Journal articles: 'Ubaid culture'

1

KOIZUMI, Tatsundo. "Burial Practices in Ubaid Culture." Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 40, no. 1 (1997): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.40.1.

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2

Moore, A. M. T. "Pottery kiln sites at al 'Ubaid and Eridu." Iraq 64 (2002): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002108890000365x.

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The two sites of Al 'Ubaid and Eridu in southern Iraq are among the most significant historically for our understanding of the 'Ubaid culture. Al 'Ubaid is the type site while Eridu has yielded, not only the best known 'Ubaid occupation sequence, but also evidence of the development of the settlement from its beginnings as a village to its later floruit as a town, complete with a temple and an extensive extra-mural cemetery. Both sites have been partially excavated, Al 'Ubaid on two occasions and Eridu by at least four expeditions. The results of all these various explorations have been published so that we have a good idea of the nature of both sites. I was able, with T. J. Wilkinson, to visit Al 'Ubaid and Eridu in June 1990 (Fig. 1). During our visits we found indications of the firing of 'Ubaid pottery on the surfaces of both sites; this discovery was unexpected since the existence of pottery kilns had not been mentioned in the published accounts. The purpose of this note is to draw the attention of archaeologists to these remains, to describe them briefly and to discuss their significance.The opportunity to visit Al 'Ubaid and Eridu came during a reconnaissance of prehistoric sites in Iraq carried out with the encouragement of Dr Muayad Said Damerji, then Director General of the State Organization of Antiquities and Heritage in Iraq. I wish to thank Dr Damerji and his staff for the welcome they extended on that occasion and the assistance they provided. I also wish to express appreciation and thanks to T. J. Wilkinson, then the Assistant Director of the British Archaeological Expedition in Iraq and an old friend and colleague, who accompanied me on the reconnaissance and gave valuable help throughout.

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Streit, Katharina, and Yosef Garfinkel. "Tel Tsaf and the Impact of the Ubaid Culture on the Southern Levant: Interpreting the Radiocarbon Evidence." Radiocarbon 57, no. 5 (2015): 865–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/azu_rc.57.18200.

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A data set of 18 radiocarbon dates from the domestic quarter and the well at Tel Tsaf provide conclusive evidence for the absolute dating of this Middle Chalcolithic site. Bayesian modeling suggests that the site was occupied in the last quarter of the 6th millennium BC and abandoned in the first quarter of the 5th millennium. The absolute dating of Tel Tsaf has further implications for the synchronization of the protohistory of the Levant. The ceramic assemblage of Tel Tsaf included delicately painted ceramic sherds (so-called Tel Tsaf ware), which are distinct from the common plain ware. Comparable motifs have been identified in ceramic assemblages of contemporary Ubaid sites such as Tell Mashnaqa, Tell Zeidan, Tell el-Abr, and Hammam et-Turkan IV in northern Mesopotamia. Tel Tsaf is a rare example of a little researched connection between the Ubaid culture and the Middle Chalcolithic of the southern Levant. The findings of Tel Tsaf expand the southwestern border of the Ubaid sphere of influence and shed new light on long-distance interaction in protohistory.

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Blackham, Mark. "Further investigations as to the relationship of Samarran and Ubaid ceramic assemblages." Iraq 58 (1996): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003144.

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The Samarran ceramic assemblage of the Mesopotamian region has long remained an enigma. With the exception of the work of Braidwood et al. and Oates, the nature of the relationship between Samarran and other contemporary Mesopotamian and Iranian styles has not been systematically explored. This paper begins by challenging contemporary perceptions of the Samarran “culture” and continues by investigating the relationship of Samarran wares to those of the Hassuna and Ubaid traditions. Comparisons among these assemblages are made by means of recent miner-alogical data from the site of Tell 'Oueili (Tell 'Awayli) in southern Mesopotamia. The Ubaid 0 ceramic assemblage at Tell 'Oueili is seen to have a substantial Samarran component, and, in light of this information, new questions arise concerning the place of this style within the region. The data provided by Courtois and Velde are used to test the following hypotheses about Samarran ceramics: [1] that they were imported to the southern Mesopotamian plain, [2] that they were locally made in southern Mesopotamia, and [3] that they are an integral and undifferentiated part of the Ubaid 0 assemblage.

