan, laquelle est attest?e, entre autres monuments, par la dalle fun?raire du vo?vode Nikola Stanjevic ? Konca, la repr?sentation du casque avec lambrequins d'Orest, un des puissants vassaux de l'empereur, visible sur une tour ? Serr?s, une ceinture du s?bastocrator (?) Branko, etc. Tous ces exemples t?moignent de l'instauration d'une culture fond?e sur les id?aux de la chevalerie et aulique ? l'?poque de Stefan Dusan, qui ?tait assur?ment li?e au r?le important jou? par les puissants et l'arm?e. Les changements r?els et profonds alors survenus sont ?galement parfaitement attest?s par l'apposition de symboles h?raldiques sur les monuments fun?raires. Cette pratique a trouv? sa pleine expression sur le monument fun?raire de l'empereur Dusan qui a ?t? rehauss? d'un gisant ? personnification du d?funt rev?tu de tous les attributs du pouvoir corporels et t?moignage de sa puissance, o? cette statue mortuaire est un emprunt propre ? l'Europe occidentale. La p?n?tration des symboles h?raldiques s'est effectu?e sous l'influence importante, voire capitale, des chevaliers et mercenaires allemands recrut?s par la cour de Stefan Dusan, avec ? leur t?te le chevalier Palman. Cette th?se trouve en sa faveur les symboles h?raldiques m?mes relev?s en Serbie, qui, par leur caract?re, appartiennent ? l'h?ritage de l'h?raldique germanique ? teutonique, ainsi que les nombreuses analogies avec les insignes repr?sent?s dans Le r?le d'armes de Zurich dat? vers 1340. Sur la base du mat?riel disponible il reste difficile de dire dans quelle mesure l'h?raldique et l'esprit inspir? de l'id?al de la chevalerie ont p?n?tr? dans les strates inf?rieures de la soci?t?. De nombreux documents, avant tout ?crits, attestent assur?ment toute l'importance alors conf?r?e au blason. Sur la base des monuments conserv?s il est d?j? possible de conclure ? l'existence de certaines r?gles et principes h?raldiques: le blason compos? d'un ?cu orn? d'une ?roue?, d'un casque avec cimier repr?sente par un cousin, une rosette et un plumet, apparaissant sur une monnaie de Stefan Dusan, respectivement la repr?sentation de ces m?mes ?l?ments sans ?cu sur d'autres monnaies mais aussi sur le sceau de ce m?me souverain r?v?lent clairement que les repr?sentations h?raldiques avaient trouv? place dans la symbolique du pouvoir royal, respectivement imp?rial en Serbie m?di?vale. Par ailleurs, l'utilisation d'une symbolique h?raldique reprenant les m?mes embl?mes sur les monnaies de l'empereur Uros, du serviteur Branko, du joupan Nikola Altomanovic, Djuradj 1er Balsic, Vuk Brankovic et Jakov ne fait que confirmer l'importance des repr? sentations h?raldiques chez les dynastes serbes. L'?tape suivante dans le d?veloppement de l'h?raldique est constitu?e par l'apparition de nouveaux symboles h?raldiques li?s ? certaines familles et r?gions, tel que le symbole compos? d'un casque cimier associ? ? une repr?sentation de l'imp?ratrice apparaissant sur des monnaies de l'empereur Uros, de l'imp?ratrice Jelena, du roi Vukasin et de la reine Jelena, symbole que nous trouvons ?galement sur un sceau du roi Vukasin. C'est sous une m?me lumi?re qu'il convient ?galement de voir la marque familiale des Balsic qui sera reprise parmi les seigneurs et petits seigneurs, tout particuli?rement sur le territoire de Kosovo, ? en juger par les nombreuses trouvailles de bagues sceaux sur ce territoire. Une place particuli?re revient aux blasons familiales des Lazarevic ayant pour motif principal un casque avec cornes de veau qui appara?t sur des sceaux et des monnaies du prince Lazar, et qui ? l'?poque de Stefan Lazarevic formera un symbole h?raldique complet associ? ? l'image d'un aigle bic?phale aux ailes d?ploy?es repr?sent? sur un ?cu, des monnaies ou sous forme de cimier sur un casque, sur un sceau. Ce m?me embl?me a ?t? un bref temps gard? par Djuradj Brankovic sur un rare dinar, avant de le remplacer par un ?cu orn? d'une bande diagonale et d'un lys dans chaque champ libre, associ? ?galement ? un casque avec cimier en forme de lion sur un sceau conserv?. D'apr?s ce sceau exceptionnel Lazar Brankovic a adopt? le lion ? embl?me familial ? qui orne l'?cu et le cimier. Durant cette p?riode le r?le de la culture fond?e sur les id?aux de la chevalerie et aulique jouait un r?le significatif comme l'atteste le fait que le despote Stefan ?tait membre de l'ordre de chevalerie du Dragon cr?? par le roi de Hongrie Sigismond et que c'est en cette qualit? et en qualit? de souverain qu'il adoubait des chevaliers. D'apr?s les dires de Konstantin Filozof des ?occidentaux? venaient ? la cour de Serbie pour que le despote les ?couronne? en tant que chevalier. On note dans l'h?raldique serbe m?di?vale le m?lange de deux symboles ? le blason des chevaliers allemands et l'embl?me imp?rial. Le blason repr?sentait un symbole des armes au sens originel de cette notion alors que l'aigle bic?phale ?tait consid?r? comme le symbole du souverain, ?national?. Ce symbole a eu, dans une premi?re p?riode, une signification id?ologique et symbolique ? la base de laquelle se trouvait le rattachement de la dynastie serbe ? la famille byzantine r?gnante. L'aigle bic?phale, ? en juger par ses mod?les iconographiques, a ?volu? en marque du souverain, pour, dans une derni?re phase de son ?volution, ? l'?poque des despotes, recevoir la signification d'un symbole h?raldique. Celui-ci impliquait le droit ? h?riter du tr?ne et de l'empire serbes repr?sent?s par l'image de l'aigle bic?phale embl?me reconnaissable sur la carte d'Angelin Dulcert de 1339 et sur le sceau de Tvrtko 1er. La manifestation parall?le de fortes influences originaires d'Occident et de Byzance se refl?te ?galement dans le mausol?e de Stefan Dusan o? le monument fun?raire de ce souverain, en forme de gisant, c?toyait des fresques ex?cut?es selon le programme et l'iconographie byzantines. Nous retrouvons ?galement cette symbiose sur de nombreuses ?missions mon?taires ? commencer par celles du r?gne de l'empereur Uros avec repr?sentations de symboles h?raldiques d'un c?t? et de l'empereur ? cheval tenant un sceptre de l'autre c?t?, repr?sentation qui peut ind?niablement ?tre li?e ? l'id?ologie imp?riale byzantine. La question se pose de savoir si la Serbie m?di?vale a vu se d?velopper des symboles nationaux ayant pu conduire ? la cr?ation de son propre blason. Les diff?rentes repr?sentations de blasons enregistr?es ? partir du r?gne du roi Dusan, en passant par les dynastes serbes, jusqu'? l'?poque du despote Lazar Brankovic semblent ?tre en faveur du d?veloppement d'une h?raldique familiale, alors que l'id?e d'un symbole national n'a m?ri que progressivement pour recevoir sa pleine forme apr?s la chute du despotat, assur?ment en tant qu'expression d'une aspiration ? la r?alisation du renouveau de l'Etat serbe. Cette id?e ?tait li?e ? l'embl?me de l'aigle bic?phale ? symbole national ? et aux symboles h?raldiques ? embl?mes de l'h?ritage byzantin, europ?en mais aussi serbe.

