Journal articles on the topic 'Uighur (Turkic people) – Ethnic identity'

In Central Asia in the second half of the 1st millennium A.D., there were development and rapid change of large polyethnic state formations of allied congeneric groups of the Turkic people, Uigurs, Kyrgyz, Kimaks, and Kipchaks. The material goods of most of the tribal unions are unidentified and cannot be associated with the names of specific ethnic groups known from the written sources. Continuance and cultural affinity of the succes-sive nomadic communities are based upon identity of the subsistence systems in similar natural and climatic con-ditions. The Kyrgyz (Khakass) Khaganate, which emerged in the Upper Yenisei region, was one of the Early Me-dieval states. In the second half of the 9th century, the authority of the Kyrgyz khagans spread onto the vast terri-tories of Central Asia. The main culture-forming attribute of the Kyrgyz ethnos is cremation burials. The study of the cremation burials found beyond the ancestral homeland of the Kyrgyz allows tracing the intertribal contacts and directions of military campaigns of the Kyrgyz during the period of their “greatpowerness”. In this paper, mate-rials of the burial mound of Menovnoe VIII, situated in the territory of the Upper Irtysh 2.1 km south-east from the village of Menovnoe, Tavrichesky district, East-Kazakhstan Region, are analysed. Under the mound of the kurgan, there was a fence with an outbuilding. The central grave contained a cremation burial, and the outbuilding — an adolescent burial and a sacrificial pit with a horse carcass split into halves. The grave goods are represented by a bronze waistbelt clasp and a fragment of an iron object. Alongside the horse, there was a quiver with three arrow-heads and a rasp-file, as well as part of a bridle (a snaffle bit fixed to a wooden cheekpiece and a bronze buckle tip). The specifics of the burial rite and analysis of the material obtained during the study of the funeral complex allows attribution of the Menovnoe-VIII kurgan 8 graves to representatives of the Kyrgyz-Khakass antiquities, who were in contact with the rulers of the Kimak Khaganate during the second half of the 8th — 10th century.

The Uyghurs are a Turkic-Muslim minority in the People`s Republic of China (PRC), their native language belongs to a Turkic language family and is written on the basis of Arabic graphics, and regard themselves as culturally and ethnically close to Central Asian nations. This article deals with the issue of the Uyghur identity role in the case of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region (XUAR) in China and its manifestations in relation to Chinese policy in the region. In order to study this issue the article analyzes the Uyghurs` attitude towards the Han Chinese migrants and their reaction towards Mandarin tuition as well as the salience of Islam faith as a crucial identity marker.

Modern processes of the evolution of ethnic identification of different nations require a constant search for new approaches to the explanation of emerging phenomena. The primordialist approach to the study of ethnicity, which is classical in Russian sociology, cannot explain many of the processes occurring within ethnic groups. One such group is the Chuvash people, whose ethnic identification has undergone significant changes since the late nineteenth century, associated with changes in writing, urbanization, and the emergence of their own political institutions. It is a constructivist approach to the study of ethnicity, which emphasizes the consideration of the dynamics of ethnic processes and their historical evolution, is appropriate which will help to explain this changes. The Chuvash people in this case represent a unique object for study. As the largest predominantly orthodox Turkic ethnic group, it differs greatly from its neighbors. The study of the ethnic identification of the Chuvash people from the perspective of the constructivist approach to ethnicity should be given closer attention, in order to solve the problems faced by the scientific community.

AbstractIn July 2009, nearly 200 people were killed in ethnically targeted mass violence between Turkic-speaking Muslim Uyghurs and Han Chinese in Urumqi, overshadowing the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC). How have ethnic relations between Han and Uyghurs descended into mass violence among ordinary people? This paper argues that the party-state exacerbates ethnic tensions between Han and Uyghurs through ethnocentric security narratives. These narratives frame China's identity as being under threat from Turkic enemies within who are supported by Islamic terrorists and Western “enemies of China” from outside. Discourse analysis of official texts, participant-observation of security practices, and interviews with Han and Uyghurs reveal the interplay between official identity discourses and everyday security practices before, during and after the violence. Since July 2009, one official solution to ethnic violence has been the construction of a shared multi-ethnic identity, officially described as a “zero-sum political struggle of life or death.” However, Han-centric conceptualizations of ethnic unity promote Han chauvinism and portray the Uyghur as a security threat. The party-state thus creates hierarchical ethnic relations that exacerbate both Han and Uyghur insecurities and contribute to spirals of violence. China's extra-judicial internment camps in Xinjiang are the logical conclusions of the ethnocentric insecurity cycles analysed in this article.

The population migration is not only a simple mechanic movement of people but also a complex socio-psychological process affecting behavior and communication regularities of people, their function, caused by an integration of individuals in social groups, as well as psychological peculiarities of social psychology of the peoples. During the period of new independent states development one may observe the ethnic self-consciousness growth of the Turkic peoples, the understanding of their own identity, the value orientations formation.

