Academic literature on the topic 'Uganda; East Africa'

Este trabalho procura responder por que as políticas externas de Uganda, Tanzânia e Quênia convergiram ao final da década de 1990 culminando na refundação da Comunidade da África Oriental (CAO). Leva-se em consideração o quadro de análise em dois níveis: a política interna e o sistema internacional. O trabalho guia-se por duas hipóteses. A primeira é que dificuldades econômicas domésticas, experimentadas na década de 1990 — marcada pela adoção do Consenso de Washington —, deram impulso a forças políticas que favoreciam parcerias regionais. Já a segunda é que a CAO seria um fator conducente à constituição de um paradigma relacional no leste africano, permitindo a resolução pacífica de controvérsias entre os Estados membros e a coordenação de ações militares em seu entorno. Para averiguar as hipóteses, analisam-se os processos políticos internos dos três países em busca das causas da aproximação, isto é, mudanças de governo, governante e de arcabouço institucional. Traça-se também a evolução da políticas externas de Quênia, Tanzânia e Uganda, relacionando-as com o panorama internacional da época e com as dinâmicas políticas domésticas. Ademais, exploram-se os limites da convergência política através do estudo de alguns casos específicos: projetos de integração infraestrutural na CAO, a guerra civil da Somália e as guerras na República Democrática do Congo. Verifica-se que na Tanzânia a transição presidencial foi determinante para a mudança na política externa. Em Uganda, a superação da instabilidade interna (insurgências) permitiu o maior engajamento regional. Em contraste, a política externa queniana mostrou-se mais reativa ao contexto externo: a perda de valor estratégico do país para os Estados Unidos com o fim da Guerra Fria obrigou-o a buscar aliados regionais para evitar isolamento. Já os estudos de caso mostram que a convergência política encontra muitos desafios, pois, embora haja uma relação especial entre Dodoma, Kampala e Nairóbi, eles disputam entre si para tornar-se polo regional de poder. Ainda assim, mesmo quando estão indiretamente em guerra um contra o outro, como na República Democrática do Congo, a integração consegue avançar paulatinamente.<br>This work aims to answer why did the foreign policies of Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya converge by the end of the 1990s culminating in the re-foundation of the East African Community (EAC). It takes into consideration the two-level analytical framework: internal politics and the international system. Two hypothesis guide the investigation. The first is that domestic economic difficulties, experience in the 1990s — marked by the adoption of the Washington Consensus —, have given impulse to political forces favorable to regional partnerships. The second considers that the EAC is a factor conducive to the constitution of a relational paradigm in East Africa, allowing for the peaceful resolution of controversies among member-states and military action coordination in their surroundings. To test the hypotheses, the internal political processes of the three countries are analyzed in search for the causes of the convergence, that is, changes in government, ruler and institutional framework. The evolution of Kenya's, Tanzania's and Uganda's foreign policies is traced, relating them with the international scene of the period and with domestic political dynamics. Furthermore, the limits of the political convergence are explored through the study of some specific cases: infrastructure integration projects in EAC, Somalia's civil war and the wars in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The work finds that in Tanzania the presidential transition was determinative to the foreign policy shift. In Uganda, the overcoming of internal instability (insurgencies) allowed a greater regional engagement. Conversely, the Kenyan foreign policy has shown to be more reactive to the external context: the country's loss of strategic value to the United States with the end of the Cold War pushed it to seek regional allies to avoid isolation. The case studies have shown that the political convergence meets many challenges, because, although there is a special relationship between Dodoma, Kampala and Nairobi, they dispute to become a regional pole of power. Nevertheless, even when they are indirectly at war with one another, as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the integration manages to advance step by step.

