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1
Lindemann, Stefan. "The Ethnic Politics of Coup Avoidance: Evidence from Zambia and Uganda." Africa Spectrum 46, no. 2 (August 2011): 3–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971104600201.
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Though military interventions seem endemic in sub-Saharan Africa, more than a third of all countries have been able to avoid military coups. To solve this puzzle, this article relates the likelihood of military coups to the degree of ethnic congruence between civilian and military leaders, arguing that coup avoidance is most likely when government and army either exhibit the same ethnic bias or are both ethnically balanced. This argument is illustrated by a comparison of the diverging experiences of Zambia and Uganda. While Zambia is among Africa's coup-free countries, Uganda's vulnerability to military intervention has varied over time – with four coups under Obote and the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) but no coups under Amin and Museveni. Drawing on original longitudinal data on the ethnic distribution of political and military posts, the article shows that the absence of military coups in Zambia goes back to the balanced composition of government and army. In Uganda, coup avoidance under Amin and Museveni can be linked to the fact that government and army exhibited the same ethnic bias, whereas the coups against the Obote and UNLF regimes reflected either ethnic incongruence between civilian and military leaders or the destabilising combination of a similarly polarised government and army.
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Sadgrove, Joanna, Robert M. Vanderbeck, Johan Andersson, Gill Valentine, and Kevin Ward. "Morality plays and money matters: towards a situated understanding of the politics of homosexuality in Uganda." Journal of Modern African Studies 50, no. 1 (February 27, 2012): 103–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x11000620.
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ABSTRACTSince the drafting of Uganda's anti-homosexuality bill in 2009, considerable attention has been paid both in Uganda and across the African continent to the political and social significance of homosexual behaviour and identity. However, current debates have not adequately explained how and why anti-homosexual rhetoric has been able to gain such popular purchase within Uganda. In order to move beyond reductive representations of an innate African homophobia, we argue that it is necessary to recognise the deep imbrication of sexuality, family life, procreation and material exchange in Uganda, as well as the ways in which elite actors (including government officials, the media and religious leaders) are able to manipulate social anxieties to further particular ends. We employ a discourse analysis of reporting in the state-owned newspaperNew Vision, first considering how the issue of homosexuality has been represented in relation to wider discourses regarding threats to public morality and national sovereignty. Then, through fieldwork undertaken in Uganda in 2009, we explore three key themes that offer deeper insights into the seeming resonance of this popular rhetoric about homosexuality: constructions of the family, the nature of societal morality, and understandings about reciprocity and material exchange in contemporary Ugandan society.
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Tangri, Roger, and Andrew M. Mwenda. "Politics, donors and the ineffectiveness of anti-corruption institutions in Uganda." Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 1 (February 6, 2006): 101–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001436.
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Elite corruption in Uganda constitutes an essential means of consolidating the present government in power. Political leaders have therefore shown little commitment to act to curb practices that could affect their political support. Instead, anti-corruption institutions have been influenced and controlled whenever they threatened to expose the corrupt ways of Uganda's state elites. Donors have also for many years been reluctant to use their substantial economic assistance to press the government to confront wrongdoing by state elites. They have not wanted to undermine a government which they have held up as one of the most successful in Africa in carrying out donor-sponsored economic reforms. But by giving large amounts of aid to a corrupt and quasi-authoritarian government, as well as being reticent in their public criticism of abuse of power and corruption, donors have abetted the actions of Uganda's leaders in weakening those bodies that could hold them responsible for abusing their public positions.
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Kamara, JK, and AMN Renzaho. "The politics of food and the fight against hunger: Reflections and lessons from Uganda." African Journal of Food, Agriculture, Nutrition and Development 14, no. 64 (July 7, 2014): 9016–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18697/ajfand.64.13460.
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Uganda is regarded as a success story having achieved tremendous economic progress since the end of chronic civil unrest and ethnic conflicts. However, the country faces a host of developmental challenges, especially adult and child hunger in tandem with malnutrition that threatens the core foundations of the impressive economic growth. These challenges have created conditions which led to civil strife especially among the urban poor who are most affected by hunger as opposed to the rural poor who subsist on farming. Out of desperation, some sections of the society use unconventional means to fight hunger; their frustration is often directed at the established authorities. However, factors that precipitate hunger in Uganda are poorly understood. This paper examines how Ugandan politics is being reshaped by the geopolitics of food. The objective is to provide a critical analysis of factors associated with food insecurity for the growing urban population and demonstrate that the Ugandan Government can do better to address the increasing food prices and the high cost of living. The triggers of the 2011/2012 riots in urban areas and the adequacy of the government’s response will be discussed. The impact of various factors such as international food markets, population growth and increasing demands for biofuel, on the rising food and fuel prices, will be examined. The paper also reviews other forces driving food insecurity including changes in the weather patterns, the growing middle class, the impact of government policies as well the role of increased urbanisation. The paper concludes that food insecurity for the growing Ugandan population is a threat that can no longer be ignored. This paper argues that achieving food security especially for the urban poor, is an effective means of curtailing civil strife, violence and insecurity in Uganda. The government must be proactive in creating a foundation for food independence and national stability.
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Bruce-Lockhart, Katherine. "Prisoner releases in postcolonial Uganda: Power, politics, and the public." Incarceration 3, no. 1 (January 6, 2022): 263266632110597. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/26326663211059777.
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This article examines prisoner releases in postcolonial Uganda, focusing on the period between independence in 1962 and the inauguration of Yoweri Museveni in 1986. During these decades, Uganda's government enacted over 30 large scale releases of prisoners and detainees, affecting approximately 20,000 individuals. These acts of clemency were highly politicized and frequently occurred during times of political transition or tension. While framed by Uganda's leaders and the official media as gestures of goodwill and symbols of progress, these releases ultimately reinforced executive power and the centrality of incarceration in state repression.
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Manyak and Katono. "Impact of Multiparty Politics on Local Government in Uganda." African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review 1, no. 1 (2011): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.1.1.8.
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Hönig, Patrick. "Civil Society and Land Use Policy in Uganda: The Mabira Forest Case." Africa Spectrum 49, no. 2 (August 2014): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971404900203.
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Over the past few years, the Ugandan government has repeatedly initiated proceedings to clear one-fourth of the Mabira natural forest reserve in central Uganda and give the land to a sugar company controlled by a transnational business conglomerate. Each time the government took steps to execute the Mabira project, civil society groups organised large-scale protests that pressurised the government into shelving its plans. The Save Mabira Forest campaign has been widely cited as an example of how sustained protests by civil society groups serve as a corrective of democratic deficits in decision-making processes pertaining to the commons and as a deterrent to profit-driven business schemes hatched in collusion with carefree or corrupt bureaucrats and politicians. However, an in-depth analysis of the campaign suggests that ecological and social justice concerns are mixed up with identity politics and exclusionist agendas. Examining the complex web of interactions between state, big business and civil society in Uganda, this paper sheds light on the multi-layered and often ambiguous role played by non-governmental organisations in post-conflict societies of sub-Saharan Africa.
