Academic literature on the topic 'Ukraine – 2013-'
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Journal articles on the topic "Ukraine – 2013-"
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Denysenko, Vadym. "GOVERNMENT-OPPOSITION RELATIONS IN UKRAINE, 2010–2013." Problems of humanities. History, no. 6/48 (April 27, 2021): 408–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24919/2312-2595.6/48.228528.
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Summary. The research aims at defining the key methods Yanukovych’s regime applied to fight the opposition parties and their top leaders. The research methodology is based on historicism and objectivity principles, comprises general scientific (analysis, synthesis, comparison) as well as specified historic methods (those of diachrony, synchrony, historical genesis and retrospective). The article’s scientific novelty is determined by a system analysis of the methods Yanukovych’s retinue applied against his political opponents highlighting their role in building up the fourth President of Ukraine’s authoritarian rule. Conclusions. The specificity of Ukraine’s political and legislative climate under Yanukovych’s rule has been demonstrated. The patterns of the criminal proceedings against the opposition leaders have been defined and researched. The criminal prosecution against Yuliya Tymoshenko, the Preimer and the leader of Batkivshchyna party, following her government’s management audit, serves as a case of Ukraine’s political field’s prime cleanup. The key phases of the criminal prosecution against Yurii Lutsenko, the Orange Top leader, have been defined. The political repressions of more than twenty Tymoshenko’s supporters, the article suggests, serves as a background for preparing and implementing the tax overhaul project authored by V. Yanukovych and S. Tigipko. The fundamentals of this reform, as well as its reception by Ukrainian business elite, have been analyzed in brief to provide the necessary context, i.e., to demonstrate the roles the agents affiliated with the Regions Party had taken and the methods they applied to break the so-called Tax Maidan and to subsequently persecute its organizers and participants. Specific attention has been paid to the fight Yanukovych’s regime initiated against the radical right and nationalist movement, forging the criminal cases against the members of certain nationalist organizations and movements functioning in Zaporizhzhya and Kyiv regions, i.e., "Tryzub" ("The Trident"), "Ukraine’s Patriot", "Social National Assembly". Restraining the forces opposite to the Regions Party and the regime was done through bribing or granting governmental preferences to the business elites. The secret ledgers of the Regions Party serve as an important source for identifying the officials thus corrupted by the regime. To define the corruption scales and the key bribery initiators identities, a thorough analysis of these ledgers (known as "the spreadsheets") has been provided.
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Vakulych, Volodymyr, and Igor Sharov. "Events At Maidan Nezalezhnosti Of Ukraine In Autumn 2013 – Winter 2014 (In View Of Different Ukrainian And Russian Printed Media)." Social Communication 1, no. 1 (2015): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sc-2015-0005.
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Abstract The article deals with some peculiarities of highlighting sociopolitical events in Ukraine in autumn 2013 and in winter 2014 by some leading Ukrainian and Russian printed mass media and their personal attitude concerning the course of these events. Sociopolitical situation that was created in Ukraine at the end of 2013 proved that sizable gap between the public and power holders’ conscience, progress and regression. The discrepancies in the future vision of geopolitical location of Ukraine led to the mass protests that started in November 2013. The events that took place in the night from 29th to 30th of November and during January - February 2014 made the front page of all mass media, both Ukrainian and foreign, and those of the Russian Federation in particular. Great attention to highlighting the Ukrainian events during autumn 2013 and winter 2014 was paid by the journalists of the leading media, such as P. Beba, K. Matsehora, Y. Medunitsia, V. Protsyshyn – reporters of the central Executive body newspaper “Uriadovyi Kurier” (translated as “the governmental messenger”); O. Kucheriava, S. Lavreniuk – the newspaper of Verkhovna Rada “Holos Ukrainy” (translated as “the voice of Ukraine”); E. tor of Haladzhyi, D. Deriy, O. Dubovyk – the Ukrainian Russian-language newspaper “Komsomolskaya Pravda v Ukraini” (translated as “the komsomol truth in Ukraine”); P. Dulman, E. Hrushyn – the Russian language newspaper “Rossiyskaya Gazeta” (translated as “the Russian gazette”); A. Zakharova – the Ukrainian Russian-language newspaper “Segodnia” (translated as “today”). At the same time the events related to the sociopolitical protests that were covered in all mass media had some tonal marking: positive to the authority, negative to the authority, negative to the opposition, reserved to the opposition, negative to MIA (Ministry of Internal Affairs), positive to MIA, negative and positive to the participants of the mass protests, neutral, etc.
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Кирвель, Элеонора. "Polish parliamentary parties about conflict in Ukraine (2013/2014)." Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne 1, no. 1 (2015): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/we.2015.1.1.101.
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Manurung, Hendra. "Russia Domination Policy: Implementation of Military Operation in Ukraine (2014 � 2015)." Insignia Journal of International Relations 4, no. 02 (2017): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2017.4.02.665.
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AbstrakFederasi Rusia merupakan aktor global yang menerapkan kebijakan tegas terhadap Ukraina. Guna mencapai tujuan politik nasional Rusia yang dikendalikan dari Moskwa, melalui operasi militer di tahun 2014, didefinisikan bagaimana negara tersebut berperilaku. Melalui kombinasi operasi militer dan non-militer, Rusia secara perlahan memperoleh kekuasaan melalui aneksasi Krimea. Efektivitas metoda ini dipergunakan untuk menentukan strategi perang Rusia saat ini. Dengan demikian menjelaskan bagaimana kebijakan luar negeri dan kebijakan pertahanan Rusia dari tahun 2000 hingga 2013 yang memiliki ketergantungan pada lingkungan strategis Ukraina terhadap Rusia, dan kepentingan nasional Rusia pada Ukraina. Fokus utama penelitian ini adalah pencapaian tujuan politik Rusia dalam operasi militer yang dilaksanakan di Ukraina dan menganalisa komponen keamanan nasional Rusia yang signifikan mempengaruhi interaksi konflik asimetrik.Kata-kata kunci: keamanan nasional, tujuan politik, operasi militer, perilaku negara
 AbstractRussia Federation as global actor applied its policies towards Ukraine remains assertive. In pursuing state�s political objectives from Moscow, the escalation of military operation in 2014 defined as the way on how the state behaves. By means of the combination of military and non-military measures on the conduct of operation, Russia is now slowly regaining its power through the annexation of Crimea. The effectiveness of this method determines to be Russia�s strategy on contemporary warfare. Thus, it explains how Russian foreign and defense policy from 2000 to 2013 that depend on surrounding strategic environment of Ukraine to Russia, and the national interests of Russia to Ukraine. The main focus of this research is on the achievement of Russia�s political objective in its military operation in Ukraine and analysis on Russia�s national security components that are significantly influence the interaction of this asymmetric conflict.Keywords: national security, political objectives, military operations, state�s behavior
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Stegniy, B. T., N. V. Berezhna, O. V. Maiboroda, D. V. Muzyka, and O. M. Rula. "Distribution of poultry clostridiosis in Ukraine from 2013 to 2017." Bulletin "Veterinary biotechnology" 32, no. 1 (2018): 425–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31073/vet_biotech32(1)-56.