Magister Legum - LLM<br>The problems connected with transit of goods also have been mostly neglected in the respective literature so far: In most books about the law of the WTO, Article V of GATT 1994 has been left out completely or reference is only made to the text of the article. In the following, this thesis will thus examine (i) what transit restrictions exist for the transport of Ugandan goods from and to the international market through Kenya (see Chapter 2 below); (ii) whether these measures adopted in Kenya are in compliance with the relevant law of the EAC (see Chapter 3 below) and of the WTO (see Chapter 4 below); and (iii) if there is a conflict in jurisdiction in this respect (see Chapter 5 below). In addition, it will then shortly show the current status of the current negotiations of the WTO Trade Facilitation Committee and the possible implications of the Revised Draft Negotiation Text (see Chapter 6 below)

The work presented in this thesis is focused upon the community of endemic pathogens of African cattle in Sub-Saharan Africa, which has long constrained livestock production in these areas. The first aim of this work is to investigate whether the pathogen community as a whole shapes the ensuant epidemiology and morbidity which are currently attributed to any of its individual pathogens. The second aim is to determine if a greater understanding of the interactions present amongst genetically distinct parasites of the same species can be used to better explain epidemiological features that are at present poorly understood. Emphasis is placed on examining spatial variation in the epidemiology of Theileria parva, a tick-transmitted protozoan that causes East Coast Fever. To achieve these aims, this work examines field data collected from a large and comprehensive study conducted in south east Uganda. Through application of apposite statistical techniques and mathematical modelling, aspects of the complex relations amongst the pathogen community and their environment are explored. Evidence is presented that demonstrates the paramount role of the pathogen community as a whole in shaping the infection dynamics and pathogenicity of any of its individual components. By focusing on a single member of this pathogen community (Theileria parva), some of the influences of host, vector, geographical location, temporal dynamics and intra-species pathogen interactions are elucidated. Application of a polymorphic molecular marker to Theileria parva infected blood samples and the use of Cox proportional hazard analysis, show variability in the survival of infections in cattle in high and low tick challenge areas. Moreover infection survival, which plays a pivotal role in parasite transmission, is shown to be a function of the interactions established amongst genetically distinct co-infective parasites. In consequence, vector intensity alone is insufficient to develop reliable transmission models which can accurately predict the epidemiology of the parasite inside and outside enzootic belts. Finally, a theoretical model is developed which, based upon the field evidence obtained throughout this work, provides a possible explanation for the mechanics of T. parva survival in cattle. In summary, this thesis makes a case that consideration of both inter- and intra-species pathogen interactions, can greatly augment understanding of the epidemiology of these pathogen communities. An integrated approach to pathogen dynamics can better equip an integrated approach to control of important diseases of African cattle.

There has been significant academic criticism of the international news coverage of Africa, but little or no first-hand research on the forces that create this news. This thesis draws on 51 semi-structured interviews and ethnographic work with practicing foreign correspondents in Sudan, Kenya and Uganda to explore the question: how can we explain and theorise the production of international news on East Africa? The thesis argues that Pierre Bourdieu’s Field Theory, and its analytical toolbox of ‘field’, ‘capital’ and ‘habitus’, can be meaningfully used to examine international journalistic practice. Field theory has been widely and productively used to understand domestic news production, but it has not yet been employed to empirically investigate journalistic production in the global sphere. The analysis is presented in three sections, each of which focuses on a different ‘layer’ of the international news system: the global field, where newswires compete for clients and capital; the national field ‘back home’ where traditional, nation based news outlets are based; and, finally, the local and immediate site where foreign correspondents work. Each of these layers is explored through an in depth case study of a major news producer/group of producers working in East Africa. The first and most substantial section examines the global journalistic field, and the position and practices of the Reuters newswire within this field. The second examines the foreign correspondents who report on Africa for print outlets in the UK. The final section presents two case studies of correspondents at work, negotiating a local news ecology: the election violence in Kenyan (2007-8), and the international coverage of the Darfur crisis. The discussion explores the fluidity between these three layers. Each analysis section stands alone as an investigations of major news producers in Africa today, and the forces that influence their work. Together, they build the argument that field theory is a useful approach to conceptualising the contemporary global news system, and examining journalistic practices within this. The main strengths of the theory lie in its notion of habitus; the extent to which it can incorporate and explain change; and its ability to link macro level phenomenon with micro level practice. The theory is ideally suited to capture and study the way in which foreign correspondents negotiate a complex and fluid global news system.