PRIKAZI – REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. IZVJEŠĆA SA ZNANSTVENIH SKUPOVA - CONFERENCE REPORTS 3rd International Conference CLIMATE CHANGES: THE KARST RECORDS III, 11.-15. svibnja 2003., Montpellier, Francuska Od 11. do 15. svibnja 2003. u Montpellieru (Francuska) održana je treća međunarodna konferencija Climate Changes: The Karst Records III. Prvi ovakav skup održan je 1996. u Bergenu (Norveška), sljedeći 2000. u Krakowu (Poljska), nakon čega je zbog pojačanog interesa za ovu tematiku, a time i veće znanstvene produkcije, dogovoreno da se konferencija održava svaku treću godinu. Nakon Franuske (2003.), za domaćina konferencije 2006. godine predložena je Rumunjska. Ovaj skup okupio je znanstvenike iz 27 država sa 6 kontinenata koji su kroz 62 usmena izlaganja i 37 postera prezentirali svoja recentna znanstvena dostignuća iz područja paleoklimatologije temeljena na istraživanju krša, točnije speleoloških objekata i njihovih akumulacijskih oblika – siga. Sige, prepoznate kao medij koji zbog zaštićenosti i stabilnih mikroklimatskih uvjeta vrlo dobro "pamti" klimatska stanja šireg okoliša za vrijeme taloženja (a osim toga su i puno dostupnije od jezgri dubokomorskih bušotina i polarnih ledenih pokrova), zadnjih su desetljeća u središtu znanstvenog interesa različitih znanstvenih disciplina. Stoga su i teme radova bile doista raznolike; najveći je dio radova obuhvaćao paleoklimatske varijacije utvrđene na temelju omjera stabilnih izotopa siga iz gotovo svih klimatskih područja, te njihovo datiranje različitim metodama. Sige kao objekt istraživanja bile su obrađene i vezano uz petrografska svojstva, fluidne inkluzije, luminiscenciju, sezonske varijacije intenziteta taloženja itd., dok se kod speleoloških objekata proučavao stupanj okršavanja, utjecaj tektonike, špiljski sedimenti kao i paleontološki i arheološki nalazi. Dio radova obuhvaćao je rezultate monitoringa trenutnog stanja špilja, hidrologije, geokemije, atmosferskih uvjeta itd., a bilo je riječi i o promjenama morske razine kao posljedici klimatskih fluktuacija tijekom geološke prošlosti.Osim već tiskane knjige izvadaka u pripremi je i zbornik, dok se u međuvremenu kvalitetniji radovi recenzirani tiskaju u respektabilnom časopisu Francuskoga geološkog društva Bulletin de la Société Géologique de France.A gdje je Hrvatska, zemlja "klasičnog krša", u svemu tome? Država s 46% nacionalnog teritorija prekrivenog kršem (26000 km2) i još mnogo više pod morem, bila je zastupljena samo s jednim (1) radom – zapaženim, ali gotovo "pionirskim" u odnosu na radove sofisticiranih laboratorija i instituta zapadnih zemalja. Rad Isotope records in submarine speleothems from the Adriatic Coast, Croatia, autora Maše Surić, Nade Horvatinčić, Axela Suckowa, Mladena Juračića i Jadranke Barešić, analizira paleoklimatske promjene na istočnoj obali Jadrana koje su kroz omjere stabilnih izotopa kisika i ugljika ostale zabilježene u danas potopljenim sigama. Terenski dio konferencije obuhvatio je posjet mjestu Saint-Guilhem-le-Désert (tradicionalnoj postaji hodočasnika na putu prema svetištu Santiago de Compostella), te špiljskom sustavu Grotte de Clamouse, ukupne dužine oko 4 km od čega je 1965. gotovo 1 km uređen za turističke posjete. Osim impozantnih primjeraka špiljskog nakita, čija je raznolikost posljedica izmjena kalcitnih, aragonitnih i dolomitnih karakteristika nadsloja, ovaj objekt može biti i primjer kako se prekrasan špiljski prostor može upropastiti prilagođivanjem turističkim posjetima brojnim metalnim, staklenim i električnim instalacijama. Na trenutke posjetitelj može dobiti dojam da se kreće kroz muzej ili zbirku, a ne kroz više od stotinu metara dubok speleološki objekt. Dojam dodatno pojačava i ambiciozno zamišljen, ali kičasto izveden sound & light show. Obične turiste može fascinirati, ali istinske prirodnjake, zaljubljenike u krš – jedino ogorčiti. U svakom slučaju, terenski dio skupa i ovaj put bio je iskorišten za stvaranje novih i obnavljanje starih poznanstava koja će rezultirati međunarodnom znanstvenom suradnjom, posebno kad su u kombinaciji oprema i financije bogatijih zemalja i neistražena područja "onih drugih" zemalja. Ostaje nada da će takvim oblikom suradnje, na sljedećoj konferenciji Climate Changes: The Karst Records IV, Hrvatska biti malo bolje predstavljena svojim prirodnim i ljudskim potencijalima. Maša Surić 161 PRIKAZI - REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. PRIKAZI Atlas svijeta za 21. stoljeća, urednik: M. Lapaine i suradnici, Naklada Fran, Zagreb, 2003., 751 str. Nakladnik Fran iz Zagreba objavio je hrvatsko izdanje atlasa The 21 st Century World Atlas, koji je izvorno publicirao izdavač Trident Press International. Hrvatsko izdanje uredio je M. Lapaine sa suradnicima. Atlas nije tek hrvatski prijevod izvornika jer su pojedini stručnjaci dopunili i izmijenili neke sadržaje, a osim toga, S. Frangeš preveo je velik broj toponima na hrvatski jezik. Prijevodi su ispisani uz gornji rub karte kako se ne bi mijenjao izvorni jezik karata (engleski). Atlas je podijeljen u deset glavnih cjelina: Geopolitički okvir, Klimatologija, geologija i biogeografija, Demografija i socijalni pokazatelji , Osnovne ekonomske djelatnosti, Industrija, trgovina i promet, Afrika, Amerika, Azija, Europa i Oceanija. Na kraju je dodan rječnik osnovnih geografskih pojmova s odgovarajućim prijevodima (npr. perz. Kavir = solna pustinja) i kazalo s preko 60 000 geografskih imena. U općegeografskom dijelu atlasa na brojnim tematskim kartama zorno je prikazana prostorna raspodjela različitih prirodnih i socio-ekonomskih pojava i procesa. Iscrpnost kartografskih prikaza može se uočiti na primjeru poglavlja Socijalni i ekonomski pokazatelji, u kojemu su objavljene sljedeć i tematski zemljovidi: Potrošnja kalorija, Donacije hrane, Proizvodnja hrane, Smrtnost dojenčadi, Zdravstvena zaštita, Bolnička infrastruktura, Telefoni, Potrošnja energije, Pismenost, Izdavanje knjiga, Tiskanje novina, Broj upisa u školu, Omjer đaka i nastavnika u osnovnim školama, Znanstvenici i tehničari, Ekonomski aktivno stanovništvo, Dječja radna snaga, Struktura ekonomski aktivnog stanovništva, Ekonomska aktivnost, Ekonomska aktivnost žena, Ekonomska aktivnost muškaraca, Nezaposlenost, Bruto nacionalni dohodak, Bruto nacionalni dohodak po osobi, Struktura bruto nacionalnog dohotka, Inflacija, Ekonomski rast, Inozemni dug, Sredstva potrošena na obrazovanje, Sredstva potrošena na zdravstvenu zaštitu, Vojni izdaci, Izvoz i uvoz oružja, Trgovinska razmjena oružja i Logistika nuklearnog oružja. Kartogrami i kartodijagrami su jasni, pregledni i informativni.Kartografsko -geografski pregled po kontinentima ima jedinstvenu shemu. Ponajprije se nižu satelitske snimke, a potom digitalni modeli reljefa kopna i podmorja, geografske karte i kratki, ali sadržajni prikazi pojedinih zemalja. Na geografskim kartama kontinenata sitnim su slovima ispisani brojni toponimi. Njihova je čitljivost, na žalost, mala na prikazima planinskih predjela, koji su označeni nijansama sme đe i plavo-ljubičaste boje. Korisnik može doznati osnovne geografske informacije o svakoj državi putem kratkog geografskog uvodnika, zemljovida i različitih dijagrama.U hrvatskom izdanju atlasa svijeta mogao bi se očekivati iscrpniji prikaz Hrvatske. Priređivači nisu htjeli odstupati od izvornika, ali u reprintu zemljovida mogla se obratiti pozornost na pogrešno ispisane toponime (npr. naselje Sali na Dugom otoku ucrtano je u uvali Telašćica, Golfo di Venezia neobično se proteže duž zapadne obale Istre, naveden je stari naziv Požege – Slavonska Požega i sl.) . Međutim, navedene pogrješke ne umanjuju vrijednost atlasa, koji doista čini izvrstan kompendij najnovijih znanstvenih spoznaja o državama svijeta i Zemlji u cjelini, pa ga zbog toga rado preporučujem. Josip Faričić Nikola STRAŽIČIĆ: Svi hrvatski otoci, Descriptio Croatiae, Hrvatska revija, časopis Matice hrvatske, godište 1/2001., broj 3-4, Zagreb, 77-103. Hrvatska obala je najrazvedenija na Jadranskom moru, jer obuhvaća 97,2% jadranskog arhipelaga. S ponosom se ističe da je Hrvatska "zemlja tisuću otoka". Stvarni broj je i ve ći. Na pitanje koliko ih je unutar granica suvremene Hrvatske najmjerodavniji odgovor dao je prof. dr. sc. Nikola Stražičić. 