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Hanifah, Ummu Ro'iyatu Nahdliyati Millati. "Embargo Ekonomi sebagai Strategi Konfrontasi Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia pada Masa Konflik Ukraina 2013-2015." JURNAL SOSIAL POLITIK 3, no. 2 (2017): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/sospol.v3i2.5063.
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AbstraksiPosisi Ukraina yang strategis bagi Rusia maupun Uni Eropa seringkali menjadikannya sebagai medan konflik antara Rusia dan Uni Eropa. Seperti yang terjadi pada tahun 2013-2015, konflik domestik yang diawali oleh keluarnya Ukraina dari Perjanjian Asosiasi Eropa menjadi medan konflik antara Rusia dan Uni Eropa. Rusia yang merupakan negara pewaris Soviet merasa perlu untuk melindungi etnis Rusia yang berada di Ukraina menuntut Rusia untuk melakukan campur tangan dalam konflik domestik tersebut. Sedangkan Uni Eropa yang merasa kepentingan politiknya diganggu oleh Rusia pada akhirnya melakukan embargo ekonomi terhadap Rusia atas campur tangannya tersebut, sementara Uni Eropa memiliki ketergantungan terhadap Rusia dalam hal energi. Dalam penelitian ini akan dibahas mengenai embargo ekonomi yang diberikan oleh Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia serta latar belakang embargo tersebut dengan menggunakan teori foreign policy strategy dan konsep energy security. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian eksplanatif dengan menggunakan data kualitatif yang bersumber dari studi kepustakaan. Kebijakan embargo ekonomi yang dilakukan oleh Uni Eropa tersebut merupakan strategi konfrontasi Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia yang di dasari oleh dua hal, yaitu kapabilitas Uni Eropa yang dirasa lebih tinggi daripada Rusia serta posisi Rusia yang dianggap sebagai ancaman oleh Uni Eropa.Kata Kunci: Perjanjian Asosiasi Eropa, embargo ekonomi, strategi konfrontasi, konflik Ukraina. AbstractStrategical position of Ukraine for Russia as well as European Union often make it be conflict area between Russia and European Union. As happened to the years 2013-2015, domestic conflict that begins by the discharge of Ukraine of the European Association Agreement became the conflict zone between Russia and the European Union. Russia that legacy of Soviet Union felt it necessary to protect Russians ethnic who were in Ukraine make Russia demands to intervene in the domestic conflict. Whereas the European Union felt harassed by the political interests of Russia finally of give economic embargo to the Russian on interference in the domestic conflict, while European Union dependence on Russian energy. In this research will be discussed about the economic embargo by the European Union on Russia and the background of the embargo by using the theory of foreign policy strategy and concept of energy security. This research use explainative methode with qualitative data that sourced by library research. The economic embargo is European Union confrontation strategy towards Russia that based on two reasons, capability the European Union is considered higher than Russia and Russia's position is seen as a threat by the European Union.Key Words: European Association Agreement, economic embargo, confrontation strategy, Ukraina conflict.
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Voytyuk, Oksana. "Rola kobiet ukraińskich w wydarzeniach rewolucyjnych na przełomie 2013-2014 roku." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 44 (December 15, 2014): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2014.010.
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The role of Ukrainian women in revolutionary events at the turn of 2014The article explains the notion of European revolution, Revolution of Dignity, Revolution of the Fire, Euromaidan. There is also an analysis of women participation in the events that took place at the turn of 2014, as well as examples of various kinds of initiatives which appeared during the revolutionary events in Ukraine. Rola kobiet ukraińskich w wydarzeniach rewolucyjnych na przełomie 2013-2014 rokuArtykuł wyjaśnia takie pojęcia jak: Rewolucja Europejska, Rewolucja Godności, Rewolucja Ognia, Euromaidan. Analizie poddano również udział kobiet w wydarzeniach, które miały miejsce na przełomie lat 2013-2014, a także przykłady różnego rodzaju inicjatyw, które pojawiły się w czasie rewolucyjnych wydarzeń na Ukrainie.
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Nahorna, A. M., M. P. Sokolova, and I. G. Kononova. "Morbidity of tuberculosis of occupational genesis in Ukraine in 2013–2017." Ukrainian Journal of Occupational Health 2018, no. 3 (2018): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33573/ujoh2018.03.003.
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Saidakova, N., N. Kozlyuk, S. Nikolaenko, and N. Stepanova. "PERITONEAL DIALYSISINUKRAINE: 2009–2013." Ukrainian Journal of Nephrology and Dialysis, no. 4(44) (November 21, 2014): 21–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31450/ukrjnd.4(44).2014.01.
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We analyzed the information of the state ofperitoneal dialysis in Ukraine for the period 2009–2013. The authors are grateful to all the main coordinators of the regional registries who had sent the relevant information to the SI «Institute of Nephrology NAMS of Ukraine», and contributed to the formation of the National Register.
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Пономар, С. І., та О. В. Кручиненко. "МОНІТОРИНГ ЕПІЗООТОЛОГІЧНОЇ СИТУАЦІЇ ГЕЛЬМІНТОЗІВ ШЛУНКОВО-КИШКОВОГО ТРАКТУ КОРІВ НА ТЕРИТОРІЇ УКРАЇНИ". Вісник Полтавської державної аграрної академії, № 2 (26 червня 2014): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31210/visnyk2014.02.23.
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Наведені результати моніторингових дослідженьстосовно епіозоотологічної ситуації з фасціольозу,парамфістомозу, дикроцеліозу та стронгілятозуорганів травлення в Україні. Найбільш неблагополуч-ними областями стосовно гельмінтозів шлунково-кишкового тракту є Волинська, Житомирська, Пол-тавська, Рівненська, Сумська, Харківська та Черні-гівська області. Протягом 2010–2011 рр. 100 % ЕІзареєстровано за паразитування парамфістом у До-нецькій області, дикроцелій – у Волинській та строн-гілят органів травлення – у Рівненській. За 2012–2013 рр. 100 % ЕІ дикроцеліями зафіксовано в Київсь-кій області.