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Vokes, Richard. "Signs of development: photographic futurism and the politics of affect in Uganda." Africa 89, no. 2 (May 2019): 303–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972019000081.
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AbstractThis article contributes to recent scholarship on an emergent public political visual culture in Africa. Through an ethnographic study of political billboards and other government-sponsored public political imagery in Uganda, it argues that this new visual culture is primarily characterized by African states’ extensive use of post-photographic techniques as a means for projecting fantastic visions of their future development goals. However, drawing on recent insights from the ‘material turn’ in visual theory, it finds that – in Uganda's case at least – the potency of these new public visual artefacts may stem less from what they show than from how they invoke in their citizen-viewers an embodied sense of future possibilities. Once generated, this affective response can be mobilized by the state and its agents in the ‘here and now’, for political gain. The article looks at how this worked in the run-up to Uganda's 2016 presidential elections, when, in the context of major new spending on national infrastructure projects, the images and artefacts of this new visual culture served to greatly amplify the sense that all citizens would benefit from an emergent global capitalism. This inflated aspiration was mobilized in turn by the National Resistance Movement government as an integral part of its election campaign, and played a key role in returning the government to power.
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Nabukeera, Madinah. "THE POLITICS OF FOOD DISTRIBUTION DURING THE COVID-19 LOCK DOWN IN UGANDA." Archives of Business Research 8, no. 7 (August 4, 2020): 221–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/abr.87.8407.
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In face of the Novel Covid-19 pandemic that has swept the world, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni issued clear rules; stay at home unless it’s an emergency, wash your hands, sanitize, report any related cases for contact tracing and testing. In his directive all passenger services were stopped including private vehicles and imposed a curfew 7 pm until 6:30 a.m., which made stay at home orders mandatory. Majority of Ugandan urban dwellers are hand-to -mouth and live off their capability to move to town centers daily a small interruption in their routine means many went hungry. The government of Uganda broadcasted measures to distribute relief food items to troubled and vulnerable population mainly in the towns since those in the country sides are able to grow food and provide for their families. This article articulates the politics in the food in Wakiso and Kampala districts in Uganda why there was bias. The study used the selected all documents related to food distribution using content analysis and results indicated that anyone found distributing food outside the national covid-19 task force will be charged with attempted murder hence stopped politicians from strategizing ahead of 2021 parliamentary, presidential and local elections which implied that Covid-19 disrupted over 134 districts in the country in line with the preparation of elections and left majority hungry.
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Branch, Adam. "Uganda's Civil War and the Politics of ICC Intervention." Ethics & International Affairs 21, no. 2 (2007): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2007.00069.x.
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The International Criminal Court‘s intervention into the ongoing civil war in northern Uganda evoked a chorus of confident predictions as to its capacity to bring peace and justice to the war-torn region. This optimism is unwarranted, however. The article analyzes the consequences for peace and justice of the ICC's intervention, dividing them into two categories: those resulting from the political instrumentalization of the ICC by the Ugandan government, and those resulting from the discourse and practice of the ICC as an institution of global law enforcement.As to the first, the article argues that the Ugandan government referred the conflict to the ICC in order to obtain international support for its militarization and to entrench, not resolve, the war; the ICC, in accepting the referral and prosecuting only the Lord‘s Resistance Army, has in effect chosen to pursue a politically pragmatic case even though doing so contravenes the interests of peace, justice, and the rule of law. As to the second, the article reveals the harmful effects that ICC intervention can have on the capacity for autonomous political organization and action among civilian victims of violence, specifically how it leads to depoliticization by promoting a political dependency mediated by international law. The article draws from this analysis disturbing implications about ICC interventions generally, and concludes by asking whether ICC practice may be reformed so as to avoid these negative consequences.
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Tindigarukayo, Jimmy K. "Uganda, 1979–85: Leadership in Transition." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 4 (December 1988): 607–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015408.
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After a period of preoccupation with the study of the military in post-colonial states, some scholars have begun to turn their attention to the analysis of politics in post-military states in the Third World.1 This shift, however, has had a considerable impact on perceptions of the traditional rigid dichotomy between military and civilian régimes. In particular, there is increasing scepticism about the ability of the latter to restore political order, to establish the supremacy of civil institutions over the armed forces, and to acquire popular legitimacy. There seems little doubt that the pre-eminence of the soldiers, and their ability to dictate the degree of participation in politics, has continued to persist in a number of African countries, thereby producing systems of government that are a mixture rather than a clear manifestation of either a military or a civilian régime.
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Ssenyonjo, Manisuli. "The International Criminal Court and the Lord's Resistance Army Leaders: Prosecution or Amnesty?" International Criminal Law Review 7, no. 2-3 (2007): 361–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156753607x204266.
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AbstractOn 13 October 2005, the International Criminal Court (ICC) Pre-Trial Chamber II unsealed the warrants of arrest for five senior leaders of the Lord's Resistance Army/Movement (LRA/M) for crimes against humanity and war crimes committed in Uganda since July 2002. While these warrants were yet to be executed, the Ugandan government entered negotiations with the LRA/M rebels. As a result Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni, disregarding the ICC arrest warrants, announced a 'total amnesty' for the LRA combatants in July 2006 on the condition that the rebels renounced terrorism and accepted peace. Following the amnesty offer, an agreement on cessation of hostilities between the Ugandan government and the LRA/M was concluded with effect from 29 August 2006. This article considers the question whether a 'total amnesty' to individuals indicted by the ICC may be binding upon the ICC.
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Tangri, Roger, and Andrew M. Mwenda. "Change and continuity in the politics of government-business relations in Museveni’s Uganda." Journal of Eastern African Studies 13, no. 4 (August 18, 2019): 678–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2019.1655879.
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Ssenyonjo, Manisuli. "The Domestic Protection and Promotion of Human Rights under the 1995 Ugandan Constitution." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 20, no. 4 (December 2002): 445–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016934410202000404.
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This article examines the domestic constitutional framework for protection and promotion of human rights in Uganda. It considers the historical evolution of Uganda's Bill of Rights in the context of Uganda's history, which has been characterised by gross human rights violations. It observes that in 1986 Museveni under his ‘Movement’ or ‘no-party’ government declared a period of ‘fundamental change’, but argues that despite some positive aspects, the change as related to the protection and promotion of human rights has been far from being ‘fundamental’. It contends that, although the 1995 Ugandan Constitution attempts to protect human rights, the constitutional restrictions on civil and political rights and the relegation of most economic and social rights as ‘directive principles' coupled with elastic executive powers together with the ‘no-party’ political system undermine the effective protection and promotion of civil, political as well as economic, social and cultural rights. The article concludes by calling for a democratic constitutional reform representative of all interest groups, judicial activism on the part of the Ugandan Judiciary and Human Rights Commission and developing a culture of constitutionalism in Uganda to give effect to the indivisible and interdependent nature of all human rights in accordance with Uganda's international human rights obligations as a State party to the two international human rights covenants on civil and political as well as economic, social and cultural rights.