162 PRIKAZI - REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. U uvodu se razmatraju podatci o ukupnom broju hrvatskih otoka kritički prema pojedinim autorima. U nastavku izložene su teškoće oko kategorizacije osnovnih pojmova "otok" - "otočić" - "greben" i "hrid". Posebno je zanimljiv dio članka u kojem su opisani i predočeni "zaboravljeni" - "novi" i nekadašnji otoci. U timskom radu autora iz Hidrografskog instituta Republike Hrvatske u Splitu (2000.) navodi se, na temelju topografskih karata u razmjeru 1:25000, da unutar granica Hrvatske postoje 79 otoka, 526 otočića i 641 grebena i hridi; ukupno 1246 otoka.Prof. Stražičić upozorio je kritič ki i dokumentirano na manjkavost dosadašnjih rezultata i naglasio da je ukupan broj hrvatskih otoka i dalje otvoren. U zaklju čnim razmišljanjima dao je niz svrhovitih prijedloga. Ponajprije predlaže, uz potporu državnih službi, imenovanje interdisciplinarne ekipe (od geografa, hidrogeologa, oceanografa, kartografa, lingvista i drugih specijalnosti) koja bi odredila kriterije za kategorizaciju pojedinih otoka, prema veličini i nazivu, te za određivanje kategorija naseljenosti. Nadalje, kako nazvati najmanji oblik stalno nad razinom mora "greben" ili "hrid", o tome posavjetovati se s lingvistima, ali i sa stanovništvom dotičnog otoka. Problem se javlja i kod napučenosti otoka, primjerice "stalno naseljen", da li prema domaćem (autohtonom) ili doseljenom stanovništvu, kako razlikovati pojmove "sezonski naseljen" i "povremeno naseljen"...Na kraju, uz pomoć lučkih kapetanija njihovim plovilima potrebno je obići i snimiti sve otoke unutar granica Hrvatske, istodobno provjeriti stanje na topografskim i posebice pomorskim kartama i planovima. Prof. Stražičić je otočanin, rođen na Mljetu, a čitav radni vijek proveo je u Rijeci. Najveći dio svoga života posvetio je istraživanju mora u najširem smislu, posebice Jadrana i nadasve naših hrvatskih otoka. Godine 1968. izradio je magistarsku tezu Otok Mljet – primjer izoliranog otoka. Deset godina kasnije (1978.) obranio je disertaciju Otok Cres – prilog poznavanju geografije naših otoka. Za sveukupan životni opus godine 1998. Senat Sveuč ilišta u Rijeci dodijelio mu je počasno zvanje "profesor emeritus". prof. Stražičić prvi je geograf u Hrvatskoj koji je dobio to visoko priznanje. U reprezentativnoj Hrvatskoj reviji s novim glavnim urednikom, ambicioznim magistrom Mladenom Klemenčić em, izašao mu je i najnoviji rad Svi hrvatski otoci ilustriran s 27 jedinstvenih panoramskih snimaka u boji. Članak Svi hrvatski otoci sinteza je dugogodišnjih minucioznih istraživanja u kojima je prof. Stražičić, na sebi svojstven na čin, prenio jezgrovito, veliko i bogato iskustvo, istodobno i poruka, kako bi trebalo nastaviti s interdisciplinarnim istraživanjima tih dragulja na pročelju Hrvatske i u trećem mileniju.Josip Riđanović Tihomir KOVAČEVIĆ Tihi: Baraćeve špilje, Turistička zajednica općine Rakovica, Rakovica, 2003., 48 str. Baraćevim špiljama pripada počasno mjesto u povijesti istraživanja hrvatskog krša i speleologiji. Davne godine 1892. u Rakovici je osnovan "Odbor za istraživanje i uređenje Baraćevih špilja", prva takva udruga na tlu Hrvatske i u ovom dijelu svijeta. Od prvih podataka objavljenih u literaturi 1874. do danas špilje su više puta bile predmetom speleoloških, hidrogeoloških, paleonotoloških, arheoloških i biospeleoloških istraživanja. Na temelju njihovih rezultata i rezultata najnovijih istraživanja nastala je i ova knjiga u kojoj nam autor otkriva njezine ljepote i tajne.Knjigu čini 8 poglavlja. Zanimljiv tekst bogato je ilustriran sa 65 fotografija, crteža i nacrta špilja. Opisan je položaj špilja, osnovni podatci o geološkim značajkama terena, nazivlje i podatci o dimenzijama različitih istraživača. Slijedi poglavlje o povijesti istraživanja s nizom zanimljivih podataka – od prvih opisa do suvremenih istraživanja. Opći dio zaokružen je poglavljem o paleontološkim i arheološkim istraživanjima. Dosad su nađeni ostatci pleistocenske faune i tragovi boravka ljudi iz srednjeg vijeka i razdoblja turskih ratova. 163 PRIKAZI - REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. U drugom dijelu knjige detaljno su opisane značajke Donje, Gornje i Nove Baraćeve špilje. Opisan im je položaj, a u iznošenju značajki autor se poslužio citatima Dragutina Hirca i Ivana Krajača s početka 20. stoljeć a. Navedeni su i najnoviji rezultati istraživanja prema kojima je Donja Baraćeva špilja dugačka 565 metara, Gornja 520 metara, a Nova 94,5 metara. Poglavlje o biospeleologiji napisao je dipl. ing. Roman Ozimec. Objavio je dosad poznate podatke o povijesti biospeleoloških istraživanja, podatke o ekološkim uvjetima, pregled i analizu špiljske faune te istaknuo važnost nastavka istraživanja i zaštite. Poglavlje je opremljeno odličnim fotografijama te tablicama s kronologijom biospeleoloških istraživanja, preliminarnim taksonomskim popisom kavernikolnih vrsta i biospeleološkom bibliografijom špilja. Završno poglavlje posvećeno je rezultatima Međunarodne speleološke ekspedicije "Rakovica 2002.". Na samom početku ekspedicije otvoren je Prvi speleološki dom Republike Hrvatske u Novoj Kršlji. Tijekom ekspedicije istraživani su sustav Panjkov ponor - Varićakova špilja, vrelo Sinjac i Kusa i dr. Na kraju knjige objavljena je speleološka bibliografija koja dodatno pridonosi vrijednosti ove knjige. Nenad Buzjak Milenko M. PASINOVIĆ: Područ je Kotora na listi svjetske i prirodne baštine UNESCO. "Cicero" – Cetinje, kompjutorska priprema "Tricen", Kotor, 2001., 110 str. Autor je rođeni Bokelj, redoviti sveučilišni profesor na Fakultetu za turizam i hoteljerstvo u Kotoru. Knjižica je praktičnog formata (23x15 cm), otisnuta je na kvalitetnom papiru. Opremljena je s 14 reprezentativnih fotosa u boji i 7 crno-bijelih slika i crteža. Upotrijebljeno je 20 bibliografskih jedinica literature i 4 izvora podataka uključujući i vlastita istraživanja. Kratak izvadak dat je na engleskom, talijanskom, francuskom i njemačkom jeziku.Poslije predgovora slijede u tekstu: Boka kotorska (prikaz granica, prostorni pojam i pregled glavnih dijelova, Morfogenetske i morfološke karakteristike, Kotorsko-Risanski zaliv – embrion Boke kotorske, Područje Kotora na listi svjetske prirodne baštine UNESCO, Simbioza prirode i čovjeka stara pet milenijuma i Dvije decenije nakon zemljotresa.Bokokotorski zaljevi duboko su oko 30 km (29,6) uvučeni na sjeveru između Orjena (1893 m), najviše obalne planine u istočnoj regiji Jadrana, Katunskog krša (1308 m, 1228 m i 1212 m) na istoku i Lovćenu (Štirovnik, 1749 m) na jugu. Impozantan okvir krševitih planina s izrazitim strmcima zatvara plitko more (površine 87,3 km2 i dubine do 60 m), u stvarnosti čudesan i jedinstven sklop Bokokotorskih zaljeva. Boka kotorska je horizontalno najrazvedeniji kraj (105,7 km duljina obale) i vertikalno najraščlanjeniji dio u najvišoj reljefnoj strukturi Jadranskog primorja. Geografski položaj Boke je specifičan. Na njezinu prostoru dodiruje se prirodno visoki i najljući krš izravno s najdubljim dijelom morske pučine Jadrana. Društveno, povijesno i gospodarski u Boki se isprepliću utjecaji milenijskog stvaralaštva Mediterana, posebice u gradskoj arhitekturi, s tradicionalnim i suvremenim kulturama Istoka. Boka kotorska je izraziti primjer jedinstva suprotnosti. Pri određ ivanju prostornog pojma Boke logič ki je kriterij "slijevno područ je" tj. prostor odakle voda teče prema zaljevima odnosno prema moru. "Slijevno područje" odre đuje se razvodnicom. U vododrživim stijenama to je površinska ili topografska razvodnica, koja se povlači najvišim vrhovima