 The results of monitoring studies on epizootic situation in fasciolosis, paramfistomosis, dicroceliasis and strongyloidosis of the digestive system in Ukraine. The most disadvantaged areas in helminthiasis gastrointestinal tract are Volyn, Zhytomyr, Poltava, Rivne, Sumy and Chernihiv regions. During 2010-2011, 100 % of extensity of invasion by parasites paramfistomа registered in Donetsk region, dykrotseliyа - Volyn and stronhilyatа of the digestive system – in Rivne. During 2012-2013 he was 100 % of extensity of invasion dykrotseliya recorded in the Kiev region.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ukraine – 2013-"
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Polese, Abel. "Dynamiques de nation building et évolution d'une identité nationale en Ukraine: le cas d'Odessa." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210303.
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En utilisant le cas d’étude d’une grande ville ukrainienne, Odessa, multiculturelle et russophone, nous tâcherons de mettre en évidence la discordance entre les mesures politiques de «nation building » (et leur qualité) adoptées par le Parlement, leur renégociation et application au niveau local et la manière dont cela affecte l’identité de la population et la perception d’une « nation ukrainienne » dans la ville, de façon à nous concentrer sur l’importance de l’attitude de la population dans un projet de «nation building ». A ce propos nous allons montrer le rôle de première importance joué par les Ukrainiens dans le projet de construction nationale entamé par les élites politiques après l’indépendance ukrainienne de 1991. L’expression « nation building » est souvent utilisée dans la littérature pour se référer aux mesures politiques émises par le Parlement ;Par contre l’expression « construction nationale » ou « construction de la nation » semble se prêter à plusieurs interprétations et n’exclut pas la participation de la population au projet. Par exemple, tandis que le « nation building » est lié à des politiques mises en œuvre dans le cadre d’un État, si l’on parle d’une « construction nationale » on ne se réfère pas forcement à un État. C’est pourquoi, au cours de cette thèse on gardera les deux expressions pour suggérer que l’expression construction nationale montre une attitude plus ouverte à observer les différentes interactions entre la population et les élites politiques.<p><br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Noack, David X. "Die Ukraine-Krise 2013 / 2014: Versuch einer historischen, politökonomischern und geopolitischen Erklärung." Dresdener Studiengemeinschaft Sicherheitspolitik e. V, 2014. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A32496.
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Ukraine-Geschichte: Kiewer Rus, Russisch-türkischer Krieg, Ukraine unter deutscher Besatzung;
Ukraine nach 1991: Präsidenten Krawtschuk, Kutschma, Orangener Regimechange, Präsident Janukowitsch, Transitland Ukraine, Oligarchen und Staat, Ukraine-Putsch 2014, Putschisten und ihre ausländischen Unterstützer, IWF-Schockprogramm, Krim-Sezession.:Über den Autor.
Einleitung.
• Kurzabriss der ukrainischen Geschichte bis 1991;
• Die Religion als weiterer Faktor der Zersplitterung der Ukraine;
• Politische Ökonomie und Außenpolitik der Regierungen unter Präsident Krawtschuk;
• Pragmatische Außen- und Wirtschaftspolitik unter Präsident Kutschma;
• Die Orangenen: Neoliberale Schocktherapie und einseitige Annäherung an NATO und USA;
• Der gemäßigte Außen- und Innenkurs der Regierungen unter Präsident Janukowitsch;
Einordnung Janukowitschs und seines Machtblocks in die nationale und internationale politische Ökonomie;
• Der Putsch im Februar 2014;
Wechsel der Krim in die Russische Föderation;
Warum Ukraine? Warum zu diesem Zeitpunkt?
• Vom Putsch bis zur Präsidentschaftswahl;
Eine Föderation Noworossija?
Spiel der Oligarchen – Spiel mit den Oligarchen;
• Fazit.
Anhang: Karten.
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Thomas, Abbey L. "The Agent Across the Border: "Russia" and "Ukraine" as Actors in the News, 2013-2015." UKnowledge, 2016. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/ltt_etds/15.
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This study examines how two media sources—one Russian and one Ukrainian—portray Russia and Ukraine before, during, and after the EuroMaidan crisis in Ukraine. Russian-language texts posted between January 2013 and December 2015 on the sites Ukranews.com (a Ukrainian news outlet) and TASS.ru (Russian) were organized in a corpus of over 20,000,000 words. This study analyzes the nouns “Россия” (“Russia”) and “Украина” (“Ukraine”) according to the verbal predicates that attach to either noun. The results demonstrate predictable variation in the agency of the two entities in response to cultural events and contexts.
The analysis of the corpus data operationalizes a combined model of agency using Halliday and Matheissen’s (2004) classification of processes, shaped by the animacy of the actor, and Dik’s (1989) States of Affairs Matrix, which prioritizes the actor’s physical effect in space and time. In this study, predicates of “Russia” and “Ukraine” are given numeric scores based on the models. Then, a new method of checking the validity of these models is tested by examining other entities that take the same predicates as Russia and Ukraine. Measurements from discrete time periods reveal how the agency of both entities changed before, during, and after EuroMaidan.
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Sirbu, Tatiana. "La politique des villages tsiganes en Bessarabie sous trois administrations: tsariste, roumaine et soviétique, 1812-1956." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209684.
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L’objet de cette recherche est la situation des Tsiganes de Bessarabie sous trois administrations :tsariste (1812-1918), roumaine (1918-1940, 1941-1944) et soviétique (1940-1941, 1944-156). Au niveau macro, nous nous sommes intéressés plus principalement à la politique des « villages tsiganes » qui est selon nous la plus révélatrice d’une continuité entre les trois administrations. Au niveau micro, nous avons suivi le parcours de quelques villages du centre et du sud de la Bessarabie sous ces trois administrations. <p>En schématisant, on peut affirmer que le régime tsariste a appliqué en Bessarabie une politique de sédentarisation forcée par ségrégation. Nous l’illustrons par le cas des « villages tsiganes » de Kair et Faraonovka. L’administration roumaine pendant la dictature d’Antonescu a appliqué une politique de déportation en dehors des frontières historiques de la Roumanie, même si au départ il était question de créer des « villages tsiganes » dans la région de Baragan dans la partie sud-est du pays. Le régime soviétique a opté pour une politique de ségrégation forcée par assimilation.<p><br>Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Bakke, Peter Christian. "Framing Ideologies in the 2013-2014 Ukrainian Crisis: How Opposing Movements use Culture to Characterize the Issues." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/51805.
