Books on the topic 'UK Independence Party'

At the time of writing, politics within Scotland and the UK is experiencing a period of uncertainty, with issues such as Brexit, Scottish nationalism, the ‘refugee crisis’ and continued economic insecurity creating a complicated and unprecedented political climate. Scotland, for many, is considered to be expressing a distinctive politics to the rest ofthe UK (Mooney, 2013; McAngus, 2015), with the Scottish National Party (SNP) having strong representation in both the Scottish and UK Parliaments. With regard to the electorate, there is a sense that youngpeople in Scotland have recently become more politicised (Baxter et al., 2015; Hopkins, 2015), with sixteen- and seventeen-year-olds having been given the right to vote in the Scottish parliamentary elections and the 2014 independence referendum. This contests the frequent narrative that young people are politically apathetic (Kimberlee, 2002), and adds to a growing body of work that seeks to examine and unearth the varied and complex ways in which young people engage with political issues (Brookes and Hodkinson, 2008; O’Toole and Gale, 2013; Pilkington and Pollock, 2015).

The point of departure for this chapter is the decision of the European Court of Justice in the Digital Rights Ireland case, which annulled the European Data Retention Directive, in part because the use of retained data was not made subject to independent oversight. Next, it examines judgments from the national courts of the Netherlands and the UK, also focusing on the independent oversight issue, declaring invalid the data retention laws of those two countries. From the Digital Rights Ireland case and others, seven standards for oversight of intelligence services can be drawn: the oversight should be complete; it should encompass all stages of the intelligence cycle; it should be independent; it should take place prior to the imposition of a measure; it should be able to declare a measure unlawful and to provide redress; it should incorporate the adversary principle; and it should have sufficient resources.

Cosmopolitanism is said by many critics to be arrogant. In emphasizing universal moral principles and granting no fundamental significance to national or other group belonging, it is held to wrongly treat those making non-universalist claims as not authorized to speak, while at the same time implicitly treating those in non-Western societies as not qualified. This book works to address such objections. It does so in part by engaging the work of B.R. Ambedkar, architect of India’s 1950 Constitution and revered champion of the country’s Dalits (formerly “untouchables”). Ambedkar cited universal principles of equality and rights in confronting domestic exclusions and the “arrogance” of caste. He sought to advance forms of political humility, or the affirmation of equal standing within political institutions and openness to input and challenge within them. This book examines how an “institutional global citizenship” approach to cosmopolitanism could similarly advance political humility, in supporting the development of democratic input, exchange, and challenge mechanisms beyond the state. It employs grounded normative theory methods, taking insights for the model from field research among Dalit activists pressing for domestic reforms through the UN human rights regime, and from their critics in the governing Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party. Insights also are taken from Turkish protesters challenging a rising domestic authoritarianism, and from UK Independence Party members supporting “Brexit” from the European Union—in part because of possibilities that predominantly Muslim Turkey will join. Overall, it is shown, an appropriately configured institutional cosmopolitanism should orient fundamentally to political humility rather than arrogance, while holding significant potential for advancing global rights protections.

This chapter examines the evolution of the extreme and radical right in the United Kingdom, providing an overview of its historical, organizational, and electoral development. In contrast to the experience of several other Western democracies, the repeated failures of extreme and radical right parties in Britain led academics to point to “British exceptionalism,” or to portray this case as the “ugly duckling” in the wider family of Europe’s extreme right. However, between 2010 and 2016, the UK Independence Party (UKIP) scored a string of impressive successes, finishing ahead of the mainstream parties in the 2014 European Parliament elections, then winning nearly 13 percent of the popular vote in the 2015 general election. The final section considers the role of UKIP in the United Kingdom’s 2016 referendum on European Union membership and what the future is likely to hold for the radical right in Britain.

This book offers a novel perspective on British elections, focusing on the importance of increasing electoral volatility in British elections, and the role of electoral shocks in the context of increasing volatility. It demonstrates how shocks have contributed to the level of electoral volatility, and also which parties have benefited from the ensuing volatility. It follows in the tradition of British Election Study books, providing a comprehensive account of specific election outcomes—the General Elections of 2015 and 2017—and a more general approach to understanding electoral change.We examine five electoral shocks that affected the elections of 2015 and 2017: the rise in EU immigration after 2004, particularly from Eastern Europe; the Global Financial Crisis prior to 2010; the coalition government of the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats between 2010 and 2015; the Scottish Independence Referendum in 2014; and the European Union Referendum in 2016.Our focus on electoral shocks offers an overarching explanation for the volatility in British elections, alongside the long-term trends that have led us to this point. It offers a way to understand the rise and fall of the UK Independence Party (UKIP), Labour’s disappointing 2015 performance and its later unexpected gains, the collapse in support for the Liberal Democrats, the dramatic gains of the Scottish National Party (SNP) in 2015, and the continuing period of tumultuous politics that has followed the EU Referendum and the General Election of 2017. It provides a new way of understanding electoral choice in Britain, and beyond, and a better understanding of the outcomes of recent elections.

Deindustrialisation was a long-running process in Scotland, managed carefully by policy-makers in the 1960s and 1970s, and recklessly in the 1980s and 1990s. This book examines the social, cultural and political implications of this process. It uses unpublished documentary sources and oral history interviews from industrial sectors that have not been examined together before, along with a moral economy conceptual framework, to explain popular understanding of deindustrialisation. The perceived injustices of industrial job losses stimulated support for Scottish Home Rule within the UK from the 1960s to the 1990s and then for Independence in the 2000s. The book links political and industrial changes through a two-part integration of themes and case studies. Part one elaborates understanding of deindustrialisation: in global and historical terms; within the moral economy framework in Scotland; and as a phased and politicised phenomenon. It is shown that deindustrialisation was accepted as fair in the 1960s and 1970s, because the UK government made provision for economic alternatives in dialogue with communities affected. It was regarded as unjust in the 1980s and 1990s because the UK government offered no meaningful support to redundant workers and newly-insecure localities. Part two examines the working-class moral economy of deindustrialisation in action through case studies: shipbuilding, with Fairfield shipyard in Govan; motor manufacturing, with the Linwood car plant in Renfrewshire; and watchmaking and electronics sub-assembly, with Timex in Dundee. The book concludes its long chronological sweep with a chapter-length analysis of deindustrialisation since the mid-1990s.