na terenu. U karbonatnim stijenama na kojima je razvijen krški reljef, što se pretežno odnosi na prostor Boke kotorske, mjerodavna je dubinska ili hidrogeološka razvodnica. Preuzeti brojčani podatci o veličini slijevnog područja na osnovi površinske (topografske) razvodnice za Boku kotorsku ne odgovaraju stvarnosti. O postanku Boke kotorske Pasinović iznosi kritički i potanko gledanja ranijih autora. Znakovito, me đutim, ističe sadašnji izgled zaljeva, koji je relativno mlad i posljedica je izdizanja razine mora u holocensko doba. Navodi činjenice da je prije 25 tisuća godina razina Jadrana bila niža za 96,4 m od sadašnjeg. Boka je tada bila kopno. Na Orjenu i Lovčenu snježna granica spuštala 164 PRIKAZI - REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. se do visine 600 m odnosno 900 m. Dno Boke kotorske u to vrijeme karakterizirala su izolirana udubljenja prekrivena rastresitim materijalom. Dokazano je da je prije 10 tisuća godina razina Jadranskog mora bila niža za 31 m od današnjega. Tada se već počeo nazirati složeni izgled današnjih zaljeva Boke kotorske. Batimetrijska istraživanja u najnovijem razdoblju potvrđuju postojanje izdvojenih krških udubljenja na morskom dnu, posebice na lokalitetu Verige, gdje je maksimalna dubina od 45 m veća za 4 m i u kumburskom suženju od 50 m veća, najveća dubina 5 m od okolnog dna mora.U najvećem dijelu zaljeva žalo je ograničeno na uski pojas ili ga uopć e nema (Risan – Perast i Orahovac). Na tom potezu obalni strmci spuštaju se izravno ispod mora do njegova dna. Prosje čna dubina mora u Boki je 27,6 m. Srednje dubine u pojedinim zaljevima iznose u Kotorskom 27 m, Risanskom 25,7 m, Tivatskom 25,5 m i Toplanskom 31 m. Opća značajka batometrije svih zaljeva Boke kotorske je da su male dubine. Posebna je zanimljivost horizontalne razvedenosti Boke kotorske 7 otoka. To su u Kotorskom zaljevu ispred Perasta Sveti Đorđe (Juraj) i umjetni otok Gospa od Škrpjela. U Tivatskom zaljevu: Stradioti (Sveti Marko), otok Gospe od Milosrđa i Prevlaka (otok cvijeća). U Toplanskom zaljevu su otok Lastvica (Mamula) i otok Mala Gospa (Gospa od Žanjice).Boka sa svojim zaleđem prima najveć e količ ine padalina u Europi. Crkvice, mjerna stanica u Malovom dolu na 1050 m nadmorske visine u Krivošijama na Orjenu, zabilježila je količinu od 5317 mm i to tijekom mokrog dijela godine! Boka je najvećim dijelom u stijenama karbonatnog sastava, koje dosežu dubinu i do 5 km! Na toj podlozi razvijen je najizrazitiji krški reljef, kako na površini, tako još više u podzemlju, odnosno u podmorju. Tu je najveće izvorište vode istodobno i najsušniji kraj u istočnoj regiji Jadrana. Prema podatcima skupa stručnjaka za opskrbu vodom 1986. godine u Risnu s navedenog prostora u sušnim mjesecima godine svake sekunde dotječe u more oko 1000 litara vode od koje se tek 220 litara (22%) iskoristi za pitku vodu! Zaključeno je, da Boka spada u "najžednije" krajeve u Europi! Hidrografske karakteristike Boke kotorske u skladu su s prevladavajućim litološkim značajkama karbonatnih stijena, geološkom građom i hidrogeološkom funkcijom terena. Od hidro-pojava najviše su rašireni izvori, vrulje, povremene tekućice i jedna katavotra (Gurdić). Katavotra je specifični izvor, zapravo otvor kroz koji poslije dugotrajnih kiša izbija na površinu slatka voda, a u doba hidrološkog minimuma tim istim otvorom voda ponire u dublje dijelove podmorja. Ukratko su opisani i predočeni izvori Ljute u Dobroti, Sopota i Spile kod Risna, Morinjske rijeke, koja odvodnjava zapadne i jugozapadne strane Orjena, te Gurdić i Škurda kod Kotora. Škurda je svojevrsna hidrografska specifičnost Boke kotorske. To je krška rječica. Izvori su joj na Lovćenu, a odvodnjava Njeguško polje. Škurda je usjekla korito kanjonskog tipa u masivnim i dobro uslojenim vapnencima lovćenskog strmca. Vodostaj Škurde ovisan je od količine i duljine trajanja kiše. Bez obzira na godišnje doba, poslije izdašnijih kiša teče Škurda čitavom duljinom toka kao bujica. Na ušću je nataložila obilje šljunčanih nanosa u obliku manje delte zvane Benovo. U blizini mora Škurda se račva u dva rukava. Jednim rukavom otječe sjevernom stranom gradskih zidina. To je kotorska Škurda, obično stalan tok, jer ga napajaju izvori iz vlastitog korita. Drugim rukavom teče dobrotska Škurda jedino poslije dužih kiša. S izvora Škurde opskrbljuje se ponajprije i ponajviše gradski vodovod u Kotoru. Poslije potresa 1979. pokušalo se ugradnjom betonske zavjese izolirati utjecaj mora. U ljetnim mjesecima ponovno je zaslanila voda. Škurda je tipična krška tekućica podložna naglim i znatnim promjenama. U zadnje vrijeme znalo se dogoditi da na njezinom izvorištu potpuno nestane vode čak u trajanju jednoga dana! Boka kotorska svojim smještajem je u geotektonski vrlo labilnom kraju, štoviše, u pojasu razornih potresa. Značajniji potresi u južnom Jadranu jezgrovito su opisani. O katastrofalnom potresu 15. travnja 1979. dat je iscrpan prikaz. U općini Kotor na spomenicima kulture procijenjena je golema šteta u visini od 18.658,930 USA dolara!Područje Kotora na listi prirodne i kulturne baštine UNESCO najopsežniji i najzanimljiviji je dio sveukupnog teksta. Autor nas potanko i dokumentirano upoznaje s brojnim postupcima koji su prethodili upisu Kotora na listu svjetske prirodne i kulturne baštine UNESCO. 165 PRIKAZI - REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. Odluka je usvojena na Skupštini op ćine Kotor, 14. lipnja 1979. i glasi: "Ovom odlukom kao prirodno, kulturno i istorijsko dobro od posebnog zna čenja, proglašava se Kotor s područjem: Dobrote, Orahovca, Perasta, Risna, Morinja, Kostanjice, Stoliva, Prčanja, Mula, Škaljara i morskog bazena ovog područja, koje obuhvaća 12000 ha kopna i 2600 ha mora." Katastrofalni potres 15. travnja 1979. pospješio je prijam Kotora za upis u svjetsku prirodnu i kulturnu baštinu UNESCO, štoviše i za kulturnu baštinu u opasnosti. Prijedlog je prihvaćen na sjednici Međunarodnog komiteta od 22. do 26. listopada 1979. u Kairu i Luksoru. Također, u Berlinu 10. ožujka 1997. Boka kotorska uvrštena je među 28 najljepših zaljeva na svijetu. Prema podatcima Regionalnog zavoda za zaštitu spomenika kulture u općini Kotor izvršena je kategorizacija od prvog do trećeg stupnja za 104 spomenika kulture. Zanimljivo je da je 12 spomenika uvršteno u prvu, najvišu kategoriju spomeničkog blaga. Simbioza prirode i čovjeka u Boki kotorskoj stara je pet milenija. Prvi tragovi ljudskog postojanja, oko 3000 godina prije Krista, iz mlađeg kamenog doba, otkriveni su na lokalitetu Spila, 300 m nad morem, sjeveroistočno od Perasta.Na obali Risanskog zaljeva, točnije u mjestu Lipci, pronađeni su na svodu otisci između kojih se posebno ističe brod na jedra. To potvrđuje rani početak pomorstva u Boki kotorskoj. Najstariji ostatci likovnog izražavanja tadašnjih stanovnika datirani su u rano brončano doba.Prof. Pasinović je geograf društveno-gospodarskog usmjerenja s posebnim interesom za pomorstvo i turizam. Poslije obranjene disertacije "Pomorstvo i turizam s posebnim osvrtom na crnogorsko primorje" (1977.) i nakon objavljivanja reprezentativnog vodiča: Kotor – vjekovi sačuvani za budućnost" (1988.) poklonio je javnosti i najnovije djelo "Područje Kotora na listi svjetske prirodne i kulturne baštine UNESCO". Prof. Pasinović je jedan od osnivača Fakulteta za turizam i hotelijerstvo u Kotoru i najzaslužniji je što je ta visokoškolska, sveučilišna institucija ostala u Kotoru. Svojim je radom i organizacijskim sposobnostima znač ajno pridonio da se Kotor upiše u listu svjetske prirodne i kulturne baštine UNESCO. Sada se zalaže da se to priznanje mjerodavnih stručnjaka zapamti i blago sačuva za mlađi naraštaj. Čestitamo profesoru Pasinoviću i želimo mu puno daljnjih uspjeha. Josip Riđanović 166