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In November 2013, Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych suddenly reversed an ongoing process toward Ukrainian membership European Union in favor of strengthening economic ties with Russia. His action triggered mass demonstrations in Kiev's Maidan Square and eventually resulted in his removal from office. Yanukovych's opposition in the government solidified the regime change by assuming interim control of the government. Their supporters, composed mostly of ethnic Ukrainians from the Central and Western oblasts, became known as the Maidan movement. In response, separatist movements formed in the Southern and Eastern Ukrainian oblasts of Donetsk, Luhansk, Crimea and Kharkiv. Following Russia's annexation of Crimea, separatist leaders in Donetsk and Luhansk united to form the self-proclaimed Novorossiya (New Russia) Union. This thesis used a grounded-theory approach to identify culturally charged framing devices within Maidan and Novorossiya Union discourse. This paper found that the framing devices of Maidan and Novorossiya invoked Ukrainian and Russian belief systems. Analysis of elite cultural discourse demonstrated that Russian and Ukrainian beliefs and attitudes manifested as thematic concepts, which identified problems, suggest solutions and motivate action. Thus, the frame existed within the culture of Ukrainian and Russian interpretive communities. Framing devices and labels used by Novorossiya and Maidan aligned positions regarding the future of Ukraine with such systems of beliefs.<br>Master of Arts
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Pawliw, Kim. "La position de la Fédération de Russie dans les événements survenus en Crimée, 2013-2014 : contextes géopolitiques et justifications d'ordre politique, historique et culturel." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/29868.
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En 2013-2014, l’Ukraine s’est vue tiraillée entre deux options : un rapprochement envers l’Union européenne par la signature d’un accord d’association ou un rapprochement envers la Fédération de Russie par l’acceptation de diverses aides financières. Suite aux manifestations proeuropéennes de l’Euromaïdan et au départ du président ukrainien prorusse, le Conseil suprême de la Crimée a tenu un référendum d’autodétermination afin d’acquérir son indépendance de l’Ukraine et de se faire incorporer à la Fédération de Russie. L’Organisation des Nations Unies n’a pas reconnu cette incorporation, la qualifiant d’illégitime. Dans ce contexte, les dirigeants russes ont tenté de justifier leurs actions en Crimée. L’objectif premier de la recherche était de caractériser et d’analyser la rhétorique des principaux acteurs russes cherchant à légitimer l’incorporation de la Crimée à la structure politique et administrative de la Fédération de Russie suite à la déclaration d’indépendance de la péninsule. La méthode utilisée, soit l’analyse de contenu, a permis d’identifier deux types de rhétoriques caractérisant les justifications des dirigeants russes et de leurs alliés : une rhétorique légale et une rhétorique identitaire. Les processus de construction de ces rhétoriques ont été analysés en identifiant les contextes, les acteurs et les idéologies qui ont contribué à leur formation. La rhétorique légale a fait référence à l’interprétation du droit international, notamment des principes d’autodétermination des peuples et d’intégrité territoriale des États, tandis que la rhétorique identitaire a fait référence à une interprétation de l’histoire russe cherchant à démontrer les liens unitaires entre d’une part la Fédération de Russie et l’Ukraine et, d’autre part, la Fédération de Russie et la Crimée. Afin d’approfondir l’analyse, la recherche a répertorié la manière dont ces rhétoriques se sont incarnées dans la réalité à travers diverses actions, qu’il s’agisse de sessions à l’ONU ou d’événements patrimoniaux, comme l’érection de monuments.<br>In 2013-2014, Ukraine was torn between two options: rapprochement with the European Union by signing an association agreement or rapprochement with the Russian Federation by accepting financial aid. After the pro-European protests known as the Euromaidan, and the departure of the pro- Russian president, the Supreme Council of Crimea held a referendum on self-determination in order to gain independence from Ukraine and to be incorporated into the Russian Federation. The United Nations did not recognize the incorporation and qualified it as illegitimate. In this context, the Russian leaders tried to characterize their action in Crimea as legitimate. The primary objective of this research is to characterize and analyze the rhetoric of the main Russian actors who presented Crimea’s incorporation into the political and administrative structure of the Russian Federation, following the declaration of the peninsula’s independence, as legitimate. Using content analysis in carrying out the research, two types of rhetoric adopted by the Russian leadership were identified: a legal rhetoric and an identity rhetoric. The construction process of both were analyzed in the course of the research through the identification of contexts, actors and ideologies that contributed to their development. The research learned that the legal rhetoric concerned the interpretation of international law, especially the principles of self-determination and territorial integrity of States. Whereas the identity rhetoric concerned the interpretation of Russia’s history in order to demonstrate the existence of unity between the Russian Federation and Ukraine and between the Russian Federation and Crimea. To gain additional information on both, the research also observed how they were expressed in specific situations, such as during UN sessions or during heritage events, for example the erection of monuments.
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Karzabi, Iman. "Le privé est politique : l’action publique et le militantisme associatif en faveur de l’égalité femmes-hommes dans les pays post-soviétiques : Ukraine et Bélarus (1990-2013)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017IEPP0007.