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Carter, Robert, David Wengrow, Saber Ahmed Saber, Sami Jamil Hamarashi, Mary Shepperson, Kirk Roberts, Michael P. Lewis, et al. "THE LATER PREHISTORY OF THE SHAHRIZOR PLAIN, KURDISTAN REGION OF IRAQ: FURTHER INVESTIGATIONS AT GURGA CHIYA AND TEPE MARANI." Iraq 82 (November 6, 2020): 41–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2020.3.

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The Shahrizor Prehistory Project has targeted prehistoric levels of the Late Ubaid and Late Chalcolithic 4 (LC4; Late Middle Uruk) periods at Gurga Chiya (Shahrizor, Kurdistan region of northern Iraq), along with the Halaf period at the adjacent site of Tepe Marani. Excavations at the latter have produced new dietary and environmental data for the sixth millennium B.C. in the region, while at Gurga Chiya part of a burned Late Ubaid tripartite house was excavated. This has yielded a promising archaeobotanical assemblage and established a benchmark ceramic assemblage for the Shahrizor Plain, which is closely comparable to material known from Tell Madhhur in the Hamrin valley. The related series of radiocarbon dates gives significant new insights into the divergent timing of the Late Ubaid and early LC in northern and southern Mesopotamia. In the following occupation horizon, a ceramic assemblage closely aligned to the southern Middle Uruk indicates convergence of material culture with central and southern Iraq as early as the LC4 period. Combined with data for the appearance of Early Uruk elements at sites in the adjacent Qara Dagh region, this hints at long-term co-development of material culture during the fourth millennium B.C. in southeastern Iraqi Kurdistan and central and southern Iraq, potentially questioning the model of expansion or colonialism from the south.

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Nieuwenhuyse, Olivier, Takahiro Odaka, Akemi Kaneda, Simone Mühl, Kamal Rasheed, and Mark Altaweel. "REVISITING TELL BEGUM: A PREHISTORIC SITE IN THE SHAHRIZOR PLAIN, IRAQI KURDISTAN." Iraq 78 (December 2016): 103–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2016.7.

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Tell Begum was previously explored by Iraqi archaeologists in the 1960s when excavations revealed a multi-period site. Among the key finds were Halaf period remains that are relatively rare in the region of the Shahrizor plain and included polychrome ceramics suggesting a local variation of the Halaf culture. Recent investigations and excavations in 2011 and 2013 revealed a 5 hectare site inhabited during the Halaf, Ubaid, Late Chalcolithic, and medieval periods. The Halaf site may have had an area of about 3 hectares, making it a relatively large settlement for that period, although its full extent is unclear. Offsite work revealed the area to have been well watered in the past, with likely neighbouring regions of woodland and abundant shrubs. The heavy sedimentation in the region has partially obscured archaeological remains, including possibly Tell Begum's lower mound. The site, nevertheless, shows continuity of settlement, indicating relative stability in settlement over long timespans.

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Wengrow, David, Robert Carter, Gareth Brereton, Mary Shepperson, Sami Jamil Hamarashi, Saber Ahmed Saber, Andrew Bevan, et al. "GURGA CHIYA AND TEPE MARANI: NEW EXCAVATIONS IN THE SHAHRIZOR PLAIN, IRAQI KURDISTAN." Iraq 78 (November 3, 2016): 253–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2016.6.