In a recent article in Ulitsa, Moscow journalist Denis Dragunsky asked whether Russia was an Asian or a European country. Much the same question could be asked about Kazakstan (the land of the Kazaks), particularly given its long historical ties with Russia. And it is not an easy question to answer. While Kazakstan's history is a blend of Mongol, Turkic, Islamic, and Russian heritages, there are Cossacks and Russians both in and outside of Kazakstan who feel that parts of Kazakstan belong historically to Russia. While such claims have been long and vocal, the Kazak response has been forcibly silent during most of this century. However, with the emergence of Kazakstan as not only an independent country, but a potentially powerful regional player, Kazaks have begun to reclaim their history from the Russians. And with questions about how to construct a nation come queries about ethnicity and history. What is a Kazak? Given that the Russians referred to them as the Kirgiz during most of the period that they dominated the Kazaks, and thus robbed the Kazaks of their most basic linguistic identification term, there is much to be explored and reclaimed before this people and nation can truly define itself in the context of its rich history.

The article describes the main thesis of the teaching of the Chuvash ethnic religion Sardash, which is based on the key principles of Zoroastrianism; highlights some of its history and research issues; analyzes the current state of the traditional faith and its importance in the life of the people. An attempt was also made to reveal the role of the religious factor in ethnic identification and the formation of the ethnic mentality of the Chuvash people from the historical and socio-cultural perspective. The problem is considered in three aspects: 1) the interaction of traditional religious belief of the Chuvashes with Orthodox Christianity; 2) the influence of Islam (the religion of the related Turkic peoples – Tatars and Bashkirs) on the mentality of the Chuvashes; 3) the functioning of the Chuvash ethnic religion Sardash in modern conditions. The authors conclude that ethnic religion, which is preserved in the daily life of the Chuvashes in the form of «teaching of ancestors», as well as in prayers, mythology and folklore, forms the basis of centuries-old ethnic mentality, expressing spiritual values, behavioral principles and life aspirations of people. Ethnic religion contains the psychological roots of the Chuvash mentality, the phenomenon of the Chuvash inflexibility and the Chuvash character. Traditional faith has a profound impact on the lifestyle and behavior of many modern Chuvashes, determines their worldview and ethnic identity. The adherence of the Chuvash people to the «teaching of ancestors» is explained by the need to survive in difficult geopolitical and demographic conditions, the desire to preserve the lifestyles and social arrangements that have been established for centuries, and the aspiration to communal and economic well-being. In modern conditions, the rites of the Chuvash ethnic religion can be a significant factor in the development of ethnic tourism in the Chuvash Republic.

After the abolition of the second kingdom of Caucasian Albania, accompanied by the process of Islamization of its peoples, the remaining Christian Albanians, who retained their Albanian identity until the 18th century, were concentrated on the territory of the historical regions of Shaki and Kabala. Created in the 7th century, the myth about the Apostle Yeghishe contributed to the “nationalization” of Christianity in the Shaki–Kabala region in Albania. In parallel with islamization and the loss of a common Albanian identity, among the islamized Caucasian-speaking groups of Albanians, processes of the formation of a narrow ethnic “me”, “we”, and a significant number of various names close to ethnonyms gradually emerged. The Christian-Albanian identity of the Christian part of the population was concentrated among the worshipers of the Apostle Yeghishe Albanian Christianity up to the 18th century. The most visible group with the Albanian identity were the Udins. During the 18th century most of them were forcibly islamized and assimilated. Among the remaining Christian Udins, the cultural and political importance of the “Albanian national-religious dissidence” disappeared, and new processes of self-determination emerged, leading to multi-level group ethno-religious loyalties. Religious commonality with the Armenian Church and the Armenian people was reflected in the common Udi word գshton and the literary Armenian word lusavorchakan. Ethnonymic designations “uti/udi”, “Udin-speaking tribe”, “Udin-speaking nation” reflected their own narrow ethnic belonging. In the Udi language, there is no word that marks ethnicity – the equivalent of the words “people”, “nation”, they are replaced by words xalq, milleti borrowed from the Turkic language.

The article analyzes the traditional essence of modern poetry - the proud glorification of the Kazakh clan, national history, as well as the fact that national pride is a sacred feeling passed from generation to generation. It is also worth to note that the works of the poets of the ancient Turkic kaganates, indigenous peoples, which are presented to sacred generations in the form of embroidered genres, are a powerful tool of our spiritual culture. We see that representatives of modern poetry continue to sing critical poems of modern poets in the development of their views on the national interests of the Kazakh people. The article also shows that modern poetry, combining the traditions of oral and written poetry, continues to elevate the national and ethnic identity of our people in the space of civilization. It is said in detail that this is a moral indicator of our spiritual values, which, with their innovative pace, artistic beauty, lead our people and other peoples on the path of good.