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Cette thèse a pour objet d’interroger, au prisme du genre, des changements politiques et sociaux à l’œuvre dans les pays de l’ex-bloc soviétique, à l’exemple de l’Ukraine et du Bélarus. Elle analyse en particulier les modalités par lesquelles le politique construit le privé, et comment l’action publique fabrique les (in)égalités de genre. À cet effet, cette recherche s’intéresse aux instruments d’action publique dans le domaine des politiques familiales, de la lutte contre les violences faites aux femmes et à l’application des normes internationales d’égalité femmes-hommes, telles que le gender mainstreaming. Ce travail questionne également les mobilisations collectives hétérogènes qui politisent/dépolitisent la question des inégalités de genre, cherchant à influencer les décisions des autorités en la matière : des collectifs féministes, des organisations religieuses conservatrices, des associations de pères engagés pour un changement des normes de masculinité. Cette thèse démontre comment ces acteurs-trices « négocient » avec le pouvoir, notamment par le biais de l’enchevêtrement entre les ressources nationales et internationales dans la configuration des agendas et des répertoires d’actions. Au niveau microsociologique, à travers des entretiens réalisés avec des parents bénéficiaires des politiques publiques, cette thèse démontre la manière dont les processus politiques façonnent le privé et impactent les champs des possibles des femmes notamment. L’assignation du travail de care aux femmes limite leur autonomie financière, leur carrière professionnelle, leur temps libre, leur activité sociale et politique, contribuant ainsi à la construction du pouvoir « monosexué »<br>This thesis investigates, from a gender perspective, political and social changes taking place in the countries of the former Soviet bloc, specifically in Ukraine and Belarus. In particular, it analyses the ways in which politics constructs the personal, and public actions create gender (in)equalities. To this end, this research is concerned with policy instruments in the area of family policy, in the prevention of violence against women and the application of international standards of gender equality, such as gender mainstreaming. In addition, this thesis studies heterogeneous collective initiatives which politicize/depoliticize the issue of gender inequalities in order to influence the decisions of relevant authorities: feminist groups, conservative religious organizations, and fathers’ organizations seeking to change norms of masculinity. This research shows how these organizations “negotiate” with those in power, in particular through the interplay of national and international resources in the configuration of agendas and repertoires of contention. At a microsociological level, through interviews carried out with parents who are recipients of public policy actions, this thesis demonstrates the way in which political processes influence the personal and reduce the range of options for women in particular. The assignment of care work to women limits their financial autonomy, professional career, spare time, and social and political activities, contributing consequently to a construction of a “single-sex” power
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Perri, Giuseppe. "La pluralité religieuse dans l’Ukraine postcommuniste." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/276714.
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La thèse vise à clarifier: a) la véritable nature de la renaissance religieuse présumée dans les anciens pays communistes; b) les caractéristiques de la pluralité religieuse de l'Ukraine, qui reste un pays majoritairement orthodoxe; c) l'écclesologie des principales Églises ukrainiennes (orthodoxes et la gréco-catholique), avec un examen plus approfondi de la question ecclésiologique et canonique de la proclamation d'une éventuelle autocéphalie ukrainienne.<br>Doctorat en Philosophie<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Teteriuk, Maria. "Political controversies over sexual and gender rights in ukrainian mainstream online news media. The case of the anti-discrimination reform in Ukraine in 2013 – 2015." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/670896.
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L’estudi explora el paper dels mitjans informatius en línia en el canvi en els drets sexuals i de gènere a Ucraïna, basant-se en l’anàlisi del debat sobre la prohibició de la discriminació per orientació sexual i identitat de gènere (OSIG) com a part de la reforma antidiscriminació de 2013 – 2015. El canvi en els drets sexuals i de gènere va ser conceptualitzat, com a resultat de la lluita hegemònica entre discursos en disputa, seguint la teoria del discurs d’Ernesto Laclau i Chantal Mouffe. La recerca va incloure tres fases. Durant la Fase I es van examinar a través de recerca documental les condicions de la possibilitat d’un canvi dels drets sexuals i de gènere a Ucraïna durant el període 2013 – 2015. Durant la Fase II es va analitzar el discurs polític sobre drets sexuals i de gènere a Ucraïna el 2013 – 2015 a través de l’anàlisi postfundacional del discurs i utilitzant les dades recollides per les pàgines web oficials del govern, parlament i grups d’interès involucrats en la controvèrsia sobre la reforma antidiscriminació. Es van identificar quatre coalicions discursives sobre els drets sexuals i de gènere seguint les articulacions dels significants flotants clau en el debat: orientació sexual i identitat de gènere, democràcia, identitat nacional i política exterior. Cada coalició va desenvolupar el seu propi grup de trames que associaven la prohibició de la discriminació per OSIG a les seves articulacions dels significants flotants (punts nodals). Durant la Fase III es va examinar la representació mediàtica de les coalicions discursives sobre drets sexuals i de gènere en disputa a través de l’anàlisi quantitativa de contingut i l’anàlisi postfundacional del discurs de la cobertura de la reforma antidiscriminació en els cinc mitjans informatius en línia més populars d’Ucraïna. Aquesta anàlisi va revelar que durant la primera etapa de la controvèrsia antidiscriminació (2013 – 2014), els mitjans afiliats a grans grups d’empreses propietat d’oligarques afavorien les coalicions discursives conservadores citant els seus membres més freqüentment, oferint una cobertura desequilibrada de la seva posició, i fent-se eco de supòsits conservadors sobre OSIG en comentaris periodístics. Els mitjans informatius petits i independents en línia afavorien les coalicions discursives lliberals utilitzant els mateixos mètodes. Durant la segona etapa de la controvèrsia (2015), tots els mitjans informatius en línia afavorien les coalicions discursives lliberals en la seva cobertura del debat. L’estudi suggereix que el suport ofert pels mitjans informatius en línia va contribuir a la capacitat de les coalicions discursives en disputa d’introduir canvis en les lleis de drets sexuals i de gènere. De 2013 a 2014, la cobertura favorable als mitjans afiliats a grans grups d’empreses i la presència substancial als mitjans informatius en línia independents van ajudar la coalició conservadora pro-UE a articular la prohibició de la discriminació per orientació sexual com a amenaça a la democràcia i la identitat nacional i com a obstacle de la integració europea d’Ucraïna en l’esfera pública, fet que va contribuir al fracàs de la reforma antidiscriminació. Durant el 2015, la cobertura favorable en els cinc mitjans informatius en línia més populars d’Ucraïna va ajudar les coalicions discursives lliberals sobre drets sexuals i de gènere a rearticular la prohibició de la discriminació per OSIG com a instància de protecció democràtica de la igualtat de drets civils, adheriment als valors europeus, i condició prèvia d’integració europea, fet que va ajudar a l’adopció de la reforma antidiscriminació.