(francuski) Cet article s'int?resse ? la signification symbolique de la pomme dans deux l?gendes byzantines. La premi?re de ces l?gendes relate la rencontre entre le khan bulgare Omourtag et le jeune Basile (Vita Basilii, 4. 14-20), lorsque le khan offre au jeune gar?on une pomme, ce qui a ?t? interpr?t? comme un signe annon?ant que cet enfant deviendrait plus tard empereur. La seconde a trait au choix de l'?pouse de l'empereur Th?ophile d'apr?s la version qu'en offre la vie de Theodora (??oz Theod?raz, 3. 6-46), en vertu de laquelle il est possible de conclure que dans cette histoire la pomme symbolise non seulement une offre de mariage (comme il est possible d'en conclure d'apr?s une seconde version conserv?e chez les chroniqueurs byzantins), mais aussi la transmission de l'autorit? imp?riale ? la future imp?ratrice. En se fondant sur ces deux l?gendes il est possible d'?tablir que dans la tradition byzantine la pomme ?tait, entre autre, per?ue comme un symbole de l'autorit? imp?riale, et ce nonobstant la raret? des t?moignages attestant une telle perception. Cette symbolique est confirm?e par une pr?diction turque dans laquelle il est dit que la pomme rouge repr?sente ?une grande ville imp?riale bien rempar?e?, ce qui se rapporte avant tout, vraisemblablement, ? Constantinople, ainsi que par un r?cit populaire serbe, dans lequel le nouvel empereur est choisi en jetant une pomme en l'air, l'?lu ?tant celui sur laquelle la pomme retombe. La l?gende tir?e de Vita Basilii peut ?tre mise en relation avec l'histoire d'H?rodote sur la fondation de la dynastie mac?donienne des Arg?ades par Perdiccas (Herodotus 8. 137-139). Il existe en effet de nombreuses ressemblances entre ces deux histoires: 1) Perdiccas tout comme Basile se sont retrouv?s, alors qu'ils ?taient encore enfants, dans un pays ?tranger 2) Tous deux, ? la veille de quitter ce pays, ont re?u du souverain un cadeau (plus pr?cis?ment un salaire dans l'histoire d'H?rodote) 3) Ce geste a ?t? compris par les entourages des souverains respectifs comme un pr?sage que ces enfants deviendraient plus tard eux m?me souverains, alors que les souverains, eux-m?me, n'en ?taient pas conscients. La seule diff?rence r?side dans la nature des cadeaux, Perdiccas ayant re?u un soleil d'apr?s le r?cit d'H?rodote. Toutefois, certaines sources venant confirmer que la pomme pouvait avoir une symbolique solaire, vraisemblablement en raison de sa couleur (or ou rouge) et de sa forme (chez Jean le G?om?tre, v. Progymnasmata, 23. 3-7 et Eustathe de Thessalonique, v. Opuscula, ?d. Tafel, 308, 19-22), il est permis de supposer que cette substitution n'a rien de fortuit. Dans la seconde partie de cet article l'auteur constate qu'approximativement ? la m?me ?poque o? ont ?t? enregistr?es ces deux l?gendes byzantines, certains ?crivains byzantins (de la seconde moiti? du dixi?me si?cle) commencent ? utiliser le mot m?lon au lieu du mot spha?ra ou p?loz, jusqu'alors usuels, afin de d?signer le globe tenu en main par les repr?sentations d'empereurs byzantins, qui, comme l'attestent de nombreuses sources byzantines, symbolise le pouvoir de l'empereur byzantin sur l'ensemble de l'oecum?n?e. L'auteur constate toutefois, malgr? cette co?ncidence chronologique, que l'existence d'un lien entre les l?gendes ?voqu?es ci-dessus et ce ph?nom?ne philologique est peu probable, compte tenu qu'en grec, et non seulement en grec, toute forme sph?rique peut ?tre appel?e pomme. Finalement, l'auteur rel?ve plusieurs cas de transfert de ce ph?nom?ne philologique dans d'autres langues. Certaines raisons permettent ainsi de penser que l'emploi du mot pomme pour d?signer le globus cruciger en latin a ?t? repris du grec. Il en est de m?me, et ce avec une plus grande certitude, pour le russe. En l'occurrence lorsque trois p?lerins russes (St?phane de Novgorod, un Anonyme et Zosime) ont visit? Constantinople au cours de la seconde moiti? du XIVe et au d?but du XVe si?cle, ils ont appel? pomme le globe tenu en main par la statue ?questre de Justinien, ce qui signifie qu'ils ont vraisemblablement repris ici le terme employ? par les guides constantinopolitains qui se tenaient ? leur disposition.

(francuski) L?auteur de cet article revient a l??tude du personnage de l?archev?que Constantin Cabasilas et de ses portraits dans le cadre de ses nouvelles d?couvertes (ZLU, 2, Novi Sad 1966) et dans la lumi?re des ?tudes d?autres auteurs. Dans cet article, on souligne particuli?rement le fait que la figure de saint Nicolas de Myre appartient au groupe d?hi?rarques peint sur le mur nord de l??glise Sainte-Vierge-Perivleptos a Ohrid, en commun avec saint Clement et saint Constantin Cabasilas, ce qui m?ne a la conclusion que ce groupe n?est pas le seul groupe th?matique de saints d?Ohrid. L?auteur s?attarde a l?inscription portant le nom de Cabasilas grav?e sur le pilier de la galerie de Gregoire de 1313/14 et ?met l?hypoth?se que la m?moire de Cabasilas ?tait ?galement pr?sente dans l?annexe sud de l??glise Sainte-Sophie, r?cemment fouill?e. L?annexe de Sainte-Sophie occupe une surface ?norme, elle a ?t? peinte dans la deuxi?me moitie du 13e si?cle, ce que l?on peut d?duire gr?ce au grand nombre de fragments trouves ou conserves in situ. L?auteur exprime sa r?serve quant a l?opinion exprim?e ant?rieurement que saint Constantin Cabasilas a ?t? peint dans le narthex de l??glise Sainte-Vierge- -Perivleptos a la t?te du cort?ge d?hi?rarques dans la Stychire de Noel de Jean Damasc?ne, et il consid?re qu?il s?agit de la figure de saint Jean Chrysostome avec lequel Cabasilas a des ressemblances physionomiques. Plus exactement, dans ce premier cort?g? a cote du tr?n? avec la Vierge, l?auteur reconnait saint Basile le Grand, saint Jean Chrysostome saint Gr?goire le Th?ologien et partiellement la figure de saint Athanase le Grand. Derri?re eux vient le cort?ge des saints empereurs chretiens avec saint Constantin et sainte Helene en t?te. On suppose que derri?re eux sont peints les empereurs de la dynastie des Pal?ologues. Puisque la figure du Protaton montre Cabasilas en tant que vieil homme (a la diff?rence de ses portraits a Ohrid et a Staro Nagoricino), on ?met l?hypoth?se que saint Cabasilas, saint Erasme, saint Theophilacte et saint Cl?ment du Protaton (chapelle de Saint-Jean le Pr?curseur, 1526) ont ?t? peints selon l?original d?Ohrid qui n?est plus conserve vu la destruction de Sainte-Sophie et de Saint-Panteleimon de Cl?ment sous la domination turque. La cr?ation de l?ensemble au Protaton qui ?tait ?tudie par G. Subotic en tant que donation de l?archipr?tr? Gabriel, est particuli?rement mis en relief aussi en rapport avec la peinture des saints d?Ohrid mentionnes dans la chapelle de Saint-Jean le Pr?curseur. L?auteur de cet article attire une attention particuli?re sur la d?couverte de la vie et de l?office de Constantin Cabasilas ou on fait mention du jour de sa mort (le 18 octobre), ce qui signifie qu?il a ?t? canonise. Ensuite, on indique les copies des canons des Quinze martyrs de Strumica, publi?es plus tard (en grec et en slave), de la Biblioth?que nationale de Belgrade et de Sofia, ainsi que celles de l??parchie de Strumica. On souligne l?importance des canons de Cabasilas consacres a saint Cl?ment et a saint Naum dans lesquels, selon les notes de K. Nichoritis l?auteur parle des souffrances et des peines injustes subies dans la prison de Nic?e, ?galement mentionn?es dans la vie r?dig?e par son disciple inconnu d?Ohrid. Au sujet du culte de saint C. Cabasilas, on signale que sa canonisation est due a sa popularit? dans le dioc?se d?Ohrid ou il a travaille pendant plus de 40 ans en tant qu?hi?rarque de Strumica et de Durres et en tant qu?archev?que d?Ohrid. En m?me temps, on souligne sa collaboration avec Michel VIII Pal?ologue, c?est-a-dire avec son fr?re Jean lors de la prise d?Ohrid par les Nic?ens, ce qui repr?sentait en quelque sorte sa r?habilitation durant le long r?gne d?Andronique II Pal?ologue. L?auteur signale que les donn?es relatives a la date de la mort de C. Cabasilas, ainsi que celles concernant son h?ritier sur le tr?ne d?Ohrid ne sont pas connues.