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Bodansky, Daniel, and James Thuo Gathii. "ICJ—prohibition against the use of force—self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter—duty of vigilance—IHR and IHL under belligerent occupation." American Journal of International Law 101, no. 1 (January 2007): 142–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000029596.
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Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Uganda). At <http://www.icj-cij.org>.International Court of Justice, December 19, 2005.In its December 19, 2005, judgment in Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo v. Uganda (Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Uganda), the International Court of Justice (ICJ) found Uganda to have engaged in grave violations of the prohibition on the use of force and of its international humanitarian and human rights obligations during its occupation of Congelese territory. The Court also found that the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) had violated the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations for its treatment of Ugandan diplomats and also for the destruction of their diplomatic premises and the associated archives and records.The train of events leading to this case originated in May 1997 with President Laurent-Desire Kabila's deposition of Zairean dictator Mobutu-Ssese Seko. Having come to power with Ugandan and Rwandese military assistance, Kabila was unsuccessful in his effort to remove Ugandan and Rwandese troops from the DRC (paras. 48–50). The DRC alleged that in August 1998, Ugandan armed forces invaded (para. 29) and then captured and occupied Congolese towns and territory in defiance of Kabila's decision that Ugandan and Rwandese forces should leave the DRC (para. 29–31). Further, the DRC contended that Uganda recruited, funded, trained, equipped, and supplied armed Congolese groups opposed to the Kabila government (para. 32).
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Kiwanuka, Dr Michael. "Building Trust and Reciprocity through Citizen Participation and Transparency: Lessons from Municipal Governments of Uganda and Thailand." International Journal of Economics, Business and Management Research 06, no. 05 (2022): 50–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.51505/ijebmr.2022.6505.
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New governance dynamics are pushing government and its agencies to explore and enhance participatory governance practices at all levels as well as developing and encouraging new partnerships with civil society organizations and other non-state actors. This arrangement however takes participation for granted and does not illustrate how and when it can be meaningful. This article was informed by a study that examined, in a comparative framework and in relation to the expectations created by theory, the extent to which citizen participation reciprocates into trust and transparency in Uganda and Thai municipal governments. Although citizen participation and empowerment are interrelated governance concepts, the study established considerable overlaps between the two. Empowering citizens to understand their stakes and leverage in the local governance processes, and how to make their voices count was concluded to be the missing link in Uganda and Thailand municipal governments. Moreover, without providing citizens with relevant and complete information in user-friendly formats, participation may remain a public display but in reality a surrogate for mere politics with little in terms of citizen trust and reciprocity
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Selnes, Florence Namasinga, and Kristin Skare Orgeret. "Activism as political action in Uganda: The role of social media." Journal of African Media Studies 12, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 283–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00025_1.
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The article discusses political activism in Uganda and the role of social media. It focuses on two specific cases, the 2011 ‘Walk-to-Work’ and the 2017 ‘Pads4Girls’ campaigns in order to contribute to better understanding of the ever-evolving dynamic between political activism and the media in such campaigns. A disputed presidential election in 2011 in Uganda prompted opposition politicians to call nationwide protests. The architects of the protests hoped this would eventually lead to the downfall of Museveni’s newly elected government. The ‘Pads4Girls’ campaign on the other hand, was spearheaded by a female academic activist and provoked unprecedented response from politicians across the political divide, activists and unaffiliated individuals who added weight to the campaign. The article’s discussions feed into a broader conversation on the interaction of media and politics in semi-democratic contexts such as Uganda, where attempts to curtail media freedom and freedom of expression are frequent.
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Wyrod, Robert, and Kimberlee Chang. "Tensions in Sino-African labour relations: the view from the Karuma hydroelectric dam in Uganda." Journal of Modern African Studies 61, no. 4 (December 2023): 583–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x23000186.
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ABSTRACTOver the last decade China has become a dominant player in Africa's rapidly growing hydropower sector. These mega projects typically employ thousands of Africans yet research on labour relations at these sites remains extremely limited. This article provides a rare systematic analysis of workers’ experiences on a Chinese-financed-and-constructed hydroelectric dam in Africa. We find that chronic verbal abuse of African workers by Chinese managers is a defining feature of labour relations at this project in Uganda. This abuse has tainted many workers’ attitudes towards the Chinese contractor Sinohydro, the Chinese government, and to a lesser extent Chinese people themselves. Workers also perceive Ugandan organisations and the Ugandan government as complicit in these poor labour relations. These findings underscore the limits of accountability to labour standards by Chinese firms operating in Africa, especially in contexts where host organisations and governments fail to advocate aggressively for the rights of African workers.
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Tripp, Aili Mari. "The politics of autonomy and cooptation in Africa: the case of the Ugandan Women's Movement." Journal of Modern African Studies 39, no. 1 (March 2001): 101–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003548.
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State responsiveness to pressures from women's movements in Africa has been limited. However, where inroads have been made, associational autonomy from the state and dominant party has proved critical. The women's movement is one of the most coordinated and active social movements in Uganda, and one of the most effective women's movements in Africa more generally. An important part of its success comes from the fact that it is relatively autonomous, unlike women's movements in earlier periods of Uganda's post-independence history. The women's movement, in spite of enormous pressures for cooptation, has taken advantage of the political space afforded by the semi-authoritarian Museveni government, which has promoted women's leadership to serve its own ends. Leaders and organisations reflect varying degrees of autonomy and cooptation. Nevertheless the women's movement has had a visible impact on policy as a result of its capacity to set its own far-reaching agenda and freely select its own leaders.
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Friesinger, Julian. "Patronage, Repression, and Co-Optation: Bobi Wine and the Political Economy of Activist Musicians in Uganda." Africa Spectrum 56, no. 2 (June 28, 2021): 127–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00020397211025986.
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In recent decades, musicians have figured prominently on Africa’s political stage. Popular Ugandan musician Bobi Wine moved beyond protest singer and ventured into politics by entering parliament in 2017 and challenging long-term President Yoweri Museveni at the presidential polls in 2021. To push for social change, Wine created the People Power movement and built an alliance with fellow musicians. This article studies Wine’s movement and his alliance with musicians by taking a political economy approach. I posit that the political activism of musicians reaches its limits when a sitting government can easily threaten the economic base of its oppositional challengers. Alliances become fragile once the government can demonstrate that challenging a ruling elite has severe consequences for one’s livelihood whereas aligning with the government ensures economic prosperity. The article uses ethnographic data, interviews, and newspaper articles to demonstrate this argument.
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Mwenyango, Hadijah, and George Palattiyil. "Health needs and challenges of women and children in Uganda’s refugee settlements: Conceptualising a role for social work." International Social Work 62, no. 6 (September 9, 2019): 1535–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872819865010.