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Gurga Chiya and Tepe Marani are small, adjacent mounds located close to the town of Halabja in the southern part of the Shahrizor Plain, one of the most fertile regions of Iraqi Kurdistan. Survey and excavation at these previously unexplored sites is beginning to produce evidence for human settlement spanning the sixth to the fourth millennia, c. 5600–3300 cal. b.c. In Mesopotamian chronology this corresponds to the Late Neolithic through to Chalcolithic periods; the Halaf, Ubaid, and Uruk phases of conventional culture history. In Iraqi Kurdistan, documentation of these periods—which witnessed many important transformations in prehistoric village life—is currently very thin. Here we offer a preliminary report on the emerging results from the Shahrizor Plain, with a particular focus on the description of material culture (ceramic and lithic assemblages), in order to establish a benchmark for further research. We also provide a detailed report on botanical remains and accompanying radiocarbon dates, which allow us to place this new evidence in a wider comparative framework. A further, brief account is given of Late Bronze Age material culture from the upper layers at Gurga Chiya. We conclude with observations on the significance of the Shahrizor Plain for wider research into the later prehistory of the Middle East, and the importance of preserving and investigating its archaeological record.

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8

Carter, Robert, and Harriet Crawford. "The Kuwait-British Archaeological Expedition to as-Sabiyah: Report on the third season's work." Iraq 64 (2002): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003624.

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A third season of excavation by the joint Kuwaiti-British team took place at the Ubaid-related site of H3 in northern Kuwait during the spring of 2001. Permission to excavate was again granted by Dr al Rumayhi, Secretary General of the National Council for Culture, Arts and Letters, to whom we are most grateful. The work was only possible because of the generosity of a number of funding bodies: the NCCAL in Kuwait; the British School of Archaeology in Iraq; the Institute of Archaeology, University College London; the Charlotte Bonham-Carter Charitable Trust; the Central Research fund of London University; the Society for Arabian Studies; and, above all, Kuwait Shell, our industrial sponsor. The success of the season was due to their generosity and to the dedication and skill of all members of the two teams.Objectives this year included the continuation of work in the multi-cellular building in Area A identified in the second season, and the uncovering of the building visible on the surface in the adjacent Area C. The multi-cellular building proved to be structurally complex and had an unexpected depth of deposit in its chambers. These deposits proved to be extremely rich in finds which will greatly enhance our understanding of the site when analyses are completed. In Area C, the new building was defined and excavated to its base although its relationship with the adjacent building(s) in Area A remains to be defined. Limited work was also carried out in the previously excavated military dug-out, or foxhole, Area F, where work was completed. Two teams worked in Area A which was subdivided this season into an east and a west sector, while a third team investigated Area C.

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9

Fletcher, Alexandra. "The prehistoric ceramic assemblage from Horum Höyük." Anatolian Studies 57 (December 2007): 191–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600008607.

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AbstractThe site of Horum Höyük is located on the Euphrates, near the modern town of Nizip. It was excavated in advance of the flooding caused by the Birecek dam. The prehistoric ceramic assemblage contains stylistic elements that relate to the Halaf, northern Ubaid and earliest Late Chalcolithic periods. Studies of the Late Chalcolithic in the region of the Syro-Turkish border have tended to take a Mesopotamia-centric focus, as characterised by the so-called Uruk Expansion. Recently, however, research has begun to examine Syro-Anatolia as a discrete entity. The precise chronology for the Late Chalcolithic period remains an issue of discussion. The main source of chronological evidence in the region is the pottery from the Amuq sequence, which exhibits a hiatus in the crucial Ubaid and Late Chalcolithic phases (E–F). Most of the prehistoric assemblage at Horum Höyük falls within this period and therefore has the potential to contribute to the debate. Three issues will therefore be addressed, namely, the chronological relationship between ceramic ware types, Horum Höyük's regional stylistic relations and the pottery assemblage's overall chronological position.

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10

COURY, RALPH M. "THE ARAB NATIONALISM OF MAKRAM 'UBAYD." Journal of Islamic Studies 6, no. 1 (1995): 76–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/6.1.76.