The article is devoted to the analysis of ethno-marking and integration plots of Altai historical legends. The author characterizes the historical circumstances of the formation of the corpus of Altai historical legends, attempts to systematize the stories on the content and highlights the signs of ethnic identity for Altai-kizhi on the basis of folklore texts: language, lifestyle, type of management, clothing, hairstyle. A debatable question about ethnic borders of Altai-kizhi and relations with local sub-ethnic groups is presented. The author insists on the incompleteness of the integrative pro- cesses taking place in the territory of the Altai Mountains in the post-Oirot period, which currently lead to the inclusion of various small ethnic and sub-ethnic turkic-speaking groups in the Altay-kizhi people. The importance of knowledge of specific folklore subjects, and not only the Altai language for ethnic identification is emphasized. Historical legends are presented as a marker of ethnic boundaries in a multi-ethnic population. The mechanisms of formation of traditional ethical prohibitions and their significance for the definition of their "own" and "others" are described. The stages of integration of migrants into the structure of exogamous genera of Altay-kizhi are described in detail on the example of the texts of legends. The author illustrates the process of population recovery through incorporation and natural growth and describes the cultural attitudes that allow to preserve ethnic identity after depopulation and civil war. Question of bilingual existence of Altai folklore texts is considered. The relevance of historical legends in the modern community is noted. Thus, folklore texts could be considered not only as examples of folk literature, but also as a source of ethnic history.

The dombra is one of the most widely used musical instruments, which originated in ancient times and is still preserved today. The dombra is widespread among the Turkic peoples from Altai to Anatolia. According to archeological excavations and stone monuments, the origin of the dombra dates back to the ancient Turkic era. The origin of the dombra was the Altai Mountains, the golden cradle of the Turkic peoples. According to the research of the well-known turkologist Sartkozha Karzhaubayevich, an ancient dombra-like musical instrument found in a cave of the ZhargalantKairkan ridge in the foothills of the Mongolian Altai Mountains has two strings and nine keys. In the ancient Turkic period, the dombra instrument was widely used, as can be seen in the images of a man holding a dombra, carved on the balbal stones, the handles of weapons such as swords and daggers. This article is devoted to the problems of philosophical analysis, which can be used to identify reliable information about the phenomenon under study. In addition, this article summarizes the characteristic features of traditional Kazakh culture, as well as the features of the existence of folk musical genres. The historical data of the dombra phenomenon in the culture and musical creativity of the postSoviet era and its influence on the development of the activities of the Kazakh people are considered. The article also describes the varieties of dombra of standard factory manufacture, defines the features of the structure and manufacture of dombra – the most common folk musical instrument in Kazakhstan, the types of dombras, the physical and mechanical properties of strings made of guts, and polymer material. The results of the study allow us to delve into many current problems that have not been fully solved: leveling cultural differences between different ethnic groups, preserving the self-identity of the nation in the era of all-consuming globalization

The article highlights the issues, such as Kurama ethnicity ( or “ethnic group of Kuramas”), which is involved in the Uzbek nation, its ethnic composition, the identity sense of the Kuramas in terms of unity of the people, the attitude to the Uzbek national unity and transformational processes. Corresponding issues are presented as material for ongoing scientific analysis based on field materials and, where appropriate, scientific and popular literature data. The core meaning of the term “kurama” is explined by the fact that this ethnic group is of the polycomponent. To be specific, it is feasable to promote the idea that the genetic composition of Kuramas has a common root with Karluk, Kipchak and Oguz ethnicities, since the period of Turkish commonality. Subsequently, after the end of the Turkish commonality and the formation of independent Turkic fraternal nations, the ethnic union of the Uzbek, Turkmen, Kyrgyz and Kazakh peoples began in Central Asia. In particular, the main core of the Uzbek nation began with the Karluk branch, while the Uyghur ethnos grew in the same process with the Uzbek ethnic genesis, and the subsequent stages of development in the border areas were independent. However, the bond of historical ties between the two branches has not been ripped up. The article also analyses the issues of genetic memory of Kuramin residents of different villages along the streams of mountain and rivers. Thus, a survey conducted among the residents of Lashkarak Sai shows that the older generation practically began to forget the tribal origins of not only individual families, but also the entire group of residents of the compact community of the village. As for the inhabitants of Ertashsay, which originates from the Karakush peak, dividing the Tianshan mountain ranges into Chatkal and Kurama, they partly associate themselves with the traditional 92 Uzbek tribes. However, this information of Ertashsay residents is contraindicated for data on the genetic mixing of the Kuramis, consisting of Uzbek-Kazakh-Kyrgyz components. Our observations on the formation of the names of certain groups of Kuramins are interesting. Thus, the inhabitants of a number of villages, who have retained the memory of family ties in the past, are now known by various nicknames given to them from other villages. For example, Ezma top (chatty), Kal topi (bald), Zhanghirok topi (bells), Pulat topi (steelworkers), Toq topi (fed), etc. In addition, some groups of Kuraminians got their names from their place of residence: Kuramin residents Kurboz, Badrangi, Chelenovul, Ajir ovul, Samguron ovul, Guldirama soy, Kara kishlak, Soyogzi, etc. In general, in the ethno-cultural situation of the Kuramin people, there is a gradual tendency to smooth out the previously stable traditional forms of life, social relations and purely Kuramin rituals and customs, which merge with the general Uzbek ones, since the Kuramin people mostly identify themselves as Uzbeks.