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With 1.36 million refugees, Uganda has witnessed Africa’s highest refugee crisis and is confronted with subsequent protection and assistance demands. The Government of Uganda and its partners are trying to support refugees to overcome the associated debilitating health conditions, and it recently shot to prominence in refuge management. Despite this, there are still gaps in health service provision for refugees. This article discusses the health situation of refugee women and children living in Uganda’s refugee settlements, explores the existing health service gaps, and argues that there is a need to extend the role of social work in health services for refugees.
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Brisset-Foucault, Florence. "A CITIZENSHIP OF DISTINCTION IN THE OPEN RADIO DEBATES OF KAMPALA." Africa 83, no. 2 (May 2013): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972013000028.
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ABSTRACTThis article investigates practices of speech and sociability in open radio debates in Kampala to decipher imaginaries of citizenship in contemporary Uganda. In these ebimeeza (‘round tables’ in Luganda, also called ‘people's parliaments’) orators are engaged in practices of social distinction when compared to those they call the ‘common men’. These spaces of discussion reflect the importance of education in local representations of legitimacy and morality, whether in Buganda ‘neotraditional’ mobilizations or Museveni's modernist vision of politics. The ebimeeza and the government ban imposed on them in 2009 reveal the entrenchment of the vision of a ‘bifurcated’ public sphere, the separation of a sphere of ‘development’ and a sphere of ‘politics’, the latter being only accessible to educated ‘enlightened’ individuals – despite the revolutionary discourse and the institutionalization of the Movementist ‘grassroots democracy’ model in 1986.
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Widner, Jennifer, and Alexander Mundt. "Researching social capital in Africa." Africa 68, no. 1 (January 1998): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161145.
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Scholars in several disciplines have recently turned their attention to the effects of community characteristics on attitudes and behaviour. ‘Social capital’ figures prominently in this new literature. This article explores the influence of trust, optimism, voluntarism and other standard components of social capital on political participation and institutional performance in two African contexts: Uganda and Botswana. It concludes that generalised trust and participation in social clubs help shape decisions to participate in formal politics, although their influence is dwarfed by gender and urbanisation. However, social capital bears no clear relation to institutional performance, as measured by residents' levels of satisfaction with government services.
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Kansiime, Peninah, Claire Van der Westhuizen, and Ashraf Kagee. "Barriers and facilitators to physical and mental health help-seeking among Congolese male refugee survivors of conflict-related sexual violence living in Kampala." Social Work and Social Sciences Review 19, no. 3 (October 4, 2018): 152–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1921/swssr.v19i3.1196.
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In Uganda, over 1.3 million refugees have fled armed conflicts from neighbouring countries, with about 251 730 refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) alone. In this article we report on a qualitative research study on the help-seeking behaviour of Congolese male refugee survivors of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) living in Kampala, Uganda. We recruited 10 Congolese male survivors of war-related rape and 6 Ugandan service providers (psychologists, social workers and physicians) who participated in individual interviews focused on barriers and facilitators to care seeking in Kampala, Uganda. We found that the major barriers to help-seeking were socio-cultural and political factors, health system and infrastructural barriers, poverty and livelihood barriers, physical effects of CRSV, fear of marital disharmony and breakup, and self-sufficiency The major facilitators were social support, symptom severity, professionalism among service providers, availability of free tailored services and information, education and communication. On the basis of our findings, we recommend that a multidisciplinary and multisectoral approach is important to address these barriers. In addition, we suggest that the Ugandan government should develop legislation and health policies to create protection for men who have experienced sexual violence.Keywords: armed conflict; conflict-related sexual violence; male refugee survivors; help-seeking; physical and mental health; barriers; and facilitators
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Stasavage, David. "The role of democracy in Uganda's move to universal primary education." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 1 (February 16, 2005): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x04000618.
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In recent years several democratically elected African governments have abolished primary school fees following pledges made during presidential election campaigns. Among these cases, Uganda's universal primary education (UPE) programme, launched in 1997, has received particular attention, due to the massive increase in primary school enrolment, as well the sustained increase in public spending on education that it has entailed. This paper asks whether the Ugandan government's policies in this area can be explained by the prior establishment of competitive elections in 1996. It provides several reasons to believe that the move to UPE has indeed been linked to democratic politics, and that this outcome has depended on the salience of education as an issue, as well as on the public's access to information about UPE. As a result, recent Ugandan experience helps show why the establishment of competitive elections might prompt an African government to spend more on primary education. However, it also suggests why in many African countries a democratic transition will have little effect on primary education provision.
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Kwandayi, Hardson, Nelson Jagero, and Jimmy Matata. "De-motivators of Employees in the Public Sector in Arua District, Uganda." Business and Management Horizons 1, no. 2 (November 21, 2013): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/bmh.v1i2.4596.
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De-motivation of the public sector employees is a key aspect in Public Administration as far as human resources management is concerned. It is argued that people are without a doubt the most valuable resource to any organization. It is upon this ground that this study sought to assess the factors that de-motivated staff in the public sector of Uganda, specifically Arua District Local Government. In this study, 15 district staff (Heads of departments and office assistants), 30 sub county staff (Community Development Officers, Sub County Chiefs, Accounts Assistants and Extension staff) were used as the research subjects. Self-administered questionnaires were used as research instruments. The priority de-motivators were lack of autonomy and variety, low salary, organizational politics, unending clients’ demands and ineffective communication. The study recommends that, the government should initiate low cost housing schemes including soft loans for the public sector employees. In addition, official residences should be built for the staff at their work stations, this specifically would apply to the Sub County staff who would need to endure residing near their work places and this scheme would most likely contribute to the conduciveness of work environment.
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Mubangizi, John Cantius. "The Protection of Human Rights in Uganda: Public Awareness and Perceptions." African Journal of Legal Studies 1, no. 3 (2005): 168–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221097312x13397499736228.
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AbstractThis article analyzes the results of a research study in Uganda aimed at determining the level of public awareness and the perceptions regarding the protection and enjoyment of such rights. The survey sought information on public knowledge or awareness of the bill of rights, violation or protection of various types of rights, and awareness and perceptions regarding human rights institutions. It was found that although human rights violations still abound in Uganda, there is a high level of public awareness of the Constitution and the human rights it contains, that human rights violations take place more in the rural areas than in urban areas and that Ugandans blame the government for most of these human rights violations. The article concludes that there are still several challenges facing the promotion and protection of human rights in Uganda and that any attempts to address these challenges must take advantage of the opportunities offered by the constitutional framework.
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Stewart, Beth W. "The figure of the abducted Acholi girl: nation-building, gender, and children born into the LRA in Uganda." Journal of Modern African Studies 58, no. 4 (December 2020): 627–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x20000580.