<br>El estudio explora el papel de los medios informativos en línea en el cambio en los derechos sexuales y de género en Ucrania, basándose en el análisis del debate sobre la prohibición de la discriminación por orientación sexual e identidad de género (OSIG) como parte de la reforma antidiscriminación de 2013-2015. El cambio en los derechos sexuales y de género fue conceptualizado, como resultado de la lucha hegemónica entre discursos en disputa, siguiendo la teoría del discurso de Ernesto Laclau y Chantal Mouffe. La investigación incluyó tres fases. Durante la Fase I se examinaron a través de la investigación documental las condiciones de la posibilidad de un cambio de los derechos sexuales y de género en Ucrania durante el período 2013 – 2015. Durante la Fase II se analizó el discurso político sobre derechos sexuales y de género en Ucrania en 2013 – 2015 a través del análisis posfundacional del discurso y utilizando los datos obtenidos por las páginas web oficiales del gobierno, parlamento y grupos de interés involucrados en la controversia sobre la reforma antidiscriminación. Se identificaron cuatro coaliciones discursivas sobre los derechos sexuales y de género siguiendo las articulaciones de los significantes flotantes clave en el debate: orientación sexual e identidad de género, democracia, identidad nacional y política exterior. Cada coalición desarrolló su propio grupo de tramas que asociaban la prohibición de la discriminación por OSIG a sus articulaciones de los significantes flotantes (puntos nodales). Durante la Fase III se examinó la representación mediática de las coaliciones discursivas sobre derechos sexuales y de género en disputa a través del análisis cuantitativo de contenido y el análisis posfundacional del discurso de la cobertura de la reforma antidiscriminación en los cinco medios informativos en línea más populares de Ucrania. Este análisis reveló que durante la primera etapa de la controversia antidiscriminación (2013 – 2014), los medios afiliados a grandes grupos de empresas propiedad de oligarcas favorecían las coaliciones discursivas conservadoras citando sus miembros más frecuentemente, ofreciendo una cobertura desequilibrada de su posición, y haciéndose eco de suposiciones conservadoras sobre OSIG en comentarios periodísticos. Los medios informativos pequeños e independientes en línea favorecían las coaliciones discursivas liberales utilizando los mismos métodos. Durante la segunda etapa de la controversia (2015), todos los medios informativos en línea favorecían las coaliciones discursivas liberales en su cobertura del debate. El estudio sugiere que el soporte ofrecido por los medios informativos en línea contribuyó a la capacidad de las coaliciones discursivas en disputa de introducir cambios en las leyes de derechos sexuales y de género. De 2013 a 2014, la cobertura favorable en los medios afiliados a grandes grupos de empresas y la presencia sustancial en los medios informativos independientes ayudaron a la coalición conservadora pro-UE a articular la prohibición de la discriminación por orientación sexual como amenaza a la democracia y la identidad nacional y como obstáculo de la integración europea de Ucrania en la esfera pública, hecho que contribuyó al fracaso de la reforma antidiscriminación. Durante 2015, la cobertura favorable, en los cinco medios informativos en línea más populares de Ucrania, ayudó a las coaliciones discursivas liberales sobre derechos sexuales y de género a rearticular la prohibición de la discriminación por OSIG como instancia de protección democrática de la igualdad de derechos civiles, adherencia a los valores europeos, y condición previa de integración europea, hecho que favoreció a la adopción de la reforma antidiscriminación.<br>The study explores the role of online news media in sexual and gender rights change in Ukraine, relying on the analysis of the debate over the prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) as part of the anti-discrimination reform in 2013 – 2015. Sexual and gender rights change was conceptualized as an outcome of hegemonic struggle among contesting discourses on sexual and gender rights based on the discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. The research included three phases. In Phase I, conditions of possibility of sexual and gender rights change in Ukraine in 2013 – 2015 were examined using desk research. Dominant public opinion on sexuality, sexual and gender rights, and European integration, as well as the established legal, political, and media discourses on sexual and gender rights in Ukraine, were considered as conditions that shaped outcomes of the anti-discrimination controversy. In Phase II, political discourse on sexual and gender rights in Ukraine in 2013 – 2015 was analyzed with the use of post-foundational discourse analysis, relying on the data collected from the official websites of government, parliament, and groups of interest involved in the controversy over the anti-discrimination reform. Four discourse coalitions on sexual and gender rights were identified according to the articulations of the key floating signifiers in the debate: sexual orientation and gender identity, democracy, national identity, and foreign policy. Each coalition developed its own set of storylines that linked the prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of SOGI to the coalitions’ articulations of the floating signifiers (nodal points). In Phase III, media representation of the contesting discourse coalitions on sexual and gender rights was examined with the use of quantitative content analysis and post-foundational discourse analysis of the anti-discrimination reform coverage in the five most popular Ukrainian online news media. This analysis revealed that during the first round of the anti-discrimination controversy (2013 – 2014), news websites affiliated with big media holdings owned by oligarchs favored conservative discourse coalitions by quoting their members more frequently, providing imbalanced coverage of their position, and echoing conservative assumptions about SOGI in journalistic comments. Small independent online news media favored liberal discourse coalitions using the same means. During the second round of the controversy (2015), all examined online news media favored liberal discourse coalitions in their coverage of the debate. The study suggests that support provided by the online news media contributed to the capacity of contesting discourse coalitions to change sexual and gender rights law. In 2013 – 2014, favorable coverage in the media affiliated with big media holdings and substantial presence in the independent online news media helped the conservative pro-EU coalition to articulate the prohibition of sexual orientation discrimination as a threat to democracy and national identity and an obstacle to the European integration of Ukraine in the public sphere, which contributed to the failure of the anti-discrimination reform. In 2015, favorable coverage in the top five Ukrainian online news media helped liberal discourse coalitions on sexual and gender rights to rearticulate the prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of SOGI as an instance of democratic protection of equal civil rights, adherence to European values, and a precondition of European integration, which contributed to the adoption of the anti-discrimination reform.
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Kis-Marck, Alexia. "Regards croisés sur l’Euromaïdan : de la « crise ukrainienne » à « une nouvelle guerre froide »." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017MON30030.