Tatars – self-name «Tatars» – a community consisting of groups of Turkic and Finno-Ugric ethnic groups living in the territory and resettled. According to Tatar researchers, their ethnic community mastered this territory much earlier than the titular population. Most Tatars of Bashkortostan are Sunni Muslims. According to the official census of 2002, the Tatar population in Bashkortostan is 990,702 people, or 24.1%. Bashkortostan remains a multinational republic, the Tatar population makes its significant contribution and plays an important role in the socio-economic, political and spiritual spheres of society. Tatar youth living on this earth develops in a traditional multicultural environment, borrowing tolerant interethnicpatterns of behavior and preserving their cultural identity. The article provides an analysis of the life plans of Tatar students. Tatars play an important role in the social structure of the youth society of Bashkortostan. Traditional values of Tatar students are formed under the influence of a multinational environment. Tatar youth is an active subject of social reproduction and dynamic inter-ethnic relations. Analysis of life plans chosen by Tatar youth in a dynamically changing multicultural space (given the regional specifics) allows to plan mobility, innovative trends or control the deviant processes taking place in the youth society. The work presents the results of recent comprehensive studies (2019) conducted among students of the supporting university of RB, aimed at identifying the ethnic haracteristics and perception of Tatar students compared to Bashkir and Russian students. The results provided an opportunity to form perceptions of the self-identification of the national characteristics of regional Tatar youth; Identify common strategies for self-fulfillment of representatives of the socio-ethnic community in question; Analyze postgraduate plans in vital areas of activity; to compare the structure of values of Tatar, Russian, Bashkir youth in the face of modern challenges. The author draws conclusions about the tendency of Tatar students to preserve the traditional guidelines governing inter-ethnic relations in the Republic of Bashkortostan: the life attitudes of Tatar students are based on the national mentality, adequately reflect the features of intergenerational, intergender, inter-ethnic relations in Russian society. Tatar students are fulfilling their historical and cultural mission. Students of the oil university plan to get an appropriate education, work in the profession, open a business, create material well-being and wealth, take care of their health, parents, create their families with children and actively relax.

Introduction. This article examines the use of taboos and euphemisms in birth-related vocabulary of the Bashkir language. Goals. The paper reveals both linguistic facts and those of traditional ritual culture, ethnic worldviews. The Bashkir birth-related taboo vocabulary has not been a subject of special research yet. Materials and Methods. Actual meanings of lexemes were identified through the use of author’s field materials collected during comprehensive expeditions (2004 to 2008), lexical and phraseological data from dictionaries of the Bashkir and other Turkic languages, dialectal materials stored by the Institute of History, Language and Literature (Ufa Federal Research Centre of the RAS). The work employs a number of linguistic research methods, such as the ethnolinguistic and comparative-descriptive ones, component analysis method, and that of lexicographic selection. Results. As is known, this group of words is mainly tabooed in the Bashkir language. The vocabulary associated with birth rites is sacred and reflects a complex set of ideas about a pregnant woman. Ritual actions, magical prohibitions are aimed at protecting the health of women and at the birth of a healthy offspring. In this case, the vocabulary denoting a childless woman, a pregnant woman and the concepts of ‘childbirth’ and ‘obstetric aid’ were tabooed. The paper clarifies that the concepts associated with birth rites in the Bashkir language are expressed by euphemisms to protect the mother and child from evil spirits and the evil eye. The author has recorded a large number of euphemisms denoting a pregnant woman (auyrly, auyrғakalyu, auyrayҡly, auyry bar, auyrkүtүreә, auyrlau, yөklө, etc), a childless woman (balakүrmәgәn, biҙәү, tүlһeҙ, ҡyҫır, irғoraҡ and others), and those denoting the concept of ‘childbirth’ (bala tabyu, kureneү, bәpeslәү, bәpәilәү, ҡotolou, bushanyu, donyaғa keileү, etc.). Taboos and euphemisms of birth rites play an important role in the development of the vocabulary of the Bashkir language. The available materials on this topic require further systematization with the involvement of linguistic analysis. Over time, many archaisms disappeared from the modern vocabulary, while others have been used only in certain dialects of the Bashkirs. Almost all euphemistic vocabulary is represented by word combinations from common Turkic lexemes used in figurative meanings. The latter reflect the ethnic ritual traditions, good manners, politeness, observance of the rules of decency ― rules of ethics. They represent the speech etiquette and identity of the Bashkir people, being a valuable linguistic and cultural source for the study of the traditional folk beliefs of the Bashkirs.