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AbstractBased on analysis of newspapers and secondary sources, this article examines the gendered construction of the national imagery of the war between the Ugandan government and the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in an effort to expand current conceptual understanding of the exclusion experienced by children born of forced marriage inside the LRA. Uganda developed as a militarised and masculine post-colony and yet nation-building for President Museveni involved crafting a national imagery that drew upon development discourses of gender and children to position himself as the benevolent father of the nation. Invoking Veena Das’ ‘figure of the abducted woman’, I argue that the Ugandan government mobilised the figure of the abducted Acholi girl to legitimise both its governance and the war. The article concludes that the resulting narrative provided no legitimate social or political space in the national imagery for the children of the abducted girls.
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El Zeidy, Mohamed. "The Ugandan Government Triggers the First Test of the Complementarity Principle: An Assessment of the First State's Party Referral to the ICC." International Criminal Law Review 5, no. 1 (2005): 83–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571812053320138.
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AbstractThe Ugandan referral of its situation to the ICC raises some interesting legal issues that merit examination. As demonstrated in the current study, the acts committed during the current con flict in Uganda meet the requirements of the ICC jurisdiction ratione materiae, however, the problem remains that most of the acts were committed or were initiated before the Statute's entry into force. As the Court has a speci fied temporal jurisdiction, it is clear that the Court would lack jurisdiction over those acts committed before July 1, 2002. However, the question that remains is whether acts that commenced before the July 1, 2002 and continue after that date would be considered by the Court.Given the fact that Uganda is both the territorial state and the state of nationality (as deduced from section 1.1) – an unanticipated situation, some legal arguments come into play. The main issue that arises is that the self-referral implies a sort of waiver of the State to exercise complementarity. Would this be legally acceptable? And what are the consequences if the Court accepted this waiver? To what extent does such acceptance affect other admissibility provisions including the application of Article 17?
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Aduda, Levke. "The Sequence of Mediation Efforts in the Conflict between the Government of Uganda and the Lord’s Resistance Army." International Negotiation 26, no. 2 (July 23, 2020): 245–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10001.
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Abstract What impact have different mediation outcomes had on subsequent mediation onset and success in the conflict between the government of Uganda and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA)? Intrastate conflicts commonly see more than one mediation effort. These efforts can result in different outcomes. Assessing the impact of different mediation outcomes on subsequent mediation efforts in the conflict between the governments of Uganda and the LRA, it becomes apparent that reneged agreements have aggravated subsequent mediation efforts, while mediation ending without an agreement and previous mediation success do not reduce the chances of subsequent mediation onset (and success). This suggests that short-lived agreements are not only likely to lead to renewed conflict, but also make further mediation efforts more difficult.
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Onyango-Delewa, Paul. "Social Networks-Budgetary Discipline Linkages in Sub-National Entities." Jurnal Ekonomi & Studi Pembangunan 22, no. 1 (April 5, 2021): 110–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jesp.v22i1.10576.
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This research intervenes with the seemingly endless empirical debate that seeks explanation to the notorious budgetary discipline problem in the local government. Some scholars attribute it to social networks, but others emphasize entity internal control systems. Supported by budgetary theory-structural equation modeling (SEM) triangulation, the researchers examined data from 33 districts, seven municipalities, and 345 sub-counties in Uganda (East Africa)’s north-western and eastern regions. The SEM results revealed that socio-economic structures and partisan politics are key social network constructs to predict budgetary discipline. However, another attribute, ethnicity, is not. Additionally, the internal control system mediates the social networks-budgetary discipline relationship as initially anticipated. Implications for theory and practice are discussed.
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Kisekka-Ntale, Fredrick. "Brides in Rags! Conflict, Political Organization, Political Settlements and Uganda’s Transition to Multi-Party Politics Since 1986." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 63, no. 2 (June 15, 2023): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2023-63-2-10-27.
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Following a long-drawn-out five-year insurgency (1981‒1986), Uganda moved from a crisis to stability where political organizations were progressively transformed, albeit with institutionalized roadblocks. The former insurgent army – the National Resistance Army (NRA) and its political wing the National Resistance Movement (NRM) pursued a post-conflict transformation process, which was essentially driven by neo-liberal reforms, but metamorphosed into a dominant political party, undermining the hither to traditional political parties. Through historical interrogation, this paper seeks to bring to the fore reflections to the questions; “Why did the post war-NRA/NRM undertake a rapid shift in political ordering after the guerrilla war in 1986? Why did the new government pursue a pseudo neo-liberal agenda that sought free-market style policies and nested democratization after the guerrilla war?” These preliminary questions are asked for two fundamental reasons. One; it is common knowledge that in the early 1970s Museveni –The NRA warlord was a Marxist–Leninist and therefore in hot pursuit for socialism as a mode of statecraft. However, he became less of a socialist particularly at the end of his rebellion. Why? Secondly, post-war state-building theory, presupposes that after rebels have captured power following a civil war, their propensity to pursue liberal free-market type of politics is habitually low. Why then did NRA/NRM with extremely negative views for free-market style of politics undertake to institute multi-party politics? What political settlements did NRM pursue and how have they been institutionalized and instrumentalized overtime? What have been the attendant effects of these settlements in Uganda and how can these impacts be profiled in light of other war-to peace states in Africa?
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Brett, E. A. "Neutralising the Use of Force in Uganda: the Rôle of the Military in Politics." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1995): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020887.
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Bullets rather than ballots have dominated politics in Uganda since independence, where two governments have been removed by coups, one by a foreign invasion, and another by an armed rebellion. Force has not only dominated the formal political system, but also threatened the economic and social basis on which democratic processes and progressive development depends. For 25 years predatory military rule and civil war have destroyed lives, skills, and assets, undermined institutional competence and accountability, caused widespread per sonal trauma, suppressed autonomous organisations in civil society, and intensified ethnic hostility and conflict. And Uganda is not alone in this – the middle of the twentieth century was dominated by fascism and war, while sectarian or ethnic conflicts in Bosnia, Ulster, Sri Lanka, Somalia, the Sudan, Angola, Liberia, Zaï, Burundi, and Rwanda have inflicted untold damage on people and property.1
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Awortwi, Nicholas, and A. H. J. (Bert) Helmsing. "In the name of bringing services closer to the people? Explaining the creation of new local government districts in Uganda." International Review of Administrative Sciences 80, no. 4 (September 2, 2014): 766–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852314533455.
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Many governments in Africa and elsewhere in Asia and Latin America have created new local government (LG) jurisdictions as part of their decentralization policies. However, most decentralization studies have focused on fiscal, political and administrative assignments between levels of government. Much less attention has been given to the number and size of LG jurisdictions. Often, these are considered to be an accident of history, but the reality is not so. This article pursues five propositions concerning the rationale for creating LG jurisdictions and examines their relevance in the Uganda context. The article concludes that creation of LG jurisdictions in Uganda neither conforms to the policy objective of bringing services closer to the people nor to promoting participatory democratic governance. Instead, the practice conforms to central government gerrymandering tactics of forging an electoral alliance with small jurisdictions and to extend neo-patrimonial networks to win votes in order to stay in power. Points for practitioners Donors and development practitioners have often expressed their frustrations on decentralization policies and outcomes in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) because they have analysed the policy based on what governments say their intentions are. Until they understand the political economy of decentralization in Africa they will always be bewildered not only by the mismatch between policy objectives and outcomes but also by many unspoken rationales for implementing decentralization reforms. Decentralization can be a facade behind which quite different practices take place. In many countries in SSA, it is a narrowly political process that ruling governments pursue for their own benefit (or accept to pursue when pushed by donors where it hurts them least) and not for the nicely written policy statements of improving services.