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11

Parker, Bradley J., and Jason R. Kennedy. "A Quantitative Attribute Analysis of the Ubaid-Period Ceramic Corpus from Kenan Tepe." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 358 (May 2010): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/basor25741804.

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12

Dittmann, Reinhard. "The Ubaid Period in Iraq. Recent Excavations in the Hamrin Region. S. A. Jasim." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 286 (May 1992): 91–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357122.

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13

Rippin, A. "Abū ‘Ubaid's Kitāb al-Nāsikh wa'l-mansūkh." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 53, no. 2 (June 1990): 319–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00026112.

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In my review of John Burton's edition of the work on abrogation (naskh) in the Qur'ān and the sunna by Abu ‘Ubaid (d. 224/839) in BSOAS, LII, 2, 1989, 346–7, I mentioned the existence of a fragment of this text found in the Türk ve Islâm Eserleri Müzesi, Istanbul; neither Burton nor Fuat Sezgin in his facsimile edition of the Topkapi Ahmet III manuscript of the text (Frankfurt am Main, 1985), mention this fragment or clarify its status.The fragment appears to have been discovered and identified by Janine Sourdel-Thomine and Dominique Sourdel; it is mentioned in their article, ‘Nouveaux documents sur l'histoire religieuse et sociale de Damas au moyen age’, Revue des études islamiques, 32, 1964, 16. Sezgin cites this article and the existence of the fragment of the text in GAS, vm, 85, item V.

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14

Algar, H. "Review: The Letters of Khwaja 'Ubayd Allah Ahrar and his Associates * Jo-Ann Gross, Asom Urunbaev: The Letters of Khwaja 'Ubayd Allah Ahrar and his Associates." Journal of Islamic Studies 15, no. 2 (May 1, 2004): 224–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/15.2.224.

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15

Muranyi, Miklos, John Burton, and Abu Ubaid al-Qasim b. Sallam. "Abu Ubaid al-Qasim b. Sallam's K. al-nasikh wa-l-mansukh (MS. Istanbul, Topkapi, Ahmet III A 143)." Die Welt des Islams 31, no. 2 (1991): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1570588.

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16

Brookshaw, Dominic Parviz. "To be Feared and Desired: Turks in the Collected Works of ‘Ubayd-i Zākānī." Iranian Studies 42, no. 5 (December 2009): 725–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210860903306010.

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17

Pavlovitch, Pavel. "El origen del isnād y la revuelta de al-Mujtār b. Abī ‘Ubayd en Kūfa (66-7/685-7)." Al-Qanṭara 39, no. 1 (November 19, 2018): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.2018.001.

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Durante el último siglo de estudios orientales, la cuestión de cuándo y dónde llegaron a consolidarse las tradiciones proféticas (ḥadīṯ, pl. aḥādīṯ) con líneas válidas de transmisión (isnād, pl. asānīd) ha atraído la atención de un considerable número de investigadores que se dedicaron a la cuestión fundamental de la historicidad del ḥadīṯ. En este trabajo, revisaré las teorías existentes sobre los orígenes del isnād, orígenes que se datan o bien en la vida de los Compañeros del Profeta, o bien a finales del siglo II de la hégira, es decir 816 d.C. Basándome en una hasta ahora olvidada tradición y en dos premisas de tipo metodológico, asociaré el comienzo de la atribución de autoridad en hadices legales y teológicos con las postrimerías de la revuelta de al-Mujtār b. Abī ‘Ubayd al-Ṯaqafī en Kūfa (66-7/685-7). En el curso del siglo II/VIII, la institución del isnād se expandió por los mayors centros de enseñanza en el califato y entró en la disciplina de la historia. Esta falta de igualdad geográfica y tipológica de la evolución del isnād dio lugar a esas teorías conflictivas respecto a su cronología.