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Depuis le 21 novembre 2013, l’Ukraine est touchée par une crise politique majeure qui a déclenché dans les médias internationaux un certain nombre d’interprétations antagoniques. Ce travail de recherche interroge les mots qui ont été posés sur le conflit et se penche sur les représentations qui ont été mises en scène dans les médias en France. À partir de concepts théoriques en relation avec les représentations sociales, l'analyse du discours et la communication médiatique, notre analyse explore l'imaginaire de la crise ukrainienne, également appelée Euromaïdan. Elle s'appuie sur l'étude d’articles de presse tirés des principaux organes d’information nationaux français et se focalise sur la période du 21 novembre 2013 (date du refus de signature de l’accord d’association avec l’UE par Viktor Ianoukovitch et début d’Euromaïdan) au 28 février 2014 (constitution d'un gouvernement provisoire). Ce travail soulève ainsi des interrogations quant au traitement médiatique de la crise ukrainienne, à la mémoire collective qu’elle sollicite et aux enjeux idéologiques et identitaires qu'elle a fait naître. En nous appuyant sur une démarche à la fois quantitative et qualitative, nous tenterons d’identifier les principaux aspects et les particularités de la représentation de l’Euromaïdan dans le discours médiatique français. En croisant les regards et confrontant ces représentations au discours médiatique russe, ce travail étudiera également le jeu des représentations en marche et adoptera, ainsi, une démarche comparative<br>Since 21 November 2013, Ukraine goes through a major political crisis which has triggered several conflicting interpretations in the international media coverage. This research investigates the words used to describe the conflict, as well as the social representations staged by the French media. Based on theoretical concepts such as social representations, discourse analysis and media communication, this study aims at exploring the collective imagination of the Ukrainian crisis, also referred as “Euromaidan”. The French articles published in the main daily information newspapers are investigated for the period from 26 November 2013 (when Viktor Yanukovych refused to sign the Association Agreement agreements with the European Union, triggering the Euromaidan protest) to 28 February 2014 (when a provisional government was established). Consequently, this work raises questions about how media handled the Ukrainian crisis, recalling specific parts of the collective memory, as well as the ideological and identity-related stakes in France. Build on both quantitative and qualitative approaches, this research highlights the main features and characteristics of the Ukrainian crisis representation in French media discourses. Finally, by confronting the Russian media discourses with the French one, this study reflects the interplays of representation in action, embracing a comparative approach
Books on the topic "Ukraine – 2013-"
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Massovye narushenii︠a︡ prav cheloveka v khode konflikta na Ukraine, 2013-2014: Godovoĭ otchet IGCP. Izdatelʹskiĭ t︠s︡entr fonda "Istoricheskai︠a︡ pami︠a︡tʹ", 2015.
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Miz︠h︡narodna, naukovo-praktychna konferent︠s︡ii︠a︡ "Olʹviĭsʹkyĭ forum 2013-stratehiï kraïn Prychornomorsʹkoho rehionu v. heopolitychnomu prostori" (2013 Mykolaïv Mykolaïvsʹka oblastʹ Ukraine; I︠A︡lta Ukraine). Miz︠h︡narodna naukovo-praktychna konferent︠s︡ii︠a︡ "Olʹviĭsʹkyĭ forum - 2013: Stratehiï kraïn Prychornomorsʹkoho rehionu v heopolitychnomu prostori" : tezy 5-9 chervni︠a︡ 2013 r., Mykolaïv - I︠A︡lta. Chornomorsʹkyĭ derz︠h︡avnyĭ universytet im. Petra Mohyly, 2013.
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Kiew-Revolution 3.0: Der Euromaidan 2013/14 und die Zukunftsperspektiven der Ukraine. Ibidem-Verlag, 2014.
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Olʹkova, O. A. Sravnitelʹnyĭ analiz prestupnosti v Rossii i Ukraine v sovetskiĭ i postsovetskiĭ period (1960-2013): Monografii︠a︡. Izdatelʹstvo "I︠U︡rlitinform", 2014.
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Perezasnuvanni︠a︡ Ukraïny: Statti, publit︠s︡ystyka, prohnozy i sposterez︠h︡enni︠a︡ (1994-2013) = Reorganisation of Ukraine : articles, social and political essays, prognosis and observation (1994-2013). Universum, 2013.
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1981-, Kocarev Oleg, Stahìvs'ka Ûlìâ 1985-, Podlaskie Towarzystwo Zachęty Sztuk Pięknych (Biała Podlaska) та Galeria Arsenał (Białystok Poland), ред. Miejsca: Laureaci Nagrody Artystycznej im. Kazimierza Malewicza : Alewtyna Kachidze 2008, Stas Wolazłowski 2010, Żanna Kadyrowa 2012 : Galeria Arsenał, Białystok 2013, Narodowe Muzeum Sztuki Ukrainy, Kijów, 2014 = Mict︠s︡i︠a︡ : Laureati Mistet︠s︡ʹkoï Premïï im. Kazimira Malevycha : Alevtina Kakhhidze 2008, Stas Voli︠a︡zlovsʹkyĭ 2010, Z︠H︡anna Kadyrova 2012 : Galerei︠a︡ Arsenal, Bilostok, 2013, Nat︠s︡ionalʹnyĭ hudoz︠h︡niĭ muzeĭ Ukraïny, Kyïv, 2014 = Places : Kazimir Malevich Artistic Award Laureates : Alevtina Kakhidze 2008, Stas Volyazlovsky 2010, Zhanna Kadyrova 2012 : Arsenal Gallery, Białystok, 2013, National Art Museum of Ukraine, Kyiv, 2014. Podlaskie Towarzystwo Zachęty Sztuk Pięknych, 2013.
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Ri︠a︡bchuk, Mykola. Gleichschaltung: Authoritarian consolidation in Ukraine, 2010-2012. K.I.S., 2012.
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Ukraïny, Derz︠h︡avnyĭ komitet arkhiviv. Archival Legislation of Ukraine: 1991-2003. 2nd ed. Derz︠h︡avnyĭ komitet arkhiviv Ukraïny, 2004.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Ukraine – 2013-"
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Platonova, Daria. "Elites and protest in Kharkiv and Donets'k, 2013–2014." In The Donbas Conflict in Ukraine. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003213710-5.
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Bogdan, Olena, Denys Brylov, and Tetiana Kalenychenko. "In Times of Crisis: Faith-Based Social Engagement and Religious Contestations in Ukraine Since Maidan 2013–2014." In Faith-Based Organizations and Social Welfare. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44707-6_5.
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Turner, Barry. "Ukraine." In The Statesman’s Yearbook 2010. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-58632-5_290.
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Grigoryeva, Irina, Oksana Parfenova, and Alexandra Dmitrieva. "Social Policy for Older People in the Post-Soviet Space: How Do Pension Systems and Social Services Influence Social Exclusion?" In International Perspectives on Aging. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51406-8_30.
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AbstractThis chapter considers pension protection and social services in the post-Soviet space as forms of social policy that can protect older people from risks of social exclusion. We draw on the example of two countries, Russia and Ukraine, which share a common Soviet background. Until relatively recently, both countries held a similar position with regard to the pension protection and social security of old people. However, recent reforms in the area of pensions and social services have generated various possible ways for the development of both countries. In Ukraine, pension reform took place in 2017, and can be described as “softer” in comparison with the Russian version. Ukrainian reform does not involve raising the retirement age, but rather increases the length of service required to retire. Pension reform in Russia has been taking place before our eyes, in 2018–2019. It assumes a sharp rise in the retirement ages for men and women. In addition to addressing pension reform, the chapter considers in more detail social services for older people in Russia and Ukraine. In broad terms, the chapter seeks to answer the following question: How do modern pension reforms and the structure of social services in the post-Soviet space (for example, Russia and Ukraine) affect the social exclusion of older people?