O artigo apresenta o projeto “Mídias digitais para pensar o passado e narrar a história dos afrodescendentes na Bahia”, que considerou a problemática: O e-book pode ser um recurso educativo de preservação da memória histórica dos afrodescendentes na Bahia? Ressalta a relação entre mídias digitais na escola e a constituição histórica étnico-racial, a fim de estabelecer um sentimento de pertença dos alunos à história e a cultura afrodescendente. Para tanto, contou-se a história de Maria Felipa de Oliveira, mulher negra e heroína da Independência do Brasil na Bahia e propôs-se a recontagem dessa história pelos alunos, com a produção de um e-book. Observou-se que as mídias digitais podem aproximar os alunos da história dos afrodescendentes, significando o passado, criando o futuro.Referências:ADICHIE, C. N. O perigo de uma história única. 2009. Disponível em: https://www.ted.com/talks/chimamanda_adichie_the_danger_of_a_single_story/transcript?language=pt#t-1110073 . Acesso em: 24 jan. 2018.BRASIL. Lei de diretrizes e bases da educação nacional. (LDB). Brasília: Senado Federal. Coordenação de Edições Técnicas, 2017.­BRASIL. Ministério da Educação. Secretaria da Educação Continuada, Alfabetização e Diversidade. Orientações e Ações para a Educação das Relações Étnico-Raciais. Brasília: SECAD, 2006. Disponível em: http://portal.mec.gov.br/dmdocuments/orientacoes_etnicoraciais.pdf Acesso: 02 abr. 2018.DEMO, P. Educação hoje: “novas” tecnologias, pressões e oportunidades. São Paulo, SP: Atlas, 2009.FARIAS, E. K. V. Maria Felipa de Oliveira. Heroína da Independência da Bahia. Salvador: Editora Quartetto, 2010.FONSECA, A. G. M. F. Aprendizagem, mobilidade e convergência: mobile learning com celulares e smartphones. Revista Eletrônica do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Mídia e Cotidiano, UFF, Rio de Janeiro, n. 2, p. 163-181, junho 2013.FREIRE, P. A educação é um ato político. Cadernos de Ciência, Brasília, n. 24, p.21-22, jul./ago./set. 1991. Link: http://www.acervo.paulofreire.org:8080/jspui/handle/7891/1357 . Acesso: 30 nov. 2017.LEMOS, A. Livro e mídia digital. Disponível em: http:// andrelemos.info/2011/10/flica/ . Acesso em: 01 ago. 2018.LÉVY, P. O que é virtual. São Paulo: Editora 34, 1996.LÉVY, P. Cibercultura. São Paulo: Editora 34, 1999.PALFREY, J. G.; GASSER, U. Nascidos na era digital: entendendo a primeira geração de nativos digitais. Porto Alegre: Artmed, 2011.PROCÓPIO, E. O livro na era digital: o mercado editorial e as mídias digitais. São Paulo: Giz Editorial, 2010.MACHADO, V.; PETROVICH, C. Ilê Ifé. O Sonho do Iaô Afonjá (Mitos Afro-brasileiros). 2° ed. Salvador: EDUFBA, 2002.NICOLAU, M.; NICOLAU, R. Educação digital na cibercultura: para onde (não) nos leva a tecnologia. In: Temática. Ano X, n. 01 - jan/2014. Disponível em: http://www.insite.pro.br/2014/Janeiro/educacao_digital_cibercultura.pdf. Acessado em: 01 ago. 2018.NICOLAU, M. Educação e novas tecnologias da informação e da comunicação: o livro didático digital no Brasil. In: Temática. Ano X, n. 07 – Julho/2014a Disponível em: http://periodicos.ufpb.br/ojs2/index.php/tematica . Acesso em: 01 de ago. 2018.PEREIRA, M.; Berleze, B. S. O racismo nas redes sociais: o preconceito real assumido na vida virtual. Anais do 4º Congresso Internacional de Direito e Contemporaneidade: mídias e direitos da sociedade em rede, 2017.ROCHA, T. B. Pesquisa em redes sociais na internet: os discursos no ciberespaço. Educação em foco (JUIZ DE FORA), v. 23, p. 225-244, 2018.SERRES, M. Polegarzinha. Rio de Janeiro: Bertrand Brasil, 2013.VALLETTA, D. Gui@ de Aplicativos para Educação Básica: uma investigação associada ao uso de tablets. In: Encontro Nacional de Didática e Prática de Ensino da ENDIPE, XVII, 2014, Fortaleza/CE. Fortaleza: ENDIPE, 2014.VYGOTSKY, L. S. A formação social da mente. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2001. Recebido em 10-01-2019. Aceito em 01-04-2019.

Žita su sa agronomskog i privrednog značaja najvažnija gruparatarskih biljaka. Tritikale je savremeno žito, odnosno hibrid dobijen ukrštanjempšenice i raži, s tim što je nasledio sposobnost raži da preživi jake mrazeve, ali imaveću proteinsku vrednost, dok je veći prinos zrna i povećanu tolerantnost na ražanuglavnicu nasledio od pšenice. Na koji će se način koristiti tritikale zavisi od osobinasorte. Sorte krupnog i ujednačenog zrna sa povećanim sadržajem ukupnih proteina uodnosu na skrob i koje su po hemijskom sastavu bliže pšenici, koriste se za pripremukoncentrovane stočne hrane, kako za živinu, tako i za nepreživare i preživare. Sortekoje obrazuju veliku biomasu, slično raži, služe za spremanje voluminozne stočnehrane kao sveže ili silaže, senaže i sena. Hranljiva vrednost zrna tritikalea je na nivoupšeničnog, s tim što ima nešto više aminokiseline lizina. U pogledu zastupljenostiesencijalnih aminokiselina, pojedinih minerala i vitamina, zrno tritikalea možezadovoljiti značajan deo potreba domaćih i gajenih životinja. Tritikale, kao i ostalazrnasta hraniva, standardni su deo obroka za ishranu domaćih i gajenih životinja,posebno u većem procentu kada je životinjama potrebno više energije. U zavisnostiod vrste domaće životinje kao i tipa obroka, tritikale može činiti njegov značajanprocenat. Prednost tritikalea nad drugim pravim žitima je taj što ima veći prinos,brži prolećni porast i mogućnost dužeg roka kosidbe za zelenu stočnu hranu jerogrubi kasnije nego npr., raž ili ovas. Zbog navedenih prednosti tritikale je pogodanza setvu, posebno u zemljama u razvoju.

U ovom radu autor izdvaja i obrađuje one dalmatinske obitelji upisane u mletački “Libro Aureo” kojima je Mletačka Republika podijelila novo državno plemstvo ili preko magistrata priznala stari plemićki naslov.Dalmatinski patricijat, koji je na vrhuncu svoje političke i gospodarske moći bio uoči mletačkog osvojenja Dalmacije (1409-1420), tijekom idućih stoljeća pokazuje tendencije slabljenja i stagnacije. Donošenjem tzv. feudalnog zakona godine 1634. Mletačka Republika podijelila je ili potvrdila, odnosno priznala, nešto više plemstva i to većinom uglednim građanima ili novim doseljenicima. Na taj način Republika je stvorila novi sloj državnog plemstva nobilitacijoma “Milošću Preuzvišenog Senata” ili službenim priznanjem starih titula preko ovlaštenih magistrata.Taj novi plemićki sloj izvan je gradskih vijeća, njegova plemićka prava regulirana su zakonom a ekskluzivnost njegova položaja vrijedila je za čitavo područje vlasti Serenissime. Iako je u pravima međusobno jednak, taj sloj nije homogen. Potekao je iz redova bogatih građana, vojnih časnika s Apeninskog poluotoka, morlačkih glavara, sitnih plemića izvan gradskih središta i malog broja feudalaca s državnim lenom. Etnički, kulturno i socijalno-ekonomski taj je sloj raznorodan.

Vestina djevica Gaia Taracia i prostitutka Acca Larentina po rimskim su pričama oporučile svoju imovinu rimskom narodu i time zaslužile posebne nagrade: prva božanske počasti i obred Larentalia 23. XII., a druga pravo svjedočenja, postavljanja kipa i razne olakšice koje su u Rimu pripadale Vestinim djevicama. Kako je Gelije jedini autor koji ih spominje na jednom mjestu (VII 7), postavlja se pitanje da li su one i kako povezane. Rimske su naime legende znale i za drugu Accu Larentinu, također prostitutku, koja je dojila Romula i Rema, rođene od Vestine djevice Ilije ili Reje Silvije. Da je u rimskim pričama postojao motiv zajedničkog djelovanja Vestine djevice i bludnice u korist Rima dokazuje Livijev prikaz događaja poslije prisilnog povratka Kapue u rimski državni sustav 210. g. pr. Kr. Tada je u senat stiglo poslanstvo moliti za prekid odmazdi nad građanima Kapue, ali je u Rimu otkriveno da su od svih njenih žitelja Rimu ostale vjerne samo dvije žene - Vestia Oppia i prostitutka Faucula Cluvia, koja je rimskim zarobljenicima donosila hranu. Budući da je Livijev prikaz vjerodostojan u svemu ostalom osim u tom detalju, u njemu autor vidi odraz spomenutog motiva. Na kraju se daje kratak osvrt na pitanja povezana s motivom djevice i bludnice: o njegovu "indoeuropskom" podrijetlu, na što bi ukazivale paralele u irskim i velškim pričama.

