Journal articles: 'UK Independence Party'

1

Morris, Kate. "The UK Independence Party." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 17, no. 4 (October 1997): 501–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439689700260941.

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Widfeldt, Anders, and Heinz Brandenburg. "What Kind of Party Is the UK Independence Party? The Future of the Extreme Right in Britain or Just Another Tory Party?" Political Studies 66, no. 3 (September 27, 2017): 577–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717723509.

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This article aims to further our understanding of the nature of the UK Independence Party. Our approach differs from much of the existing literature on party families, by analysing public attitudes towards the UK Independence Party in comparison with other parties. Multidimensional unfolding is utilised to map UK Independence Party’s place in the British party system, Tobit regressions are employed to compare UK Independence Party’s support base with that of the British National Party and the Conservatives and, finally, latent class analysis is used to assess the heterogeneity in UK Independence Party’s support base. The conclusion is that, with increasing success, the UK Independence Party has established itself as the only viable electoral option for British extreme right voters while also making serious inroads into more traditional conservative circles, who are Eurosceptic but not extreme. This bridging position between the mainstream and the extreme makes the UK Independence Party distinctive from other British parties and has parallels with the positions of anti-establishment, European Union sceptical and immigration-critical parties elsewhere in Europe.

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Jallot, Clémence. "UK Independence Party : campagne de sortie." Outre-Terre N° 49, no. 4 (2016): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/oute1.049.0217.

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Blagovescenskij, Roman. "Right-wing euroscepticism in the UK: the cases of the uk independence party and the conservative party between 1993 and 2015." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (January 12, 2016): 104–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjhss.v2i2.422.

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Usherwood, Simon. "The dilemmas of a single‐issue party – The UK Independence Party." Representation 44, no. 3 (September 2008): 255–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890802237023.

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Hayton, Richard. "The UK Independence Party and the Politics of Englishness." Political Studies Review 14, no. 3 (July 21, 2016): 400–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916649612.

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李, 九阳. "The Rise of UK Independence Party and Its Impact on British Party Politics." Advances in Social Sciences 10, no. 08 (2021): 2211–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.12677/ass.2021.108307.

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Davidson, Thomas, and Mabel Berezin. "BRITAIN FIRST AND THE UK INDEPENDENCE PARTY: SOCIAL MEDIA AND MOVEMENT-PARTY DYNAMICS*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 23, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 485–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-23-4-485.

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Social movement scholars have recently turned their attention to the interactions between political parties and social movements, but little is known about how social media have impacted these relationships, despite widespread adoption of these technologies. We present a case study of the relationship between Britain First, a far-right anti-Muslim social movement, and the U.K. Independence Party, the Eurosceptic political party that spearheaded the Brexit campaign. The movement appeared marginal in the press but it dominated social media, using this presence to support to the party. We examine the dynamics of the relationship between these groups from 2013 until 2017, drawing upon data from social media, newspapers, and other online sources, and focusing on interactions between elites and rank-and-file supporters. Our findings illustrate how far-right groups have used new technologies to generate an unprecedented amount of popular support and to attempt to influence the political mainstream.

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Marginson, Simon. "International Students: The United Kingdom Drops the Ball." International Higher Education, no. 76 (May 12, 2014): 9–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2014.76.5522.

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The number of non-EU students entering UK higher education has fallen for the first time for many year, especially students from South Asia. The UK government is under pressure from the neo-nationalist UK independence Party to reduce all forms of migration and international education has been caught by this.

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Sangtu Ko, 한예슬, and 장선화. "The Political Growth and Limitations of the UK Independence Party (UKIP)." Comparative Democratic Studies 12, no. 1 (June 2016): 67–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.34164/injede.2016.12.1.003.

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Engström, Robin, and Carita Paradis. "The in-group and out-groups of the British National Party and the UK Independence Party." Journal of Language and Politics 14, no. 4 (December 7, 2015): 501–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.14.4.02eng.

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This article investigates the self-presentation and the construction of immigration discourses in articles and policy documents published by the British National Party (BNP) and the UK Independence Party (UKIP). By combining corpus analysis with the Discourse-Historical Approach to Critical Discourse Analysis, a picture emerges of two parties whose use of language is governed by the same principle of differentiation. Fundamental to the BNP’s and UKIP’s language is the dichotomy in-group/out-group. The in-group analysis investigates the parties’ choice of form of self-representation, claims to unique competence, denial of attributes and mutual perception. The out-group analysis shows how the parties construct immigration, and focuses on the aspects of legal status, quantification and origin. The analyses suggest considerable lexical and conceptual similarities in both in-group and out-group formation.

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BlagoveÅ¡Äenskij, Roman. "Right-wing euroscepticism in the UK: the cases of the uk independence party and the conservative party between 1993 and 2015." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (January 12, 2016): 104–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v2i2.422.