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18

Rippin, A. "John Burton (ed.): Abū 'Ubaid al-Qāsim b. Sallām 's K. al-nāsikh wa-lmansūkh (MS. Istanbul, Topkapi, Ahmet III A143). ix, 192 pp., 116 pp. [Arabic text]. Cambridge: Trustees of the E. J. W. Gibb Memorial, 1987." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 52, no. 2 (June 1989): 346–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00035588.

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19

Lin, Quan, Yasuko Rikihisa, Suleyman Felek, Xueqi Wang, Robert F. Massung, and Zerai Woldehiwet. "Anaplasma phagocytophilum Has a Functional msp2 Gene That Is Distinct from p44." Infection and Immunity 72, no. 7 (July 2004): 3883–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/iai.72.7.3883-3889.2004.

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ABSTRACT The msp2 and p44 genes encode polymorphic major outer membrane proteins that are considered unique to the intraerythrocytic agent of Anaplasma marginale and the intragranulocytic agent of Anaplasma phagocytophilum, respectively. In the present study, however, we found an msp2 gene in A. phagocytophilum that was remarkably conserved among A. phagocytophilum strains from human granulocytic anaplasmosis (HGA) patients, ticks, and a horse from various regions in the United States, but the gene was different in a sheep isolate from the United Kingdom. The msp2 gene in the A. phagocytophilum strain HZ genome was a single-copy gene and was located downstream of two Ehrlichia chaffeensis omp-1 homologs and a decarboxylase gene (ubiD). The msp2 gene was expressed by A. phagocytophilum in the blood from HGA patients NY36 and NY37 and by A. phagocytophilum isolates from these patients cultured in HL-60 cells at 37°C. The msp2 gene was also expressed in a DBA/2 mouse infected by attaching ticks infected with strain NTN-1 and in a horse experimentally infected by attaching strain HZ-infected ticks. However, the transcript of the msp2 gene was undetectable in A. phagocytophilum strain HZ in SCID mice and Ixodes scapularis ticks infected with strain NTN-1. These results indicate that msp2 is functional in various strains of A. phagocytophilum, and relative expression ratios of msp2 to p44 vary in different infected hosts. These findings may be important in understanding roles that Msp2 proteins play in granulocytic ehrlichia infection and evolution of the polymorphic major outer membrane protein gene families in Anaplasma species.

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20

Hawting, G. R. "Abū ‘Ubaid al-Qāsim B. Sallām's K. al-Nāsikh wa-l-mansūkh. (Ms. Istanbul, Topkapi, Ahmet III A 143). Edited with a commentary by John Burton. (E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series. New Series XXX.) pp. xvi, 192 (English), 116 (Arabic). Cambridge, Trustees of the “E. J. W. Gibb Memorial”, 1987." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 122, no. 1 (January 1990): 147–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035869x0010797x.

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21

Gilliot, Claude. "John BURTON (edited with a Commentary by), AbŪ Ubaid al-Qāsim b. Sallām's K. al-nāsikh wa-l-mansŪkh (MS. Istanbul, Topkapi, Ahmet III A), («GMS, New Series») Cambridge, Trustees of the E. J. Gibb Memorial, 1987, 13 + 192 + 116 p.; 16,5 x 24 cm." Arabica 38, no. 3 (1991): 395–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005891x00428.

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22

Norris, H. T. "Tome Quarantième de la Chronique D'Égypte de Musabbiḥī (Le Prince al-Muḫtār ῾Izz al-Mulk Muḥammad Ibn ῾Ubayd Allāh Ibn Aḥmad) 336–420/977–1029, Al-juz᾿ al-arba ūn Akhbār Miṣr. 2. Partie Littéraire, 2, al-qism al-adabī. Edited and presented by Ḥusayn Naṣṣār. (Textes Arabes et Études Islamiques, Tome XIII/2, 1984.) pp. vii, 64 + 148pp. Arabic text. Le Caire, Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale du Caire, 1984." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 119, no. 2 (April 1987): 319–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035869x00140754.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Ubaid culture'

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