Aunty Mary Graham, Kombu-merri elder and philosopher, writes, “you are not alone in the world.” We have a responsibility to each other, as well as to the land, and violence is the refusal of this relationship that binds us (Rose). Similarly, Emmanuel Levinas, a French-Lithuanian Jewish teacher and philosopher who lived through the Holocaust, writes that, “my freedom does not have the last word; I am not alone” (Levinas, Totality 101). For both writers, the recognition that one is not alone in the world creates an imperative to act ethically. For non-Indigenous educators working in the Indigenous Studies space—as arguably all school teachers are, given the Australian Curriculum—their relationship with Indigenous Australia creates an imperative to consider ethics and responsibility in their work. In this article, I use Emmanuel Levinas’s thinking and writing on epistemological violence and ethics as a first philosophy to consider how pre-service teachers engage with the ethical responsibilities inherent in teaching and learning Indigenous Studies.To begin, I will introduce Emmanuel Levinas and his writing on violence, followed by outlining the ways that Indigenous perspectives are incorporated into the Australian Curriculum. I will finish by sharing some of the reflective writing undertaken by pre-service teachers in a compulsory Indigenous education subject at an Australian university. These data show pre-service teachers’ responses to being called into responsibility and relationality, as well as some of the complexities in avoiding what I term here epistemological violence, a grasping of the other by trying to make the other infinitely knowable. The data present a problematic paradox—when pre-service teachers write about their future praxis, they necessarily defer responsibility to the future. This deferral constructs an image of the future which transcends the present, without requiring change in the here and now.Of note, some of this writing speaks to the violence enacted upon Indigenous peoples through the colonisation of Australia. I have tried to write respectfully about these topics. Yet the violence continues, in part via the traumatic nature of such accounts. As a non-Indigenous educator and researcher, I also acknowledge that such histories of violence have predominantly benefited people like myself and that the Countries on which this article was written (Countries of the sovereign Bindal and Wulgurukaba peoples) have never been ceded.Emmanuel Levinas: Ethics as First PhilosophyEmmanuel Levinas was a French-Lithuanian Jewish teacher and philosopher for whom surviving the Holocaust—where most of his family perished—fundamentally changed his philosophy. Following World War II, Levinas critiqued Heidegger’s philosophy, writing that freedom—an unencumbered being in the world—could no longer be considered the first condition of being human (Levinas, Existence). Instead, the presence of others in the world—an intersubjectivity between oneself and another—means that we are always already responsible for the others we encounter. Seeing the other’s face calls us to be accountable for our own actions, to responsibility. If we do not respect that the other is different to one’s self, and instead try to understand them through our own frames of reference, we commit the epistemological violence of reducing the other to the same (Levinas, Totality 46), bringing their infinity into our own totality.The history of Indigenous and non-Indigenous relations both in Australia and globally has been marked by attempts to bring Indigenous peoples into non-Indigenous orders of knowledge (Nakata, “Cultural Interface”). The word “Aboriginal”, derived from the Latin “of the original”, refers to both Indigenous peoples’ position as original inhabitants of lands, but also to the anthropological idea that Indigenous peoples were early and unevolved prototypes of human beings (Peterson). This early idea of what it means to be Indigenous is linked to the now well-known histories of ontological violence. Aboriginal reserves were set up as places for Aboriginal people to perish, a consequence not just of colonisation, but of the perception that Indigenous people were unfit to exist in a modern society. Whilst such racist ideologies linger today, most discourses have morphed in how they grasp Indigenous people into a non-Indigenous totality. In a context where government-funded special measures are used to assist disadvantaged groups, categories such as the Indigenous/non-Indigenous binary can become violent. The Closing the Gap campaign, for example, is based on this categorical binary, where “sickness=Indigenous” and “whiteness=health”. This creates a “moral imperative upon Indigenous Australians to transform themselves” (Pholi et al. 10), to become the dominant category, to be brought into the totality.Levinas’s philosophical writings provide a way to think through the ethical challenges of a predominantly non-Indigenous teaching workforce being tasked to not just approach the teaching of Indigenous students with more care than previous generations, but to also embed Indigenous perspectives and knowledges into their teaching work. Levinas’s warning of a “disinterested acquisition of knowledge” (Reader 78), seemingly unrestrained by memory or relationships, is useful in two ways. First, for pre-service teachers learning about Indigenous education, Levinas’s work provides a reminder of the ethical responsibilities that all members of a community have to each other. However, this responsibility cannot be predicated on unwittingly approaching Indigenous topics through Western knowledge lenses. Instead, Levinas’s work also reminds us about the ethics of knowledge production which shape how others—in this case Indigenous peoples—come to be known; teachers and pre-service teachers must engage with the politics of knowledge that shape how Indigenous peoples come to be known in educational settings.You Are Not Alone in the World: Indigenous Perspectives in the Australian CurriculumIn 2010, the Australian Curriculum was launched by the Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority (ACARA) with the goal of unifying state-driven curricula into a common approach. Developed from the 2008 Melbourne Declaration on Educational Goals for Young Australians (Ministerial Council for Education, Early Childhood Development and Youth Affairs [MCEECDYA]), the Curriculum has occupied a prominent position in the Australian educational policy space. As well as preparing a future workforce, contemporary Australian education is essentially aspirational, “governed by the promise of something better” (Harrison et al. 234), with the Australian Curriculum appearing to promise the same: there is a concerted effort to ensure that all Australians have access to equitable and excellent educational opportunities, and that all students are represented within the Curriculum. Part of this aspiration included the development of three Cross-Curriculum Priorities (CCPs), focus areas that “give students the tools and language to engage with and better understand their world at a range of levels” (ACARA, “Cross-Curriculum Priorities” para. 1). The first of these CCPs is Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Histories and Cultures and is organised into three key concepts: connection to Country/Place; diversity of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures; and diversity of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders societies. In the curriculum more broadly, content descriptions govern what is taught across subject areas from Prep to Year 10. Content elaborations—possible approaches to teaching the standards—detail ways that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Histories and Cultures can be incorporated. For example, Year 7 Science students learn that “predictable phenomena on Earth, including seasons and eclipses, are caused by the relative positions of the sun, Earth and the moon”. This can be taught by “researching knowledges held by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples regarding the phases of the moon and the connection between the lunar cycle and ocean tides” (ACARA, “Science” ACSSU115). This curriculum priority mandates that teachers and learners across Australia engage in representations of Indigenous peoples through teaching and learning activities. However, questions about what constitutes the most appropriate activities, when and where they are incorporated into schooling, and how to best support educators to do this work must continue to be asked.As Indigenous knowledges and perspectives are brought into the classroom where this curriculum is played out, they are shaped by the discourses of the space (Nakata, “Cultural Interface”): what is normalised in a classroom, the teachers’ and students’ prior understandings, and the curriculum and assessment expectations of teaching and learning. Nakata refers to this space as the cultural interface, the contested space between Indigenous and Western knowledge systems where disciplinary discourses, practices and histories translate what is known about Indigenous peoples. This creates complexities and anxieties for teachers tasked with this role (Nakata, “Pathways”). Yet to ignore the presence of Indigenous histories, lifeworlds, and experiences would be to act as if non-Indigenous Australia was alone in the world. The curriculum, as a socio-political document, is full of representations of people. As such, care must be given to how teachers are prepared to engage in the complex process of negotiating these representations.The Classroom as a Location of PossibilityThe introduction of the Australian Curriculum has been accompanied by the Australian Professional Standards for Teachers (APST) which govern the requirements for graduating teachers. Two particular standards—1.4 and 2.4—refer to the teaching of Indigenous students and histories, cultures and language. Many initial teacher education programs in Australian universities have responded to the curriculum requirements and the APSTs by developing a specific subject dedicated to Indigenous education. It is difficult to ascertain the success of this work. Many in-service teachers suggest that more knowledge about Indigenous cultures is required to meet the APST, risking an essentialised view of the Indigenous learner (Moodie and Patrick). Further, there is little empirical research on what improves Indigenous students’ educational outcomes, with the research instead focusing on engaging Indigenous students (Burgess et al.). Similarly, there is yet to be a broadscale research program exploring how teacher educators can best educate pre-service teachers to improve educational outcomes for Indigenous students. Instead, much of the research focuses on engaging (predominantly non-Indigenous) becoming-teachers through a variety of theoretical and pedagogical approaches (Moreton-Robinson et al.) A handful of researchers (e.g. Moodie; Nakata et al.; Page) are considering how to use curriculum design to structure tertiary level Indigenous Studies programs—for pre-service teachers and more generally—to best prepare students to work within complex uncertainties.Levinas’s philosophy reminds us that we need to push beyond thinking about the engagement of Indigenous peoples within the curriculum to the relationship between educator-researchers and their students. Further, Levinas prompts us to question how we can research in this space in a way that is more than just about “disinterested acquisition of knowledge” (Reader 78), instead utilising critical analysis to consider a praxis which ultimately benefits Indigenous students, families and communities. The encounter with Levinas’s writing challenges us to consider how teacher educators can engage with pre-service teachers in a way that does not suggest that they are inherently racist. Rather, we must teach pre-service teachers to not impress the same type of epistemological violence onto Indigenous students, knowledges and cultures. Such questions prompt an engagement with teaching/research which is respectful of the responsibilities to all involved. As hooks reminds us, education can be a practice of freedom: classrooms are locations of possibilities where students can think critically and question taken-for-granted