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The outcome of the 2014 elections of the European Parliament and the results of the 2015 national elections begged the question of whether the parties defending Eurosceptic positions are becoming prominent political forces in the UK. The research question is as follows: what are the similarities and differences between the two main right-wing parties of the UK, namely the Conservatives and the UKIP, in their anti-EU rhetoric in the last two decades? I used public speeches of the UKIP leader which showed that the national identity and national sovereignty are of a great value for the party. In this work, I also used other primary sources: the partiesâ€™ manifestos (1997, 2001, 2005, 2010, 2015), the Eurobarometer surveys (in 1999, 2004 and 2015) and YouGov surveys (between 2012 and 2015). They show that the British public is hostile towards Europe and immigrants from Europe. This article draws the similarities between the Conservatives and the UKIP. They both criticize Brussels for over-centralization of power. According to them, the aim of any British government is to reduce the competences of supranational bodies and return certain powers to the state capitals. In addition, the Conservatives and the UKIP pledged to fight against immigration. However they have different approaches towards the same problems: the Conservatives would have Britain renegotiate the membership terms, while the UKIP favors a withdrawal from the EU. The main difference between the parties in question is that the Tories are far more cautious than UKIP. They believe that Britain can renegotiate the terms of membership and returning certain powers back to the national level. For the UKIP, the EU is bad in its nature. The Conservative party wants to be in Europe but not run by Europe while the UKIP argues that it is impossible to be in Europe but not run by Europe. Keywords: Euroscepticism, UKIP, Conservatives, Britain

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Kaufmann, Eric. "Levels or changes?: Ethnic context, immigration and the UK Independence Party vote." Electoral Studies 48 (August 2017): 57–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2017.05.002.

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Lynch, P., R. Whitaker, and G. Loomes. "The UK Independence Party: Understanding a Niche Party's Strategy, Candidates and Supporters." Parliamentary Affairs 65, no. 4 (November 9, 2011): 733–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsr042.

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Whitaker, Richard, and Philip Lynch. "Explaining Support for the UK Independence Party at the 2009 European Parliament Elections." Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties 21, no. 3 (August 2011): 359–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2011.588439.

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Fetzer, Thiemo. "Did Austerity Cause Brexit?" American Economic Review 109, no. 11 (November 1, 2019): 3849–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20181164.

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This paper documents a significant association between the exposure of an individual or area to the UK government’s austerity-induced welfare reforms begun in 2010, and the following: the subsequent rise in support for the UK Independence Party, an important correlate of Leave support in the 2016 UK referendum on European Union membership; broader individual-level measures of political dissatisfaction; and direct measures of support for Leave. Leveraging data from all UK electoral contests since 2000, along with detailed, individual-level panel data, the findings suggest that the EU referendum could have resulted in a Remain victory had it not been for austerity. (JEL D72, F15, F60, H53, I38)

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Park, Ki Sung. "Study on Radical Right and Its Support in Britain : Focusing on UK Independence Party." Journal of Social Science 27, no. 3 (July 31, 2016): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.16881/jss.2016.07.27.3.173.

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Park, Ki-sung, and Jae-jeong Park. "The Emergence and Growth of the Radical Right : Focusing on the UK Independence Party." Journal of Social Science 29, no. 1 (January 31, 2018): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.16881/jss.2018.01.29.1.133.

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Deacon, David, and Dominic Wring. "The UK Independence Party, populism and the British news media: Competition, collaboration or containment?" European Journal of Communication 31, no. 2 (December 14, 2015): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323115612215.

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Whitaker, Richard, and Philip Lynch. "Understanding the Formation and Actions of Eurosceptic Groups in the European Parliament: Pragmatism, Principles and Publicity." Government and Opposition 49, no. 2 (November 25, 2013): 232–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.40.

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This article assesses why Eurosceptic national parties form groups in the European Parliament and examines in what ways two of these groups – the European Conservatives and Reformists and Europe of Freedom and Democracy – operate in the European Parliament. It draws on interviews with politicians and group officials, roll-call votes and expert judgement data. We look at the group formation process with a focus on the British Conservatives and UK Independence Party and find that the European Conservatives and Reformists group was created with a mixture of policy-seeking and party-management aims. The UK Independence Party's interest in the Europe of Freedom and Democracy group is largely on the basis of the group's provision of distinct practical advantages, such as resources for political campaigns. We provide evidence that hard Eurosceptic and regionalist niche parties in the European Parliament struggle to agree with each other in roll-call votes on a range of subjects. Finally, we show that the hard and soft Eurosceptic parties studied here go about policy-seeking in different ways in the European Parliament in line with their differing principles on the integration process.

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Leruth, Benjamin, and Peter Taylor-Gooby. "Does political discourse matter? Comparing party positions and public attitudes on immigration in England." Politics 39, no. 2 (March 7, 2018): 154–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395718755566.