The authors address the phenomenon of small plastic — modified bones of hoofed animals in the cultures of Eurasia from the archaic to the present time. The focus of the research is astragalus etc., modified in form, decorated as objects of play, art and magic. The methodology includes reconstruction, typology, semantic analysis, etc. The interpretation of figurines is based on extrapolation into antiquity of ethnographic realities (play, fortune-telling, magic practices) representing the culture of hunters and pastoralists, mainly of the Turkic and Mongol peoples. The research proceeds from the initial integrity and syncretism of culture; the unity of the existence of the human community and its natural environment, the inextricable connection between Man and Animals. The diachronic analysis carried out within the framework of the study allows us to assert that in archaeological and ethnic cultures for three millennia, astragalus were distinguished by the stability of forms and functions. They are used in game, fortune telling and magical practices, and correlated with the idea of vitality — as a kind of entity that unites the world of people and animals. The structural-semiotic approach defines one of the main conclusions of the work, according to which the universalism and stability of ideas about joints are rooted in the initially syncretic mythos-ecological picture of the world, with its characteristic identity of anthropo- and zoomorphic codes of the chronotope.

In the historical narrative of Lithuania, the Vokė River is inseparable from the settling of Tatars in the territory of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the end of the 14th century, under the rule of Vytautas the Great. Until the present day, members of this Muslim ethnic community continue to live in villages and towns scattered along the banks of the river. According to their life stories, identity narratives and dreams analyzed in this article, the Tatars primarily perceive the landscape by the Vokė River through their community life, and in terms of their personal and family life evolving in this space. People reflecting on the historical narrative emphasize the importance of their voluntary decision to be there, contradicting popular historiographic theories of their ancestors having been moved there as prisoners of war or under the orders of the Lithuanian rulers. A string of villages situated along the Vokė River from its source to the mouth near the town of Grigiškės, have names that sound Turkic or Slavic; elderly local Tatars call them akolicas and point out to their peculiar layout, recognizing Tatar features even in the faces of the local inhabitants of other nationalities. The locals call their main settlement and the center of the Muslim community, the village of Keturiasdešimt Totorių (‘Forty Tatars’) in the Old Russian – Sorok Tatary. This place name was known as early as the 16th century, testifying to the deep entrenchment of the Tatar inhabitants in the culture of Lithuania, in which the Old Russian language was used for official writings and spoken by the nobility. From the 17th century, the Polish language took over, becoming both written and spoken language, adopted by the noble Tatars as well. Currently, local Tatars mostly use the local Belorussian dialect or Polish and Russian languages; this sets them apart from their fellow-countrymen living in the Kaunas Region who have started speaking Lithuanian during the interwar period. The author of the article regards Slavic languages as part of the cultural identity of the Vilnius Region and as an important mark of the ethnic Tatar culture related to their regional and noble identity, and to their attempts at fostering the Tatar families by means of frequently seeking spouses from the Tatar settlements in Belarus or Poland.

The development of Altai dance is closely related to the history of the Altai people. Modern Altai people, like other Turkic peoples of Southern Siberia, have not preserved traditional dances in the form in which they were performed in everyday life. The reason for this was that the art of dance has a spatially – temporal character and it is difficult to record it. It is necessary in the analysis of folk dance to use the instrumentation of all fields of art science, to apply a systemic and interdisciplinary approach. It is in this that the authors see a further research horizon. In modern conditions, when the self-consciousness of each people increases, choreographic art, as part of the spiritual culture of the people, responds to all the events of life. The relevance of this study is due to the modern trend of the revival of the national and cultural heritage of the Altai Republic. One of the pressing problems of modern choreography, its theoretical understanding, is the study of the origins of folk stage dance. The fact that lacunae exist in this area of historical and cultural knowledge is evidenced by the lack of textbooks, incomplete complexes of educational and methodological literature. Choreographers, both in the educational process and in staging practice, are faced with the need for a clear theoretical design, the development of a scientific apparatus in this matter. In folk dance, closely connected with the life and life of the people, the peculiarities of its character, feelings, temperament, manner of artistic thinking are especially pronounced, that is, a kind of “choreographic portrait of the nation” is created. Folk dance, plastically expresses ethnic historical experience, is a kind of artistic embodiment of the historical memory of the nation, and thus affects the strengthening of national identity. The importance of the theoretical understanding of folklore in the development of choreography (as in musical or decorative art) is difficult to overestimate. He is a source of ideas, expressive means, often becomes an aesthetic standard in the creative activities of the modern choreographer. The national identity of the dance culture of the people is connected with the stable historical community of language, territory, economic life, psychological warehouse, culture of life, customs and traditions. National art bears both the originality of what it reflects and how it reflects. All this is reflected in folk dance, affects the nature of plastic. From here, the dances of one people are not similar to those of another, and even one ethnic group, divided geographically, dances differ. For example, Russian folk dance has common features characteristic of Russian dance in general, but at the same time it also has bright regional features. Dance culture in geographically distant territories varies in character, manner of performance, and originality of drawing, and subject matter. The main difficulty in studying this issue is the difficulty of “translating” the plastic language into speech discourse. Hence the difficulty in fixing and writing the description of choreography. There may be discrepancies and misinterpretations of the records of researchers of the past due to the lack of an agreed methodology and categorical apparatus.