This research sets out to explore the origins, nature and effects of relations between Czechoslovakia and Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania in the late colonial and early post-colonial period from 1958 up to and including 1970. It identifies the motivations and intentions with which both parties entered into these relations. It examines in particular the matter of how Czechoslovak activities and interactions with local political parties and leading politicians influenced political and economic development in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania in this period. Using a unique set of previously unstudied primary historical sources it identifies the primary and secondary objectives that Czechoslovak foreign policy set out for relations with these countries, the most common and the most effective strategies used to attain these objectives, and the extent to which these objectives were eventually successfully reached. Ultimately, by a comparative analysis of the three case studies it concludes which were the most effective strategies as well as identifying the necessary preconditions that allowed Czechoslovakia to interfere actively in the political development of these states and eventually to come close to reaching its stated objectives. The findings of this research show that if Czechoslovakia was to have had a realistic chance of reaching any of its political objectives in East Africa a combination of specific conditions had to be met. The most effective form of exerting influence on political development in Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika proved to be special military or security assistance. However, this was effective only when Czechoslovakia was able to ensure political support of the Kenyan, Ugandan or Tanganyikan political leadership. In order to sustain the political influence gained by Czechoslovakia, it was necessary to provide the assisted country with effective economic support or technical aid that would drive that country's development. If all of these conditions were met, Czechoslovakia was able actively to influence the political development of local states, undermine the position of the West and come close to reaching and sustaining her political objectives. However, if any of these conditions were not present or other forms of support were provided instead, the Czechoslovak capacity to influence political development in Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika was very low.

Several studies suggest that the diffusion of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in developing countries (DCs) can help such countries achieve national development goals - especially if accompanied by appropriate government policies designed to regulate and promote the use and the diffusion of ICTs in the national context. Over the past few years 'ICT policy' has thus become something worthy of academic attention, in particular in the ambit of ICT-for-development (ICT4D) literature. Scholarly studies on the subject have so far focused however primarily on policy content, and have often been prescriptive and/or evaluative in nature. Relatively less attention has been paid instead to the processes by which ICT policy is made in DCs - a lacuna reflected also in the relative scarcity, in the realm of ICT4D literature, of detailed theoretical frameworks with which to study ICT policymaking practice in DCs. This study intends to help fill this lacuna, by proposing an innovative framework for the analysis of ICT policy processes in DCs, and subjecting such a framework to a first 'proof of concept', through its application to a particular case (ICT policymaking in Uganda). In recognition of the importance of the cognitive aspects of policy practice, the framework proposed is interpretive in nature, and is organised around three 'movements', or steps: an analysis of the linguistic and non-linguistic constructs employed by policy actors to articulate discourse on ICT policymaking; an analysis of the key discourses around ICT policy constructed by policy actors in specific settings; and an analysis of the composition and the strength of the 'alliances', or coalitions, of actors that construct and propagate specific discourses in such settings. The ultimate purpose of this type of analysis is to understand how specific discourses on, or 'versions' of the ICT policy process gain particular purchase and acceptance in given national settings, thereby providing ICT policy actors with elements for reflection on the practices they are involved in. The framework proposed is particularly innovative in that integrates elements derived from mainstream political science and policy analysis literature - thus going some way in solidifying theorization in the ambit of ICT4D research. The study draws conclusions at two levels: at case level, findings indicate that Ugandan discourse around ICT policymaking appears to be constrained by the existence of a powerful, overall political discourse that defines ICT policy as necessarily 'participative'; at the level of theory and method, findings suggest that the framework proposed appears to be a viable and useful one for research on ICT policymaking practice in DCs.