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The 2015 UK General Election campaign was mostly dominated by the issues of immigration, public debt, and income inequality. While most political parties adopted austerity-led programmes in order to reduce the level of public deficit, their stances on immigration vary significantly despite the two main parties converging on a welfare chauvinist frame. This article compares party positions to policy recommendations formulated by participants in a democratic forum as part of the ‘Welfare States Futures: Our Children’s Europe’ project in order to determine whether recent party pledges on immigration are being used by citizens in a large group discussion over the future of welfare policy in the United Kingdom. The analysis shows that while participants are committed to tougher policies in order to reduce existing levels of net migration, most of the policy priorities formulated do not match those of the two mainstream parties (i.e. the Conservative Party and the Labour Party) but rather those of the UK Independence Party (UKIP). It also demonstrates that participants’ individual political preferences do not seem to match their own positions on immigration and that there is little difference between left-leaning and right-leaning voters.

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22

Lynch, Philip, and Richard Whitaker. "Rivalry on the right: The Conservatives, the UK Independence Party (UKIP) and the EU issue." British Politics 8, no. 3 (December 17, 2012): 285–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/bp.2012.29.

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Skomorohina, O. "Populism in the UK in the context of the contemporary political process." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 4 (December 18, 2020): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-74-84.

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The article analyzes the development of populism in the UK. It is found that, in general, the European Union has experienced three «trust crisis» in the EU institutions over the past ten years, which have also had an impact on the emergence of populism in the United Kingdom. The British vote in the brexit referendum in favor of leaving the European Union was an important manifestation of established populist forces in Europe. Using the methods of comparison and case study, the essence and dynamics of the development of populism in the UK are determined, and the degree of influence of populism on modern British domestic policy is determined. The author concludes that the main support for populist politicians comes from people who are «losers from globalization», who are the key electorate of the Conservative party of Great Britain. The current state of development of populist forces in the United Kingdom is based on the appeal of the Conservative party to the key problems of British society: health, climate change, etc. The conclusion about the continuing triumph of populist forces in the UK is based on the victory of the Conservative party in the parliamentary elections in 2019, when the party's leader B. Johnson actively used the populist narrative in the election campaign. The author also concludes that the electorate is shifting away from the populist forces represented by the United Kingdom Independence Party in favor of the Conservative party. This research adds to the previous knowledge about the development of legal populism in the European Union and, in particular, in the UK, and also allows you to form an idea of the role and place of legal populism in modern domestic politics in the UK.

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Allen, Nicholas, Judith Bara, and John Bartle. "Finding a niche? Challenger parties and issue emphasis in the 2015 televised leaders’ debates." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19, no. 4 (June 14, 2017): 807–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117715014.

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Do leaders of ‘challenger’ parties adopt a ‘niche’ strategy in national televised debates? This article answers this question by analysing the content of the two multiparty televised leaders’ debates that took place ahead of the 2015 British general election. Using computer-aided text analysis (CATA), it provides reliable and valid measures of what the leaders said in both debates and develops our theoretical understanding of how challenger-party leaders make their pitches. It finds that the UK Independence Party (UKIP), Green Party, Scottish National Party (SNP) and Plaid Cymru leaders all demonstrated a degree of ‘nicheness’ in their contributions in comparison with the Conservative, Liberal Democrat and Labour leaders. It also finds that the challenger-party leaders placed a greater emphasis on their core concerns. Nevertheless, the debates covered much policy ground. Their structure obliged all party leaders to talk about a broad range of issues.

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Torrance, David. "‘Standing up for Scotland’: The Scottish Unionist Party and ‘nationalist unionism’, 1912–68." Scottish Affairs 27, no. 2 (May 2018): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2018.0235.

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Scottish nationalism has long interested political scientists and historians but has often been interpreted narrowly as the desire for full independence from the multi-national United Kingdom. A broader definition, however, reveals what this article calls the ‘nationalist unionism’ of the Scottish Unionist Party (1912–65), and its surprisingly nuanced view of Scottish national identity as well as Scotland's place in the UK. Drawing on nationalist theory, Smith's ‘ethno-symbolism’, Billig's ‘banal nationalism’ and Bulpitt's interpretation of the Conservative Party's ‘territorial code’ are deployed to analyse this phenomena, supporting the argument that it rested upon myths and symbols from the pre-modern era; pushed what it perceived as ‘bad’ nationalism (the desire for legislative rather than administrative devolution) to the ‘periphery’ of Scottish political discourse and, finally, demonstrated the willingness of the unionist ‘core’ to allow the Scottish Unionist Party to pursue a relatively autonomous strategy for electoral dominance. Furthermore, this article argues that the Scottish Unionist Party presented itself – most ostentatiously between the early 1930s and mid 1950s – as the main ‘guardian’ of a distinct Scottish national identity, while celebrating and protecting Scotland's semi-autonomous place within the UK.

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Bale, Tim. "Who leads and who follows? The symbiotic relationship between UKIP and the Conservatives – and populism and Euroscepticism." Politics 38, no. 3 (February 5, 2018): 263–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395718754718.