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Kagoda, Alice Merab, and Betty Akullu Ezati. "CONTRIBUTION OF PRIMARY TEACHER EDUCATION CURRICULUM TO QUALITY PRIMARY EDUCATION IN UGANDA." Problems of Education in the 21st Century 52, no. 1 (March 20, 2013): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33225/pec/13.52.35.
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With the frequent changes in education environment caused by dynamic economy, politics, and global trends among others, primary teacher education should keep abreast with these trends. However, in Uganda this has not been the case. While government designs new curriculum for primary schools, the changes in teacher education curriculum seem to be slower. Teacher educators are not familiar with the new trends in education such as ICT in teaching and learning, gender, learner centered education etc. The teaching materials are not easily available in the teacher training colleges because of shortages of funds. The study sought to: analyse the curriculum of Primary Teacher Education (PTE) since 1990, assess the challenges Primary Teacher Colleges (PTC) experience in the preparation of quality teachers and analyse the extent to which PTE curriculum is responding to the new trends in primary education. Using mainly interviews and focus group discussion, this paper explored the relationship between teacher preparation and quality of teachers produced. Findings showed that the curriculum of the teacher training colleges is not tailored to the requirements of the primary curriculum. In addition PTE faces many challenges that affect the preparation of teachers. Key words: primary teacher education, primary school curriculum, quality education.
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Chemutai, Doreen, and Tabitha Mulyampiti. "Motives and Political Representation: The Case of Women Members of Parliament in Uganda." East African Journal of Arts and Social Sciences 6, no. 2 (November 10, 2023): 279–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajass.6.2.1565.
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Women’s political representation in Uganda is a contentious issue. On the one hand, there are doubting public narratives of Women Members of Parliaments’ (WMP) performance. The doubts about WMPs’ performance inspired growing interest in their parliamentary performance. On the other hand, there are concerns about the gender gap in parliamentary representation. The underrepresentation of women in the political scene raises a puzzle about those who dare to compete. However, at the same time, there has been neglect of what drives women in the first place to parliamentary representation and their relationship to performance. This intriguing question calls for an objective analysis to unravel what influences women’s interest in parliamentary office. This paper answers two analytical questions: How do women Members of Parliament construe their interests in joining parliamentary politics? And whether WMPs’ motives influence their performance. These questions were answered by analysing conversations and interviews of five purposively selected WMPs representing five districts of Northern Uganda in the tenth Parliament between 2020 and 2021. Field data was triangulated with performance data from the same Parliament’s Hansard. Findings reveal that personal and social-cultural factors drive WMPs to Parliament. Motives are consequential to performance, although personal motives were more potent than social-cultural motives to performance. Personal, compared to social-cultural motives, are more susceptible to social-political factors in constituencies, institutions of Parliament, and the broad government, affecting motives’ fulfilment
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Hodgkinson, Dan. "POLITICS ON LIBERATION'S FRONTIERS: STUDENT ACTIVIST REFUGEES, INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY, AND THE STRUGGLE FOR ZIMBABWE, 1965–79." Journal of African History 62, no. 1 (March 2021): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853721000268.
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AbstractDuring Zimbabwe's struggle for national liberation, thousands of black African students fled Rhodesia to universities across the world on refugee scholarship schemes. To these young people, university student activism had historically provided a stable route into political relevance and nationalist leadership. But at foreign universities, many of which were vibrant centres for student mobilisations in the 1960s and 1970s and located far from Zimbabwean liberation movements’ organising structures, student refugees were confronted with the dilemma of what their role and future in the liberation struggle was. Through the concept of the ‘frontier’, this article compares the experiences of student activists at universities in Uganda, West Africa, and the UK as they figured out who they were as political agents. For these refugees, I show how political geography mattered. Campus frontiers could lead young people both to the military fronts of Mozambique and Zambia as well as to the highest circles of government in independent Zimbabwe. As such, campus frontiers were central to the history of Zimbabwe's liberation movements and the development of the postcolonial state.
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Akhavan, Payam. "The Lord’s Resistance Army Case: Uganda’s Submission of the First State Referral to the International Criminal Court." American Journal of International Law 99, no. 2 (April 2005): 403–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1562505.
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On December 16, 2003, Uganda referred the situation concerning the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) to the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC). It was the first time that a state party had invoked Articles 13(a) and 14 of the Rome Statute in order to vest the Court with jurisdiction.For both Uganda and the ICC, the case presented an important opportunity. For Uganda, the referral was an attempt to engage an otherwise aloof international community by transforming the prosecution of LRA leaders into a litmus test for the much celebrated promise of global justice. Since 1986, LRA atrocities have wreaked havoc on the Acholi people of northern Uganda. Given the absence of any vital national interests, influential states have not been inclined either to pressure Sudan to stop harboring the LRA or to help government forces confront the insurgents. Instead, the burden was placed on Uganda to negotiate a peaceful settlement with a ruthless, cult-like insurgency. The imprimatur of international criminal justice, sought through the referral to the ICC, was a means of thrusting this long-forgotten African war back onto the international stage.
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Cullimore, Charles. "Uganda: the Making of a Constitution." Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 4 (December 1994): 707–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015949.
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The Government of Uganda headed by President Yoweri Museveni, which came to power in January 1986, has made impressive progress since then in bringing about peace and national reconcilication, and in restoring the rule of law. It has turned the economy round from what might be described as ‘free fall’ to steady growth, albeit still heavily dependent on foreign aid. It has returned expropriated properties to their Asian owners, and has begun to attract foreign investment. Above all it has restored hope and given Ugandans back their pride. These are no means achievements, and place the country firmly among the few in Africa in recent years which have managed to bring about a real improvement in the overall quality of life for their citizens, albeit from a very low base. This would in itself be sufficient reason for looking more closely at what has been happening there. But, after all the disappointments of the past, it is also legitimate to ask whether these dramatic improvements are likely to be sustainable.
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Willis, Justin, Gabrielle Lynch, and Nic Cheeseman. "“A valid electoral exercise”? Uganda's 1980 Elections and the Observers’ Dilemma." Comparative Studies in Society and History 59, no. 1 (January 2017): 211–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041751600058x.