Традиционный фольклор является обширной сферой человеческой деятельности, именно поэтому важна фиксация и изучение этнокультурных явлений и их переосмысление. Данная статья посвящена исследованию некоторых вопросов взаимовлияния двух самостоятельных областей фольклористики: языческого в древности обряда сөрән (сорэн) и не менее древнего жанра – эпоса, выявлению общих проблем в данных областях народной культуры. Рассматриваемые с точки зрения историко-мифологических, художественных, эстетических, нравственно-воспитательных, социально значимых критериев, дошедшие до наших дней обрядовые и эпические акции вправе называться институтом сохранения самобытности, ценностей и творческого самовыражения. Выявление ранних мифологических представлений и исторической памяти народа, зафиксированных в вербальном эпическом тексте обряда, например, способно играть немаловажную роль в этнической идентичности той или иной нации, что особенно важно для современного общества. Научные изыскания по данной тематике способствуют созданию баланса между процессом глобализации в культуре и необходимостью сохранения и поддержания этнического разнообразия в современном мире. Цель исследования – определить общие корни эпоса и обряда сорэн, по сохраненным в обрядовом и эпическом фольклоре кодам установить эволюционирующие признаки мифологического сознания этноса. Основным источником фактического материала в исследовании послужили тексты тюркского эпического фольклора, а также песенные тексты, исполняемые во время названного народного праздника; широко использованы вновь найденные во время научных экспедиций материалы, в особенности – по обрядовому фольклору. В исследовании использованы сравнительные, структурно-описательные, историко-типологические методы. Научная новизна статьи заключается в том, что здесь впервые в своеобразном этническом примере поднимается вопрос интеграции эпического наследия и обрядового фольклора, рассматриваются современное состояние и трансформация календарно-обрядового праздника сорэн у татар, вводится в научный оборот новый материал по обрядовому фольклору татар в сравнении с образцами тюркского эпоса. Подход авторов к проблеме в малоисследованном ритуально-ситуативном аспекте позволил выявить некоторые общие маркеры и коды, бытующие в эпической и обрядовой культуре народа. В результате исследования охарактеризовано соотношение традиционности и современности в татарском эпическом и календарно-обрядовом фольклоре, установлена некоторая стилистическая и жанрово-поэтическая общность между обрядностью и эпосом, сделаны соответствующие выводы, определен потенциал темы для дальнейшего изучения вопроса. Traditional folklore is a vast area of human activity, which is why it is important to fixate and study ethnocultural phenomena and their rethinking. This article is devoted to the study of some issues of the mutual influence of two independent areas of folklore: the pagan rite of Soren in antiquity and the no less ancient genre – the epic, identifying common problems in these areas of folk culture. Considered from the point of view of historical, mythological, artistic, aesthetic, moral, educational, socially significant criteria, ritual and epic actions that have come down to our days can be called an institution for the preservation of identity, values and creative self-expression. Revealing the early mythological ideas and historical memory of the people, recorded in the verbal epic text of the rite, for example, can play an important role in the ethnic identity of a particular nation, which is especially important for modern society. Scholarly research on this topic contributes to the creation of a balance between the process of globalization in culture and the need to preserve and maintain ethnic diversity in the modern world. The purpose of the study was to determine the common roots of the epic and the Soren rite, and from the codes preserved in ritual and epic folklore, to establish the evolving signs of the mythological consciousness of the ethnos. The main source of factual material in the study was the texts of the Turkic epic folklore, as well as the song texts performed during the said folk holiday; materials newly found during scientific expeditions were widely used, in particular – on ritual folklore. The study used comparative, structural and descriptive, historical and typological methods. The scholarly novelty of the article lies in the fact that for the first time, in a kind of ethnic example, the issue of integration of the epic heritage and ritual folklore is raised, the current state and transformation of the Soren calendar-ritual holiday among the Tatars is considered, new material on the ritual folklore of the Tatars is introduced into scientific circulation in comparison with samples Turkic epic. The authors' approach to the problem in a little-studied ritual-situational aspect made it possible to identify some common markers and codes that exist in the epic and ritual culture of the people. As a result of the study, the relationship between tradition and modernity in the Tatar epic and calendar-ritual folklore were characterized, some stylistic and genre-poetic commonality between ritual and epic were established, appropriate conclusions were drawn, and the topic's potential for further study of the issue were determined.