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The UK Independence Party (UKIP) is not so much a populist party that became Eurosceptic as a Eurosceptic party that became populist. However, careful tracing of a sequence that began in the late 1990s reveals that it was not UKIP but the Conservative Party that first fused populism and Euroscepticism. David Cameron’s decision in 2006 to temporarily abandon both approaches, just as Nigel Farage became UKIP’s leader, turned out, in historical institutionalist terms, to be a critical juncture. It provided UKIP with an opportunity to fill the gap, after which the Conservatives were unable, as Europe was hit by successive economic and migration crises, to regain the initiative. As a result, and as Cameron’s coalition government failed to meet its promises to control immigration, UKIP enjoyed increasing electoral success. This allowed it to exert significant, if indirect, pressure on the Tories, eventually helping to force Cameron into promising an in/out referendum – a promise that did neither him nor his party any good. The UK case, therefore, reminds us that anyone wanting to understand populist Euroscepticism needs to appreciate that the relationship between the radical right and its mainstream, centre-right counterpart is more reciprocal, and even symbiotic, than is commonly imagined.

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Kaufmann, Eric. "Can Narratives of White Identity Reduce Opposition to Immigration and Support for Hard Brexit? A Survey Experiment." Political Studies 67, no. 1 (December 5, 2017): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717740489.

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Britain’s vote to leave the European Union highlights the importance of White majority opposition to immigration. This article presents the results of a survey experiment examining whether priming an open form of ethno-nationalism based on immigrant assimilation reduces hostility to immigration and support for right-wing populism in Britain. Results show that drawing attention to the idea that assimilation leaves the ethnic majority unchanged significantly reduces hostility to immigration and support for Hard Brexit in the UK. Treatment effects are strongest among UK Independence Party, Brexit and White working-class voters. This is arguably the first example of an experimental treatment leading to more liberal immigration policy preferences.

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Webster, Joseph. "From Scottish Independence, to Brexit, and Back Again." Social Anthropology/Anthropologie Sociale 30, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 18–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/saas.2022.300403.

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Abstract The Orange Order is an ultra-Protestant and ultra-British fraternity dedicated to professing ‘hostility to the distinctive despotism of the Church of Rome’, and to preserving Scotland's constitutional place within the UK. According to Scots-Orangemen, these two commitments are united in opposing Scottish National Party capitulations to a Papacy hell-bent on cleaving Scotland from the UK and her Protestant monarch. Thus, while the 2014 Scottish Independence Referendum posed an existential threat to Orange Protestant-unionism, Brexit allowed push-back against an ultramontane plot to use the EU to destroy British sovereignty. Ironically – and awkwardly – the British unionism of Brexit (which the Order celebrates) looks set to reinvigorate calls for Scottish independence (which the Order dreads). This paper examines the acute political crises that such referendums create, arguing that Orange political urgency can only be understood as part of a more chronic (and thus less urgent, if no less serious) ‘Roman’ threat to Protestant ethno-religious supremacy. L'Ordre d'Orange est une fraternité ultra-protestante et ultra-britannique qui se consacre à professer son “hostilité au despotisme distinctif de l’Église de Rome” et à préserver la place constitutionnelle de l’Écosse au sein du Royaume-Uni. Selon les Écossais-Orangistes, ces deux engagements s'unissent pour s'opposer aux capitulations du Scottish National Party devant une papauté déterminée à séparer l’Écosse du Royaume-Uni et de son monarque protestant. Ainsi, alors que le référendum de 2014 sur l'indépendance de l’Écosse représentait une menace existentielle pour le protestantisme orangiste, le Brexit a permis de repousser un complot ultramontain visant à utiliser l'Union Européenne (UE) pour détruire la souveraineté britannique. Ironiquement ¬— et maladroitement — l'unionisme britannique du Brexit (que l'Ordre célèbre) semble destiné à revigorer les appels à l'indépendance de l’Écosse (que l'Ordre redoute). Cet article examine les crises politiques aiguës que de tels référendums créent, en soutenant que l'urgence politique de l'Ordre d'Orange ne peut être comprise que comme faisant partie d'une menace “romaine” plus chronique (et donc moins urgente, mais non moins sérieuse) pour la suprématie ethno-religieuse protestante.

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Cutts, David, Matthew Goodwin, and Caitlin Milazzo. "Defeat of the People's Army? The 2015 British general election and the UK Independence Party (UKIP)." Electoral Studies 48 (August 2017): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2017.03.002.

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Tonge, Jonathan, Thomas Loughran, and Andrew Mycock. "Voting Age Reform, Political Partisanship and Multi-Level Governance in the UK: The Party Politics of ‘Votes-at-16’." Parliamentary Affairs 74, no. 3 (July 1, 2021): 522–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsab020.

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Abstract The UK is now a multi-level polity with asymmetrical minimum ages of enfranchisement. The franchise was first extended to 16- and 17-year-olds in the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. The Scottish and Welsh governments now permit 16- and 17-year-olds to vote in elections to their devolved parliaments and local councils. The Northern Ireland Executive and the devolved authorities in England do not, however, have the power to change the voting age, and across all four nations of the UK, the age of franchise remains 18 for elections to the Westminster Parliament. The previous extension of the age of franchise, from 21 to 18 in 1969, attracted little controversy or political partisanship. But while there has been considerable political consensus regarding voting age reform in Scotland and Wales, debate over ‘Votes-at-16’ for Westminster elections has witnessed growing party-based partisanship. This article draws upon elite interviews with politicians across the political spectrum elected to Westminster and the devolved institutions on their attitudes to voting age reform, conducted as part of a 2-year Leverhulme Trust ‘Lowering the Voting Age in the UK’ project. The article argues that the multi-level party politics of the ‘Votes-at-16’ debate has consolidated rival party opinions on voting age reform at Westminster but not beyond.