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AbstractThe presence at Uganda's 1980 general elections of a Commonwealth Observer Group might be seen as a seminal moment. This was the first formal international observation of polls in a sovereign African state and the precursor of multiple similar missions that later became routine. Yet the 1980 mission sits uneasily in the history of election observation. The observers endorsed the results despite evidence of malpractice, and Uganda plunged into civil war within months. Internationally, the mission is now either forgotten or treated as an embarrassment. Within Uganda, it has been denounced as part of an outsider conspiracy to foist an unwanted president on an unwilling people. This article argues that the 1980 mission was neither entirely seminal nor an aberration, and that both the elections and observation were driven partly by actors within Uganda rather than simply imposed by outsiders. The availability of UK government records allows us to see the events of 1980 as a particularly clear example of a recurring “observers’ dilemma.” Ideally, elections combine democracy and state-building. They offer people a choice as to who will lead or represent them, and at the same time they assert through performance a crucial distinction between a capable, ordering state and a law-abiding citizenry. Yet these two aspects of elections may be in tension; a poll that offers little or no real choice may still perform “stateness” through substantial, orderly public participation. When that happens in what would now be called a “fragile state,” should international observers denounce the results?
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Kibuuka, Enock. "A Foucauldian Discourse Analysis of Regional Balance in the Financing of Higher Education in Uganda: The Uganda Students’ Higher Education Financing Policy Perspective." East African Journal of Education Studies 5, no. 3 (November 1, 2022): 181–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajes.5.3.917.
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In Uganda, there have been historically glaring disparities in access to higher education, where the majority of the students that join universities come from good secondary schools, which are mostly afforded by rich individuals. This has created a situation of ‘inherited merit’, where students from particular backgrounds and regions dominate access to HE. Because children of the poor who cannot afford to go to good schools hardly access higher education, whilst many of the students who join higher education institutions (HEIs) fail to complete their study programmes due to the failure to meet the costs involved. The Ministry of Education and Sports 2012 introduced the Uganda Students’ Higher Education Financing Policy to address the problem of inequitable access to higher education. Thus, the third objective of the policy aims to ensure ‘regional balance’ in the provision of HE through awarding of student loans. Because there are strong intra-connections between policy and language, the language used in discourse plays a critical role in the way the term Regional balance was constructed in the policy. This paper performs a Foucauldian discourse analysis perspective of the policy with the overall aim of showing signs of power imbalance through the use of language and revealing the discourses used by elite actors to retain power and sustain existing regional imbalance in access to HE in Uganda. By approaching such regional balance as political discourse rather than a pure act of equity and social justice, the paper shows how power is implicated within the guise of regional balance. As such the paper contributes to a discursive understanding of regional balance in the provision of HE in Uganda, to an appreciation of the role of power relations embedded in policy rhetoric as a form of exemplary theatrical government, and to the politics of regional balance. The findings revealed that the term ‘regional balance’ is used as a sugar-coated camouflage to sustain and perpetuate the hegemony of the Western part of the country. The paper concludes by exposing the power relations embedded within the policy and highlights gaps between the rhetoric and practice of the policy in which people from the Western part of Uganda have benefited more from this financing policy at the expense of other students from other regions of the country
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Caruso, Jeanne, and Kevin Cope. "The lost generation: How the government and non-governmental organizations are protecting the rights of orphans in Uganda." Human Rights Review 7, no. 2 (January 2006): 98–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12142-006-1032-5.
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Brett, E. A. "Rebuilding Organisation Capacity in Uganda Under the National Resistance Movement." Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 1 (March 1994): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012544.
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Eight years of reconciliation, policy reform, and economic recovery have now followed 20 years of dictatorship, corruption, civil war, and economic decline in Uganda. This stems from the interaction between a government which has created a benign environment for development, and donors who have provided generous support conditional on compliance with a standard package of structural adjustment policies involving changes in macro-economic management. These include the removal of price distortions on foreign exchange, capital, and essential commodities, improved fiscal and financial discipline, the reduction of marketing monopolies and state controls, and civil service reform. Government has set up participatory political structures at national and local levels, restored law and order, and taken many of the unpopular decisions required to enforce the changes demanded by adjustment policy.
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Findley, Michael G., Adam S. Harris, Helen V. Milner, and Daniel L. Nielson. "Who Controls Foreign Aid? Elite versus Public Perceptions of Donor Influence in Aid-Dependent Uganda." International Organization 71, no. 4 (2017): 633–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818317000273.
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AbstractDoes foreign aid enable or constrain elite capture of public revenues? Reflecting on prominent debates in the foreign aid literature, we examine whether recipient preferences are consistent with a view that foreign donors wield substantial control over the flow of aid dollars, making elite capture more difficult and mass benefits more likely. We compare elite and mass support for foreign aid versus government spending on development projects through a survey experiment with behavioral outcomes. A key innovation is a parallel experiment on members of the Ugandan national parliament and a representative sample of Ugandan citizens. For two actual aid projects, we randomly assigned different funders to the projects. Significant treatment effects reveal that members of parliament support government programs over foreign aid, whereas citizens prefer aid over government. Donor control also implies that citizens should favor foreign aid more and elites less as their perceptions of government clientelism and corruption increase. We explore this and report on other alternative mechanisms. Effects for citizens and elites are most apparent for those perceiving significant government corruption, suggesting that both sets of subjects perceive significant donor control over aid.
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Cooper, Scott, and Clark Asay. "East African Monetary Union: The Domestic Politics of Institutional Survival and Dissolution." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 2 (2003): 131–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322763539.
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AbstractMany regional currency institutions were established in subSaharan Africa under colonial rule. Surprisingly, a number of these colonial institutions survived the transition to national independence, and several have survived to the present day (e.g., the West African franc zones and the Southern African rand zone). In order to understand why some of these regional institutions survived while others collapsed, we have to look carefully at member countries' domestic politics at the time of independence. This study looks at the stop-and-go pattern of postcolonial cooperation in East Africa to provide an understanding of the choice between regional cooperation and the breakup of regional institutions. Newly independent governments in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania faced a choice between continuing regional institutional ties and dissolving regional institutions to issue their own national currencies. We argue that governments maintained regional currencies only when past institutions had created a domestic political constituency for continued regionalism. The most important historical legacy of colonial institutions was the way domestic political coalitions were reshaped. This study suggests, therefore, that there is a political mechanism to path dependence: past institutions continue to shape the present through changes in political alignments.
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Peterson, Derek R., Richard Vokes, Nelson Abiti, and Edgar C. Taylor. "The Unseen Archive of Idi Amin: Making History in a Tight Corner." Comparative Studies in Society and History 63, no. 1 (January 2021): 5–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000365.
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AbstractIn May 2019 we launched a special exhibition at the Uganda Museum in Kampala titled “The Unseen Archive of Idi Amin.” It consisted of 150 images made by government photographers in the 1970s. In this essay we explore how political history has been delimited in the Museum, and how these limitations shaped the exhibition we curated. From the time of its creation, the Museum's disparate and multifarious collections were exhibited as ethnographic specimens, stripped of historical context. Spatially and organizationally, “The Unseen Archive of Idi Amin” turned its back on the ethnographic architecture of the Uganda Museum. The transformation of these vivid, evocative, aesthetically appealing photographs into historical evidence of atrocity was intensely discomfiting. We have been obliged to organize the exhibition around categories that did not correspond with the logic of the photographic archive, with the architecture of the Museum, or with the experiences of the people who lived through the 1970s. The exhibition has made history, but not entirely in ways that we chose.