В ситуации глобального культурного нивелирования и повсеместных межэтнических конфликтов возникают задачи, связанные с формированием и сохранением национального самосознания как целого народа, так и отдельного человека. Особенно актуально рассмотрение данной проблемы в лингвокультурологическом поле гуманитарных исследований. Между тем, наименование народа, народности — один из факторов этнической идентичности человека. Этнонимы содержат «генетический код», позволяют обозначить определяющие национальные признаки, отличить «своих» от «чужих». Этноним сам по себе очень информативен, так как даёт возможность изучить пути исторической миграции этнического сообщества, его взаимодействие с культурой и языком народа-прародителя, культурные контакты с другими народами, указывает на род занятий, конфессиональную принадлежность представителей сообщества. Цель статьи — проанализировать формирование, функционирование и словообразовательный потенциал этнонимов бухарцы, сарты, называющих этносоциальную группу выходцев из Средней Азии, которые переселялись в Сибирь в конце XIV–XVIII веках и принимали активное участие в освоении этой большой и богатой на возможности территории. Пройдя сложный путь исторического развития, сибирские бухарцы со временем ассимилировались с местными народами, внеся существенный вклад в становление культуры тюркского населения Сибири и став значимым этническим компонентом в структуре этноса сибирских татар. Материалом для исследования послужили памятники деловой письменности XIX — начала XX века, включая метрические записи, документы переписи населения, служебную переписку, прошения и челобитные, документы по податям и сборам, записи по юридическим процедурам, указы, протоколы, рапорты, отчёты и прочее, в которых нашли отражение факты экономического, политического и культурного развития общины сибирских бухарцев. Источники представляют собой как официальные документы, имевшие обращение в делопроизводстве столичных министерств и департаментов, региональных приказов и отделов, так и рукописные записи, сделанные при мечетях на старотатарском языке арабской графикой. В качестве иллюстративного материала представлены записи полевых экспедиций авторов в сельские населенные пункты (2014–2021 гг.).Анализ содержательной стороны документов, с одной стороны, позволяет проследить пути формирования самоидентичности отдельной этнической общности, с другой — увидеть региональную специфику и определить языковой потенциал терминов-самонаименований. Этнонимы становятся базой для появления дериватов-новообразований: прозвищ, имен, патронимов, фамилий, топонимов.Для анализа ономастикона, представленного в статье, использовался описательный метод с применением его основных приемов: наблюдения, обобщения и классификации материала. Для семантической реконструкции был использован метод этимологического анализа с учетом фонетического и словообразовательного аспектов. Анализ формирования и становления этнонимов в регионе представляется актуальным, поскольку в научный оборот вводятся новые антропонимические данные. Изучение этнонимов, именующих этносоциальную группу сибирских бухарцев, позволит дать более полную историко-культурную характеристику одному из важных этнических сообществ региона и расширит научные представления о культуре и истории Западной Сибири в целом. In a situation of global cultural leveling and widespread ethnic conflicts, problems which are related to the formation and preservation of national identity of both representatives of the people and the individual arise. This problem is especially relevant in the linguoculturological field of humanitarian research. Meanwhile, the name of the people, nationality is one of the options for the ethnicity of a person. Ethnonyms contain a “genetic code” that allows us to designate defining national features, to distinguish “us” from “them”. The ethnonym itself is highly informative, as it makes it possible to study the ways of belonging to a particular ethnic community, its interaction with the culture and language of the progenitor people, cultural contacts with other peoples, indicates occupation, the confessional affiliation of the representatives of community. The purpose of the article is to analyze the formation, functioning and word-formation potential of the ethnonyms Bukharians, Sarts, which call the ethno-social group of immigrants from Central Asia who moved to Siberia at the end of the 14th–18th centuries and took an active part in the development of this large and rich in opportunities territory. Having gone through a difficult path of historical development, the Siberian Bukharians eventually assimilated with the local peoples, making a significant contribution to the formation of the culture of the Turkic population of Siberia and becoming a significant ethnic component in the structure of the ethnic group of the Siberian Tatars. The material for the study was the monuments of business writing of the 19th — early 20th centuries, including birth records, census documents, official correspondence, petitions, documents on taxes and fees, records on legal procedures, decrees, protocols, reports, etc. which reflected the facts of the economic, political and cultural development of the community of Siberian Bukharians. The sources are both official documents that were used in the office work of the capital's ministries and departments, regional orders and departments, as well as handwritten notes made at mosques in the Old Tatar language in Arabic script. As illustrative material, the records of the authors' field expeditions to rural settlements (2014–2021) are presented.The analysis of the content side of the documents, on the one hand, allows us to trace the ways of forming the self-identity of a separate ethnic community, on the other hand, to see the regional specifics and determine the linguistic potential of self-name terms. Ethnonyms become the basis for the emergence of new derivatives: nicknames, names, patronymics, surnames, toponyms.For the analysis of the onomasticon presented in the article, a descriptive method with its main techniques, that include observation, generalization and classification of the material, was used. For semantic reconstruction, the method of etymological analysis was used, taking into account phonetic and word-formation aspects. The analysis of the formation and development of ethnonyms in the region seems relevant, since new anthroponymic data are introduced into scientific circulation.The study of ethnonyms that name the ethno-social group of Siberian Bukharians makes it possible to give a more complete historical and cultural description of one of the important ethnic communities in the region and expand scientific understanding of the culture and history of Western Siberia as a whole.