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Evans, Geoffrey, and Jonathan Mellon. "Immigration, Euroscepticism, and the rise and fall of UKIP." Party Politics 25, no. 1 (January 2019): 76–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818816969.

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This article presents a case study of the emergence of the issue-linkage necessary for a cross-cutting European Union cleavage to become electorally salient. We argue that a key political decision on immigration in 2004 facilitated the emergence of a new dimension of party competition and growth in popular support for the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) leading eventually to the 2016 EU Referendum. To examine this thesis, we trace the impact of the UK government’s immigration policy on (i) rising immigration, (ii) the political salience of immigration, (iii) the increasing association between concern about immigration and Euroscepticism, and (iv) the emergence of a cross-cutting dimension of party competition coalescing around support for UKIP. The analysis combines information from official immigration rates, media reporting on immigration, Mori polls, continuous monitoring surveys, and the British Election Study.

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Deacon, David, and David Smith. "The politics of containment: Immigration coverage in UK General Election news coverage (1992–2015)." Journalism 21, no. 2 (July 4, 2017): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884917715944.

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This article examines the extent to which coverage of immigration issues has featured in mainstream national news coverage of six UK General Elections between 1992 and 2015. The six-phase content analysis charts shifts in the scale of coverage over this period that cannot be explained by reference to external factors alone, such as increases in net migration and growing public attentiveness to the issue. We show that since 2005, a disconnect has emerged between media coverage of the issue and external indicators of its scale and importance. The analysis also reveals a shift in the ownership of the immigration issue in formal campaign settings, with the UK Independence Party becoming the most dominant issue associate in electoral coverage of immigration issues.

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Hatakka, Niko, Mari K. Niemi, and Matti Välimäki. "Confrontational yet submissive: Calculated ambivalence and populist parties’ strategies of responding to racism accusations in the media." Discourse & Society 28, no. 3 (January 30, 2017): 262–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926516687406.

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This article provides an analysis and typology of the discursive strategies nationalist-populist anti-immigration parties use when responding to racism accusations in mainstream news. The typology is based on a three-party comparative analysis of statements given in national public service media by the representatives of three electorally successful Northwestern European populist parties – the UK Independence Party, the Finns Party and the Sweden Democrats. When responding to racism accusations, populist parties use both submissive and confrontational sets of discursive strategies in varying combinations to communicate an ambivalent attitude towards racism. This ambivalence is communicated both on the level of an individual speaker utilizing several strategies and on the level of multiple speakers communicating contradictory messages. The comparative analysis suggests that country-specific contexts, and the statuses of both the persons under accusation and the responders giving statements, affect to what extent responses to racism accusations tend to be confrontational.

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MacMillan, Catherine. "The European Union as a Totalitarian Nightmare: Dystopian Visions in the Discourse of the UK Independence Party (UKIP)." Romanian Journal of English Studies 13, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 158–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rjes-2016-0020.

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AbstractBased on an analysis of UKIP’s discourse on the EU, particularly that of leader Nigel Farage, this paper argues that the party depicts the EU in dystopian terms; in particular it compares it to dystopian narratives such as Orwell’s 1984, totalitarian communist regimes, Nazi Germany and ‘failed states’ such as North Korea.

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Edwards, Owen Dudley. "2015 and all that." Scottish Affairs 25, no. 1 (February 2016): 103–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2016.0113.

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The UK General Election of 2015, in which the Scottish National Party won 56 of the 59 seats, is likely to be a landmark in Scottish history. Moreover, for the first time since 1886, the victor in the predominant country in the Union – the Conservative Party in England – seemed to gain electoral victory in part by hostility to one of the partners of the Union. The article discusses the origins of this electoral tsunami. The immediate origin of the SNP landslide commenced with the disillusion with Scottish Liberalism, but its main victim was the Scottish Labour Party, seemingly fatally damaged by its alliance with the Conservatives during the campaign for a No vote in the 2014 referendum on Scottish independence. But whoever lost the election of 2015, it was won by Nicola Sturgeon, setting an example of civil debate untarnished by Westminster politics. Analogies with the politics of Ireland in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century cast helpful light on the present situation.

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Norris, Pippa. "Varieties of populist parties." Philosophy & Social Criticism 45, no. 9-10 (October 29, 2019): 981–1012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453719872279.