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Ejiogu, EC, and Adaoma Igwedibia. "The World Wars and Their Legacies in Africa and in the Affairs of Africans: The Case of East Africa—Kenya." Journal of Asian and African Studies 57, no. 1 (November 17, 2021): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211054914.
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This article drew from prominent Kenyan novelist-writer, Ngúgí wa Thiong’o’s personal history on the World Wars and their legacies in Africa and on the affairs of Africans, with a focus on East Africa, and especially his country of Kenya. Ngúgí, whose birth in 1938 and childhood years were on the cusp of the World War II (WWII), reveals that the likes of his father who dodged conscription into Britain’s Carrier Corps in the first War, and the conscription of his two elder brothers—one of whom died in service while the other returned home alive—for military service in WWII constitute significant and relevance issues for careful exploration on the subject matter of both World Wars and their legacies on the African continent. So are the various actors whose advent as actors in the affairs of Africans and others in East Africa is directly linked to World Wars I and II. Those would include the likes of Carey Francis, who came on in 1940 as the principal of the exclusive all-boys Alliance High where a generation of Kenyans that included Ngúgí received British-style public school education, Evelyn Baring, the then colonial governor-general of Kenya who superintended the imposition of the State of Emergency in Kenya, in the period 1952–1959, and even Idi Amin, a rank and file African enlistee in the King’s African Rifles (KAR) in the aftermath of the World War II. Amin and his ilk were deeply involved in the highly repressive British-led campaign during the State of Emergency in Kenya that led to the death of many of their fellow Africans. It is also noteworthy that as a soldier and subsequently, Amin became a central actor in the politics of post-independence Uganda sequel to his overthrow of Milton Obote’s government in a 1971 military coup d’état. The spiraling violence that Amin’s advent enhanced in Uganda’s body politic remains a recurrent feature of governance in that East African state. The analytical reconstruct that emerged in the article is illuminated with elements of C. Wright Mills’ age-old and all-time relevant original theory-rich methodological construct, “the sociological imagination” as the theoretical framework.
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Budi, Nashon Budy, John Akumu Orondo, Samwel Okuro, and George Odhiambo. "The Decline of Lake Victoria Ferry Services in Kenya, 1961-2012." Journal of Historical Studies 4, no. 1 (September 1, 2023): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.47941/jhs.1422.
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Purpose: This study examined the operations of Lake Victoria Ferry Services since the independence of the East African countries in 1961 when the management was under the East Africa Railways and Harbors (EARH) and later the Kenya Railways Corporation (KRC). At the beginning of the 20th century the British colonial government established Lake Victoria transport as an extension of railway line in the lake region in Kenya and into Uganda. Despite some challenges, lake transport demonstrated progress in its services and expansion during the colonial period. However, when the management was transferred to the independent governments of East Africa, the operations of ferries were affected by the inefficiencies which marked the beginning of its decline. This study was guided by Politics of the Belly Theory of Bayart who associates underdevelopment of Africa long after independence with corrupt practices of African leaders. The theory shows that postcolonial African leaders have personalized the state for their own and their ethnic community’s gain thereby neglecting the regions which are perceived to be opposing the ruling regime.
Methodology: A Historical Research Design was used to conduct this study. Non probability sampling methods and procedures were used to identify informants during the collection of primary data. Other primary data were gathered from Kenya National Archives and Railways Museum in Nairobi. Secondary data was collected from relevant publications and other materials.
Findings: The data obtained were analyzed using content and thematic analysis techniques. This study established that transition in management from colonial to independent East African governments, competition from road transport and disintegration of East African Community led to the decline of maritime transportation on Lake Victoria. In order to revive ferry services on the Lake, major rehabilitations on the existing ports must be done and modern ports built. In the same vein new transport vessels should be acquired. Finally, a permanent solution to the threat of water hyacinth must be pursued and regular dredging of navigational channels done regularly.
Unique Contribution to Theory, Policy and Practice: This study suggests that, the government should promote integrated transport planning as well as developing proper regulations guiding Lake Victoria transport.
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Serunjogi Charles Dickens. "The historical role of scholars and public intellectuals in Uganda’s post-independence politics: A critical study of the gang of four." World Journal of Advanced Research and Reviews 18, no. 3 (June 30, 2023): 729–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.30574/wjarr.2023.18.3.1103.
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This paper explores the contributions of four eminent political figures namely Edward Bitanywaine Rugumayo, Dani Wadada Nabudere, Omwony Ojok and Yashpal Tandon to the post-independence politics of Uganda. The quartet belonged to the anti-Amin groups in exile who participated in the Moshi conference in Tanzania with the support of President Julius Nyerere. They were dubbed the gang of four by President Godfrey Binaisa during his short-lived regime in 1979. The four had been members of the National Consultative Council (NCC) which served as the legislative arm of the UNLF government under Yusuf Lule and Godfrey Binaisa. Edward Bitanywaine Rugumayo chaired the NCC; in other words, he was the speaker of the then National Assembly. During his tenure as the chairman of the NCC, Lule was removed from office after only 68 days. After Lule’s overthrow, Godfrey Lukongwa Binaisa was sworn in as president but shortly, he was also overthrown by the military commission under the leadership of Paulo Muwanga and Yoweri Museveni. The gang of four later to played a very critical role in academia and taught in many universities both within and outside Africa. The four never participated in the 2nd Obote regime; they were all in exile. However, they resurfaced after the fall of the Obote II and two of them; Edward Rugumayo and Omwony Ojok worked closely with President Museveni during his lengthy NRM regime and served in different capacities.
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Wyrod, Robert. "In the General's Valley." Sociology of Development 5, no. 2 (2019): 174–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sod.2019.5.2.174.
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Since the turn of the millennium, the landscape of development in Africa has undergone a dramatic shift. China has significantly expanded its foreign aid and investment in the region, decentering the West as Africa's main development partner. What is largely missing from China-Africa scholarship, however, is attention to how the new Chinese presence in Africa is both embedded in and altering everyday social relations. This article examines these issues in a rural setting in Uganda that is in the midst of a large-scale transformation into a China-funded industrial park. It reveals that the complex new politics of Chinese development assistance are intertwined with, and often exacerbate, existing social inequalities based in politics, class, ethnicity, and race. More conceptually, these dynamics demonstrate the need to rethink how we frame development as a transnational field of social practice. China is more than an outlier within the global field of development and instead should be viewed as pursuing its own form of development, what I call “developmental pragmatism.” As this case study illustrates, this developmental pragmatism often turns on synergies between the business-focused development approach of the Chinese and the priorities of more authoritarian governments—synergies that require much greater critical attention.