Предмет статьи составляет географическое название Урянхай как название провинции, где ныне проживают тувинцы, исторического этнонима уранхайцы и фольклорное название якутов ураангхай-сахалар. Значение и языковая принадлежность именования уранхай в течение многих лет обсуждается в литературе, расселение и этническая принадлежность тех, кого в источниках называли урянхайцами или похожими именами, также никогда не имели однозначной трактовки. В то же время географическая определенность территории с именем Урянхай в её границах, языковая принадлежность от топонимического этнонима уранхай и его возможная этимология чрезвычайно важны для изучения исторической географии Южной Сибири, этнического состава её территории и изучения её языкового ландшафта в исторической перспективе. Автор, дав обзор наиболее значимой литературы по проблеме и опираясь на сходно звучащие топонимы, соотносит топоним Уранхай с топонимами Уренгой, связанные с ареалом распространения самодийских языков в бассейне Оби, показывает, что такое наименование имеет статус географического апеллятива, а не конкретного названия географического объекта, и объясняет его из ненецкого языка как варё-нг-хой «гора с проталинами». Понятно, что объект с таким названием не поддаётся индивидуальной идентификации, но он понятен как название географической провинции, на территории которой проживают тувинцы, в течение долгого времени называвшиеся урянхайцами. Проблема фольклорного именования якутов ураангхай-саха в свете установления происхождения топонима Урянхай, с одной стороны, исторически связывает якутов с более южными территориями, в частности, с территорией Восточной Тувы, с другой стороны, наименование ураангхай-саха укладывается в модели наименования территориальных групп якутов по характеристике местности, где они проживают. В якутских олонхо именование ураангхай всегда соотносится с народом-носителем стандарта традиционной тюркской культуры. Упоминания уранкаев в эвенкийских эпических текстах без сомнения отражают влияние якутского фольклора, отождествление уранхаев с эвенками, как предполагали отдельные исследователи, оказывается неубедительным. The subject of the article is a geographical name Uryankhai, the former name of the province where Tuvans live now, the historical ethnonym uraangkhai, and folklore name of the Sakha people uraangkhai-sakhalar. For many years, the meaning and linguistic identity of the naming Uraangkhai have been discussed in the literature; the spatial distribution and ethnicity of those referred to as uraangkhai or similar names have never had an unambiguous interpretation. At the same time, the certainty of the geographical territory named Uryankhai within its boundaries, the linguistic affiliation of the toponymical ethnonym uraangkhai and its probable etymology are extremely important for learning the historical geography of southern Siberia, for studying the ethnic composition of its territory and its linguistic landscape in the historical perspective. Giving an overview of the most important literature on the issue and relying on similarly sounding names, the author relates the toponym Uryankhai with the place name Urengoi, associated with the area of distribution of Samoyedic languages in the Ob River basin, shows that such a name has the status of a geographic appellative, and not a specific name of a geographic object, and explains it from the Nenets language as varyo-ng-hoi ‘the mountain with thawed patches’. It is clear that the object with the same name defies individual identification, but it is understandable as the name of a geographical province, whose territory is inhabited by Tuvans, who were called uryangkhai for a long time. In the light of the established origin of the toponym Uryankhai, the folk naming Uraangkhai-Sakha, on the one hand, historically connects Sakha (Yakut) people with the more southern territories, in particular, with the territory East Tuva; on the other hand, the name Uraangkhai-Sakha fits in the model of naming territorial groups of Sakha people according to the characteristics of the area where they live. In the Yakut Olonkho, naming uraangkhai always correlates with the people bearing the standard traditional Turkic culture. Mentioning of uraangkhai in the Evenki epic texts reflect, without a doubt, the influence of the Yakut folklore, hence, the identification of uraangkhai with the Evenki, as suggested by some researchers, is unconvincing.

This account of Koreans in the former Soviet Union describes important discoveries concerning a key hidden story of the Korean people and identity. The paper describes important aspects of Korean life in Central Asia that have been relatively undermined by many scholars in international relations and anthropology. This paper presents a detailed analysis of the history and meaning of the settlement of Korean people in Russia and Central Asia from a multitude of perspectives. Despite the size of the Korean population and its significant contributions to the building of Soviet society, very little has been written about Koreans in the former Soviet Union. In fact, the ethnic Korean group has been one of the largest minority groups in the former Soviet Union, representing an important element of both Soviet and post-Soviet political, social, ethnic, and economic history. This study revealed, once again, the tragic story of Stalin’s deportation of Kan people in Russia and explored an intriguing analysis of the re-encounter of Korean and Turkish people after a millennium and their long, intimate cultural bond. In particular, this study demonstrated that the historical and cultural affinities between Koreans and Central Asians existed long before Stalin’s deportation. Political, economic, social, and linguistic exchanges between Korean people and Turkic people are deeply rooted in the same mythology of Dangun, the legendary founder of the first Korean kingdom of Gojoseon. This reflects the dynamics of success of the Korean people in the former Soviet Union as well as their mutual interest in enhancing relations between Korea and the Turkic states and Siberian region.