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Can parties such as the Swedish Democrats, the Jobbik Movement for a Better Hungary, the UK Independence Party and the Italian Lega Nord all be classified consistently as part of the same family? Part I of this study summarizes the conceptual framework arguing that the traditional post-war Left-Right cleavage in the electorate and party competition has faded, overlaid by divisions over authoritarian-libertarianism and populism-pluralism. Building on this, part II discusses the pros and cons of alternative methods for gathering evidence useful to classify party positions. Part III describes how these are measured in this study, using Chapel Hill Expert Survey data in 2014 and 2017, and how they are mapped on a multidimensional issue space. Part IV compares European political parties on these scales – including Authoritarian-Populist parties – across a wide range of European countries. The conclusion in part V draws together the main findings and considers their implications.

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Beynon, Huw. "People, place and politics: The anatomy of dispossession in the geography of Ray Hudson." European Urban and Regional Studies 24, no. 2 (February 7, 2017): 122–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776416689225.

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This article reflects on my 35 years of friendship and collaboration with Ray Hudson. It focusses on his studies of the north east of England and the processes of state-regulated deindustrialisation that have threatened to transform its social and political fabric. The area was once identified with the heartland of “Labourism” – a commitment to the gradual reform of capitalism through local and national government intervention. Hudson’s work has tracked the failure of this approach and now reflects on the consequences as seen inter alia in the vote for Brexit and the growing support for the UK Independence Party.

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Chung, Sae Won, and Yongmin Kim. "The Truth behind the Brexit Vote: Clearing away Illusion after Two Years of Confusion." Sustainability 11, no. 19 (September 23, 2019): 5201. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11195201.

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Since the referendum in 2016, Brexit has become the most controversial conundrum in the UK. This study aimed to revisit this issue by focusing on the communicative patterns of Brexit-related parties (the Conservatives, Labour, and UK Independence Party). Firstly, it attempted to provide the conceptual backgrounds of Brexit by explaining its development process from Cameron’s pledge of an in/out referendum to the present. Subsequently, it reviewed empirical studies on Brexit in diverse areas of social science. Most empirical studies point out that British political practitioners’ perceptions about Brexit were the root cause, but they were not able to provide an overview of these perceptions. The novelty of this study lies in examining the patterns of these perceptions by focusing on communicative framings embedded in the posts created in their official Facebook pages from the date of the referendum to that of the Brexit withdrawal agreement. To extract these framings, this study adopted an automated semantic network analysis geared by NodeXL—software for data collection and visualisation. The results show that these parties emphasised that they were the only legitimate political party to solve the Brexit crisis without providing concrete solutions or measures. These parties’ ill-founded communications endanger sustainable social media communications and interactions in the UK. Hence, it is vital to establish a more reliable fact-checking information-sharing system between the political elite and the general public.

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Doyle White, Ethan. "Christianity, Islam, and the UK Independence Party: Religion and British Identity in the Discourse of Right-Wing Populists." Journal of Church and State 61, no. 3 (2019): 381–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csy082.

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Crawford, Ewan. "Perpetuating Britishness." Journal of Language and Politics 14, no. 6 (December 31, 2015): 729–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.14.6.01cra.

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In 1999 a devolved Scottish Parliament was established within the United Kingdom following a referendum two years earlier. The current governing party in that Parliament – the SNP – held a referendum on Scottish independence in September 2014, which resulted in a decision to stay within the UK. However, during the referendum campaign promises were made by the main UK parties to transfer further power away from the British Parliament at Westminster to the Scottish Parliament in the hope this would satisfy demands for greater self-government in Scotland. This paper analyses the rhetoric of the leaders of Britain’s two main political parties in an effort to detect strategies used to construct and perpetuate Britishness in the context of devolution and a threat to the British state. It finds a number of discursive strategies deployed to promote unity and difference to (non-British) others. It also suggests the apparent need by British political leaders to deploy such British-constructivist strategies involves avoiding even acknowledging the reality of a major constitutional reform such as devolution and therefore political difference between the nations of the UK.

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Murphy, Justin, and Daniel Devine. "Does Media Coverage Drive Public Support for UKIP or Does Public Support for UKIP Drive Media Coverage?" British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 3 (July 31, 2018): 893–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123418000145.

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AbstractPrevious research suggests media attention may increase support for populist right-wing parties, but extant evidence is mostly limited to proportional representation systems in which such an effect would be most likely. At the same time, in the United Kingdom’s first-past-the-post system, an ongoing political and regulatory debate revolves around whether the media give disproportionate coverage to the populist right-wing UK Independence Party (UKIP). This study uses a mixed-methods research design to investigate the causal dynamics of UKIP support and media coverage as an especially valuable case. Vector autoregression, using monthly, aggregate time-series data from January 2004 to April 2017, provides new evidence consistent with a model in which media coverage drives party support, but not vice versa. The article identifies key periods in which stagnating or declining support for UKIP is followed by increases in media coverage and subsequent increases in public support. The findings show that media coverage may drive public support for right-wing populist parties in a substantively non-trivial fashion that is irreducible to previous levels of public support, even in a national institutional environment least supportive of such an effect. The findings have implications for political debates in the UK and potentially other liberal democracies.