This chapter charts the passage of the Financial Services (Banking Reform) Act 2013. The Banking Reform Act was enacted in December 2013 and comprises of 8 parts and 10 schedules. The Act was intended to deliver on the government’s plan to create a more robust, better regulated and managed banking system, that supports the economy, customers and small businesses. The Banking Reform Act implemented the recommendations of the Independent Commission on Banking (on banking-sector structural reform) and the key recommendations of the Parliamentary Commission on Banking Standards (on behaviour, culture, and professional standards within the banking industry). The Act amended the FSMA, the Insolvency Act 1986, and the Banking Act 2009. It also provided the legislative platform for an enhanced accountability regime within financial services.

In the UK, the four commonest cancers—lung cancer, breast cancer, colon cancer, and prostate cancer—result in around 62 000 deaths every year. Although deaths from cancer have fallen in the UK over the last 20 years, the UK still suffers from higher cancer death rates than many other countries in Western Europe. In 1999, the UK government produced a White Paper called Saving Lives: Our Healthier Nation that outlined a national target to reduce the death rate from cancer by at least 20% in people under 75 by 2010. The subsequent NHS Cancer Plan of 2000 designed a framework by which to achieve this target through effective prevention, screening, and treatment programmes as well as restructuring and developing new diagnostic and treatment facilities. But do we know enough about the biology of the development of cancer for government health policies alone to force dramatic changes in survival? The science behind the causes of cancer tells us that its origin lies in acquired or inherited genetic abnormalities. Inherited gene mutation syndromes and exposure to environmental mutagens cause cancer, largely through abnormalities in DNA repair mechanisms, leading to uncontrolled cell proliferation. Although screening those thought to be at highest risk, and regulating exposure to environmental carcinogens such as tobacco or ionizing radiation, have reduced, and will continue to reduce, cancer deaths, there are many other environmental factors that have been shown to increase the population risk of cancer. These will be outlined in this chapter. However, the available evidence is largely from retrospective and cross-sectional population-based studies and therefore limits the ability to apply this knowledge to the risk of the individual patient who may been seen in clinic. Although we may be able to put him or her into a high-, intermediate-, or low-risk category, the question ‘will I get cancer, doc?’ is one that we cannot answer with certainty. The NHS Cancer Plan of 2000, designed to reduce cancer deaths in this country and to bring UK treatment results in line with those other countries in Europe, focuses on preventing malignancy as part of its comprehensive cancer management strategy. It highlights that the rich are less likely to develop cancer, and will survive longer if they are diagnosed than those who live in poverty. This may reflect available treatment options, but is more likely to be related to the lifestyle of those with regular work, as they may be more health aware. The Cancer Plan, however, suggests that relieving poverty may be more labour intensive and less rewarding than encouraging positive risk-reducing behaviour in all members of the population. Eating well can reduce the risk of developing many cancers, particularly of the stomach and bowel. The Cancer Plan outlines the ‘Five-a-Day’ programme which was rolled out in 2002 and encouraged people to eat at least five portions of fruit and vegetables per day. Obese people are also at higher risk of cancers, in particular endometrial cancer. A good diet and regular exercise not only reduce obesity but are also independent risk-reducing factors. Alcohol misuse is thought to be a major risk factor in around 3% of all cancers, with the highest risk for cancers of the mouth and throat. As part of the Cancer Plan, the Department of Health promotes physical activity and general health programmes, as well as alcohol and smoking programmes, particularly in deprived areas. Focusing on these healthy lifestyle points can potentially reduce an individual lifetime risk of all cancers. However, our knowledge of the biology of four cancers in particular has led to the development of specific life-saving interventions. Outlined in this chapter are details regarding ongoing prevention strategies for carcinomas of the lung, the breast, the bowel, and the cervix.

Microbiology and virology laboratories provide a diagnostic service that supports the management of patients under the care of front-line clinicians. Despite the significant overlap, laboratory expertise and clinical patient management are traditionally viewed as independent entities. Trainees in the infection disciplines of microbiology, virology, infectious diseases, and tropical medicine have until recently received separate, and as a result, limited training. To address this problem, the UK replaced the FRCPath Part 1 examination for infectious disease trainees with a combined infection training (CIT) curriculum in 2015. Based on the idea of integration and collaboration within the field, CIT links laboratory expertise to clinical patient management. Tutorial Topics in Infection for the Combined Infection Training Programme is the first book covering the complete CIT curriculum. Following the format of the CIT certificate examination, each chapter ends with three single best answer multiple choice questions accompanied by in-depth discussions. This extensive content helps students appreciate the breadth of knowledge required, emphasises how the different aspects of the field are related, and is an essential tool for those preparing for the CIT certificate examination. Written by a multi-disciplinary team of medical microbiologists, virologists, infectious disease physicians, clinical scientists, biomedical scientists, public health specialists, HIV clinicians, and infection control nurses, this well-illustrated and easy to use book offers a unique insight into infectious diseases. It is the perfect primer for further study, a starting point for medical students and professionals wishing to learn more about the different topics within the infection specialty, and ideal for biomedical scientists looking to broaden their clinical understanding of the field beyond the diagnostic test.