assumptions about the world. To engage with praxis is to consider teaching not just as a practice, but as a theoretically and justice-driven approach. It is with this backdrop that I move now to consider some of the writings of non-Indigenous pre-service teachers.The Research ProjectThe data presented here is from a recent research project exploring pre-service teachers’ experiences of a compulsory Indigenous education subject as part of a four-year initial teacher education degree in an Australian metropolitan university (see McDowall). The subject prepares pre-service teachers to both embed the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Histories and Cultures CCP in their praxis and to teach Indigenous students. This second element engages both an understanding of Indigenous students as inhabiting an intercultural space with particular tensions (Nakata, “Pathways”), and the social-political-historical discourses that impact Indigenous students’ experiences. This includes the history of Indigenous education, the social construction of race, and a critical awareness of deficit approaches to working with Indigenous students. The subject was designed to promote a critical engagement with Indigenous education, to give pre-service teachers theoretical tools to make sense of both how Indigenous students and Indigenous content are positioned in classrooms and develop pedagogical frameworks to enable future teaching work. Pre-service teachers wrote weekly reflective learning journals as an assessment task (weighted at 30% of their total grade). In the final weeks of semester, I asked students in the final weeks of semester for permission to use their journals for a research project, to which 93 students consented.Reading the students’ reflective writing presents a particular ethical paradox, one intricately linked with the act of knowing. Throughout the semester, a desire to gain more knowledge about Indigenous peoples and cultures shifted to a desire to be present as teacher(s) in the Indigenous education landscape. Yet for pre-service teachers with no classroom of their own, this being present is always deferred to the future, mitigating the need for action in the present. This change in the pre-service teachers’ writing demonstrates that the relationship between violence and responsibility is exceedingly complex within the intersection of Indigenous and teacher education. These themes are explored in the following sections.Epistemological ViolenceOne of the shifts which occurred throughout the semester was a subtle difference in the types of knowledges students sought. In the first few weeks of the subject, many of the pre-service teachers wrote of a strong desire to know about Indigenous people and culture as a way of becoming a better educator. Their expectations were around wanting to address their “limited understandings”, wanting to “heighten”, “develop”, and “broaden” “understanding” and “knowledge”; to know “more about them, their culture”. At the end, knowing and understanding is presented in a different type of way. For some students, the knowledge they now want is about their own histories and culture: “as a teacher I need the bravery to acknowledge what happened in the past”, wrote one student in her final entry.For other students, the idea of knowing was shaped by not-knowing. Moving away from a desire to know, and thereby possess, the students wrote about the need to know no longer being present: “I owe my current sense of confidence to that Nakata article. The education system can’t expect all teachers to know exactly how to embed Indigenous pedagogy into their classrooms, can they?” writes one student in her final entry, following on to say, “the main strategy I got from the readings … still stands true: ‘We don’t know everything’ and I will not act like I do”. Another writes, “I am not an expert and I am now aware of the multitude of resources available, particularly the community”.For the students to claim knowledge of Indigenous peoples would be to enact epistemological violence, denying the alterity—difference—of the other and drawing them into our totalities. In the final weeks of the semester, some students wrote that they would use hands-on, outdoor activities in order to enact a culturally responsive pedagogy. Such a claim shows the tenacity of Western knowledge about Indigenous students. In this case, the students’ sentiment can be traced back to Aboriginal Learning Styles (Harris), the idea that Aboriginal students inherently learn via informal hands-on (as opposed to abstract) group approaches. The type of difference promoted in Aboriginal learning styles is biological, suggesting that on account of their Indigeneity, Aboriginal students inherently learn differently. Through its biological function, this difference essentialises Indigenous learners across the nation, claiming a sameness. But perhaps even more violently, it denies the presence of an Indigenous knowledge system in the place where the research took place. Such an Indigenous knowledge system begins from the land, from Country, and entails a rich set of understandings around how knowledge is produced, shared, learnt and, enacted through place and people-based knowledge practices (Verran). Aboriginal learning styles reduces richness to a more graspable concept: informal learning. To summarise, students’ early claims to knowledge shifted to an understanding that it is okay to ‘not know’—to recognise that as beginning teachers, they are entering a complex field and must continue learning. This change is complicated by the tenacity of knowledge claims which define Indigenous students into a Western order of knowledge. Such claims continue to present themselves in the students writing. Nonetheless, as students progressed through the semester and engaged with some of the difficult knowledges and understandings presented, a new form of knowing emerged. Ethical ResponsibilitiesAs pre-service teachers learned about the complex cultural interface of classrooms, they began to reconsider their own claims to be able to ‘know’ Indigenous students and cultures. This is not to say that pre-service teachers do not feel responsibility for Indigenous students: in many journals, pre-service teachers’ wanted-ness in the classroom—their understanding of their importance of presence as teachers—is evident. To write for themselves a need to be present demonstrates responsibility. This took place as students imagined future praxis. With words woven together from several journals, the students’ final entries indicate a wanting-to-be-present-as-becoming-ethical-teachers: I willremember forever, reactionsshocked, sad, guilty. A difference isI don’t feel guilt.I feelI’m not alone.I feelmore aware ofhow I teachhow my opinionscan affect people. I guesswe are the oneswho must makethe change. I feelsomewhat relieved bywhat today’s lecturer said.“If you’re willingto step outfrom behind fencesto engage meaningfullywith Indigenous communitiesit will not be difficult.” I believethe 8-ways frameworkthe unit of workprovide authentic experiencesare perfect avenuesshape pedagogical practicesI believemy job isto embrace remembrancemake this happenmake sure it stays. I willtake away frameworkssupport Indigenous studentsalongside Indigenous teacherslearn from themconsult with communityimprove my teaching. In these students’ words is an assumed responsibility to incorporate Indigenous knowledges and perspectives into their work as teachers. To wish representations of Indigenous peoples and knowledges present in the classroom is one way in which the becoming-teachers are making themselves present. Even a student who had written that she still didn’t feel completely equipped with pedagogical tools still felt “motivated” to introduce “political issues into Australia’s current system”.Not all students wrote of such presence. One student wrote of feeling left “disappointed”, “out of pocket”, “judged” – that the subject had “just ‘ticked the box’” (a phrase used by a second student as well). Another student wrote a short reflection that scratched the surface of the Apology¹, noting that “sorry is something so easy to say”. It is the mixture of these responses which reminds us as researchers and educators that it is easy to write a sense of presence as a projection into the future into an assessment task for a university subject. Time is another other, and the future can never be grasped, can never truly be known (Levinas, Reader). It is always what is coming, for we can only ever experience the present. These final entries by the students claim a future that they cannot know. This is not to suggest that the words written—the I wills and I believes which roll so quickly off the pen—are not meaningful or meant. Rather, responsibility is deferred to the future. This is not just a responsibility for their future teaching. Deferral to the future can also be a way to ease one’s self of the burden of feeling bad about the social injustices which students observe. As Rose (17) writes,The vision of a future which will transcend the past, a future in which current contradictions and current suffering will be left behind enables us to understand ourselves in an imaginary state of future achievement … enables us to turn our backs on current social facts of pain, damage, destruction and despair which exist in the present, but which we will only acknowledge as our past.The pre-service teachers’ reflective writing presents us with a paradox. As they shift away from the epistemological violence of claiming to know Indigenous others from outside positions, another type of violence manifests: claiming a future which can transcend the past just as they defer responsibility within the present. The deferral is in itself an act of violence. What types, then, of presence—a sense of responsibility—can students-as-becoming-professionals demonstrate?ConclusionRose’s words ask us as researchers and educators to consider what it might mean to “do” ethical practice in the “here and now”. When teachers claim that more knowledge about Indigenous peoples will lead to better practice, they negate the epistemological violence of bringing Indigeneity into a Western order of knowledge. Yet even as pre-service teachers’ frameworks shift toward a sense of responsibility for working with Indigenous students, families, and communities—a sense of presence—they are caught in a necessary but problematic moment of deferral to future praxis. A future orientation enables the deflection of responsibility, focusing on what the pre-service teachers might do in the future when they have their own classrooms, but turning their backs on a lack of action in the present. Such a complexity reveals the paradox of assessing learnings for both researchers and university educators. Pre-service teachers—visitors in placement classrooms and students in universities—are always writing and projecting skill towards the future. As educators, we continually ask for students to demonstrate how they will change their future work in a time yet to come. Yet when pre-service teachers undertake placements, their agency to enact difference as becoming-teachers is limited by the totality of the current school programs in which they find themselves. A reflective learning journal, as assessment directed at projecting their future work as teachers, does not enable or ask for a change in the here and now. We must continue to engage in such complexities in considering the potential of epistemological violence as both researchers and educators. Engaging with philosophy is one way to think about what we do (Kameniar et al.) in Indigenous education, a complex field underpinned by violent historical legacies and decades of discursive policy and one where the majority of the workforce is non-Indigenous and working with ideas outside of their own experiences of being. To remember that we are not alone in the world is to stay present with this complexity.ReferencesAustralian Curriculum and Assessment Reporting Authority. “Cross-Curriculum Priorities.” Australian Curriculum. Australian Curriculum and Assessment Reporting Authority, n.d. 23 Apr. 2020 <https://www.australiancurriculum.edu.au/f-10-curriculum/cross-curriculum-priorities/­>.———. “Science.” Australian Curriculum. 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