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Thrasher, Michael, Matthew J. Goodwin, Colin Rallings, and Galina Borisyuk. "Mobilising the ‘People’s Army’ at the Grassroots: Examining Support for the UK Independence Party (UKIP) in English Local Elections." Parliamentary Affairs 72, no. 2 (April 11, 2018): 312–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsy002.

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Calzada, Igor. "Emancipatory Urban Citizenship Regimes in Postpandemic Catalonia, Scotland, and Wales." Social Sciences 11, no. 12 (December 2, 2022): 569. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11120569.

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Wide tensions regarding the organization of nation-state power have been triggered over the last years in the UK and Spain. By contrast, in the UK, (i) the plebiscite on Scottish Independence has been characterized since 2014 so far by a regular hegemony of the SNP in Scotland, and (ii) more recently, distinct resilient responses to tackle COVID-19 have dramatically shifted perceptions about the potential constitutional arrangements in Wales partially opposing a state-centric vision of the UK. By contrast, the role played by the constitutionally illegal but socially constitutive referendum in Catalonia on 1 October 2017, remarkably provoked the re-emergence of the Spanish far-right narrative through the surge of the new political party called Vox. In both cases, the urban in Glasgow, Cardiff, and Barcelona has been shaping various oppositions to state-centric agendas, and such oppositions have shaped elections in the UK and Spain. This article sheds light on the distinct, emerging, and emancipatory urban citizenship regimes in Catalonia, Scotland, and Wales, particularly illustrating the roles that Barcelona, Glasgow, and Cardiff, respectively, are playing in articulating a counter-reaction by rescaling a state-centric vision. This article employs past elections’ evidence to illustrate such regimes amid postpandemic times in datafied states.

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Thomas, Steve. "A More Welcoming Climate: How Basic Income found better Traction in Holyrood than in Westminster." Scottish Affairs 31, no. 3 (August 2022): 302–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0419.

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Basic income has moved tentatively on to the UK agenda since 2015, but it has struggled to find a foothold in Westminster, where the dominant view of poverty is as the result of failure in the labour market, and the response remains coercive welfare conditionality. In Scotland, government-funded research into the feasibility of basic income pilots has drawn on health and well-being priorities and civic and local authority involvement, while making an explicit connection between poverty, agency, health and wealth. This article draws on literature and semi-expert interviews to argue that the nature of Scottish political institutions and culture, allied to a Nationalist party government keen to differentiate itself from Westminster, with independence as short-term or long-term goal, has created an unusual policy space that provides the conditions for basic income as a pivoting reform. While implementation of a Basic Income may be impossible without full independence, Scotland is creating an ideational climate where – unlike south of the border – it at least looks feasible.

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Perreau-Saussine, Amanda. "A TALE OF TWO SUPREMACIES, FOUR GREENGROCERS, A FISHMONGER, AND THE SEEDS OF A CONSTITUTIONAL COURT." Cambridge Law Journal 61, no. 3 (December 11, 2002): 499–544. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197302331702.

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The phrase “hierarchy of norms” sounds alien or continental to the ears of most British constitutional lawyers: generations have been taught that, in order to respect the sovereignty of Parliament, they should compare statutes only in temporal terms, preferring a more recent statute over incompatible older ones. In Thoburn v. Sunderland City Council and related appeals [2002] EWHC 195 (Admin), [2002] 3 W.L.R. 247, four greengrocers and a fishmonger, backed by the UK Independence Party, unsuccessfully invoked this doctrine of implied repeal to challenge the validity of the UK’s messy implementation of European Metrication Directives. If obiter dicta by Laws L.J. are followed, it will be not for our political representatives but for our courts to decide whether to prefer older statutes protecting “constitutional rights” over more recent statutes, and to rank constitutional rights.

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Crawford, Ewan. "Them and us: Why they are nationalists and we are not. An analysis of journalists’ language in relation to others." Journalism 13, no. 5 (December 6, 2011): 620–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884911431369.

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Liberal opinion often views nationalism as a distasteful and reactionary concept. But what does it mean to be a nationalist? This article seeks to investigate what selected newspapers in the UK mean when they label a political party or an individual as nationalist. An initial content analysis demonstrates that journalists use the label to cover a variety of movements and individuals with disparate political and cultural goals. Making use of the banal nationalism concept and the idea of strategy in discourse analysis, it is suggested here that these disparate groups are brought together under the banner of nationalist to convey a sense of otherness, in contrast to the natural, timeless world of nation states which the journalists and readers inhabit. Time and space considerations require reporters to use forms of journalism shorthand when reporting on complex situations but it is argued here that the use of the label nationalist does little to enhance understanding of these complex stories. Furthermore, it is argued that, in a UK context, the exclusion by newspapers of those who support the continuation of the current British state from being categorized as nationalist is useful for those who are campaigning against local independence movements.

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Ananieva, E. V. "RUSSIA IN THE DISCOURSE OF BREXETEERS AND BREMAINERS IN THE UK." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 4 (December 28, 2020): 438–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-4-438-444.

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The UK EU membership referendum (2016) brought a confused result not giving the Brexiteers or the Bremainers decisive preponderance. This led to sharp divisions in the society at large, and a prolonged political crisis in Britain. Bremainers as early as at the stage of the pre-referendum campaign accused Brexiteers of being under the influence of Russia, meddling on the part of Brexit. The Bremainers initiated a series of inquiries into Russian interference to discredit the Brexiteers, putting under question the results of the referendum and the mandate of the UK government to conduct negotiations with Brussels. This confrontation went through lines of interparty divisions, and its methods went beyond the traditions and unwritten rules of the United Kingdom's political culture. The vicissitudes of inter- and intra-party infighting around the Parliamentary Intelligence and Defence Committee's report “Russia” showed that the government feared the report would influence voters in the run-up to the 2019 early general election. The investigation found no evidence of Russian interference in the referendum, nor in the 2014 Scottish independence referendum or the 2017 and 2019 parliamentary elections. Nevertheless, the “Russia” report became the basis for mutual accusations of the parties in the 2019 election campaign. London's focus on the concept of "Global Britain" indicates that the United Kingdom, regardless of the outcome of negotiations with the EU, views Russia as a strategic adversary.

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Alzeban, Abdulaziz. "CEO INVOLVEMENT IN SELECTING CAE, INTERNAL AUDIT COMPETENCY AND INDEPENDENCE, AND FINANCIAL REPORTING QUALITY." Journal of Business Economics and Management 19, no. 3 (November 13, 2018): 456–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/jbem.2018.6264.

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The purpose of this study is to explore the argument that Chief Executive Officer (CEO) involvement in the appointment of the Chief Auditing Executive (CAE) is detrimental to efforts to achieve good financial reporting quality (FRQ). The study is original in that to date, this precise link has not been investigated. Data are obtained via survey and annual reports relating to 307 UK companies listed on the London Stock Exchange, and the working capital and discretionary accruals are used as proxies for financial reporting quality. The findings support the contention that the benefits to FRQ of an independent and competent internal audit function are not realized when there is CEO involvement in the appointment of the CAE, since management is able to override IA controls. Indeed, high FRQ is only evident when the CEO is not involved in the appointment. The results are found to be robust after using two different methods of estimation, and carry the implication regulators concerned with FRQ and quality of internal audit function that the CEO should not be party to the appointment of the CAE since this will depress FRQ.

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Trinder, Stephen. "Interview with Guido Rings: “We need intercultural solidarity if we want to survive and prosper in a world hit by ultranationalism”." Disjuntiva. Crítica de les Ciències Socials 2, no. 1 (January 23, 2021): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/disjuntiva2021.2.1.5.

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As a master’s and Ph.D. student at Anglia Ruskin University in 2011, I recall the central message in lectures given by my eventual Ph.D. supervisor Professor Guido Rings was that we cannot underestimate the enduring strength of the legacy of colonialism in Europe and its influence on shaping contemporary attitudes towards immigration. Indeed, as I was completing my studies, I became increasingly aware of the negative rhetoric towards migrants in politics and right-wing press. In an attempt to placate the far-right of his party and address a growing threat from the UK Independence Party (UKIP), a discourse of ‘othernising’ migrants on the basis of their supposed rejection of ‘Britishness’ from former UK Prime Minister David Cameron in particular caught my attention. The result of this was tightening of immigration regulations, which culminated of course in the now-infamous Brexit vote of 2016. Almost a decade after my graduation, Professor Rings is currently Vice Chair for the Research Executive Agency of the European Commission and continues to work at Anglia Ruskin University at the level of Ph.D. supervisor. He still publishes widely in the field of Migration Studies and his recent high-profile book The Other in Contemporary Migrant Cinema (Routledge, 2016) and editorships in the fields of culture and identity (iMex Interdisciplinario Mexico) argue for increased intercultural solidarity in Europe as well as a strengthening of supranational organizations like the EU and the UN to offset growing nationalism. I got in touch with Professor Rings to find out where he feels Europe stands today with regard to migration and get his comments on the continued rise of nationalism on the continent.

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Shein, Sergei A. "Responses of European Mainstream to Right-Wing Populism Challenges from the Perspective of the Resilience Concept: Case of the United Kingdom." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-1-59-70.

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The article explores how European political mainstream responds to the challenges of right-wing populism and how it effects the resilience of the political system. The British case serves as the empirical material for the article. Focusing on the concept of resilience as a quality of a political system to respond and adapt itself to internal challenges, we use the classification of mainstream strategic responses developed by W. Downs and the analytical tools of historical insti- tutionalism. The article investigates mainstream (Conservative and Labor) strategic responses to the challenges of right-wing populism (United Kingdom Independence Party, UKIP) in the UK. The research concludes that the political mainstream is moving from ignoring strategies to mixed strategies, such as cooptation of the UKIP’s program with elements of political and institutional isolation. Such strategies are effective from the electoral point of view, however, they may be fraught with “unintended consequences” affecting the resilience of the whole political system.

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Journal articles on the topic 'UK Independence Party'

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