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de Suremain, Philippe. "What Status for Ukraine?" In State of the Union 2010. Springer Paris, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-2-8178-0175-9_13.
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Shkandrij, Myroslav. "Introduction." In Revolutionary Ukraine, 1917–2017. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429319488-1.
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Shkandrij, Myroslav. "Ukrainian Intellectuals on the Euromaidan, Revolution, and War With Russia." In Revolutionary Ukraine, 1917–2017. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429319488-10.
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Shkandrij, Myroslav. "Living With Ambiguities." In Revolutionary Ukraine, 1917–2017. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429319488-11.
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Shkandrij, Myroslav. "The Landscape of Contemporary Memory." In Revolutionary Ukraine, 1917–2017. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429319488-12.
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Shkandrij, Myroslav. "Repressed Memory." In Revolutionary Ukraine, 1917–2017. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429319488-2.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Ukraine – 2013-"
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Boiko, Svitlana, Inna Demianenko, Halyna Skrypnyk, and Valentyna Yavorska. "Architectonics of financing of agricultural enterprises in Ukraine." In 21st International Scientific Conference "Economic Science for Rural Development 2020". Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies. Faculty of Economics and Social Development, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/esrd.2020.53.006.
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Agriculture is one of the most important types of economic activity for the Ukrainian economy, since together with other related economic activities it forms more than half of Ukraine’s GDP and the share of agriculture in the production of goods and services tends to increase. In such conditions, an important and urgent task is a retrospective study of the architectonics of financing of agricultural enterprises in Ukraine, the factors influencing it and the substantiation of the prospects for its optimization. The aim of the study is the empirical assessment of the formation of architectonics of financing of agricultural enterprises in Ukraine under the influence of macroeconomic factors and industry factors. For the empirical assessment of the architectonics of financing of agricultural enterprises of Ukraine, a system of absolute and relative indicators, regression and correlation analysis were applied. An empirical assessment of the financial support of agricultural enterprises in Ukraine in the context of agricultural development allowed to distinguish three periods: 2010-2013 – an increase of financial resources of agricultural enterprises in Ukraine subject to excess of equity, ensuring of financial stability of enterprises; 2014-2015 – reduction of financial resources of agricultural enterprises subject to excess borrowed funds, partial loss of financial stability of enterprises; 2016-2018 – an increase of financial resources of agricultural enterprises in the direction of restoring the potential of financial stability and a deterioration in the payment discipline of the resources of agricultural enterprises.
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Brodovskaya, Elena, Anna Dombrovskaya, and Dmitry Karzubov. "Online mobilization of mass protests in Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, and Kazakhstan (2013 -- 2016.)." In the Internationsl Conference. ACM Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3129757.3129764.
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Potash, Peter, Alexey Romanov, Mikhail Gronas, Anna Rumshisky, and Mikhail Gronas. "Tracking Bias in News Sources Using Social Media: the Russia-Ukraine Maidan Crisis of 2013–2014." In Proceedings of the 2017 EMNLP Workshop: Natural Language Processing meets Journalism. Association for Computational Linguistics, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18653/v1/w17-4203.
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Uğur, Ömer. "The Eu's Influence on Eastern European Stability in the Context of Ukrainian Crisis." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01652.
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The Ukraine crisis that started with the Euromaidan protests in November 2013 appears to be a most important security crises of the post-Cold War security order. Russia's aggression against Ukraine has not just threaten the territorial integrity or sovereignty of the EU's largest neighbour, but also it has led to a rivalry between the former Cold War enemies again and even it led to the start of a period that may cause to conflict between them. The EU's approach that established the Free Trade Area between the EU and Ukraine did not give any chance of talking to third country or organizations such as the Eurasian Union. Therefore, Russia worked hard to influence on Ukraine to abandon to sing the agreement and this happened to see Ukraine’s choice as a zero-sum game.
 In order to understand the effect of crisis on the EU and Russia, it have to be analysed the economic sanctions imposed by the EU against Russia to resolve the crisis through diplomatic and economic means. Thus, it is necessary to look at the economic relations between Russia and the EU and this data will be obtained in Eurostat.
 As a result, economic sanctions helped to move the conflict from the military to the diplomatic levels. Indeed, Russia has seen that European unity gave rise to a significant impact on its economy. Also, the EU realized that the sanctions is the most powerful tool in the hands of the EU in absence of military power.
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Hryshchenko, Bogdan, Mykhailo Polianskyi, Anatoliy Nosovskyy, and Oleksandr Sevbo. "The Use of Risk-Informed Inspection Approaches of Ukraine." In 2013 21st International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone21-16242.
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Currently in Ukraine inspection activity is based on deterministic conservative principles, operation experience and expert appraisal of the inspector. Possibility and benefits of PSA are used with low efficiency. Results of the study conducted by IFC (International Financial Corporation) indicate the absence of a risk-informed approach in the practice of inspections in Ukraine. Also, according to the World Bank appraisal of the investment climate in Ukraine it should be concluded that until regulatory authorities begin implementation of a risk-informed approach in planning inspections in Ukraine random unscheduled events will dominate and won’t provide the goal of State Inspection. Information which obtained from the PSA helps to direct human and financial resources to the problems research that are the most important for safety, and to eliminate or reduce the requirements, which will reduce expenses of solution for significant issues. Inspection in the planning, preparation, implementation and evaluation of the results of which, in addition to deterministic estimates, operating experience and expertise evaluating risk are used is called the risk-informed inspection. The use of risk-informed approaches allows to: focus inspections on design and operational aspects, which have dominant influence on the safety of nuclear power plants (NPP); improve the schedule of inspections (recording of risk assessments in determining the scope, frequency, and type of inspection); and use an additional source of information on the systems and the components of power units, personnel availability. Applying a risk-informed approach to inspection, inspectors can focus primarily on systems that make the largest contribution to core damage frequency, failure of which leads to significant increase of CDF. Risk-informed approach allows to select the most important elements to test systems that will increase the efficiency and quality of inspections. Based on the above it can be concluded that the experience of inspector, his knowledge of the power unit design, the process, the mechanisms of failure of equipment and of accident running, the use of information on the importance of components and systems for the safety of nuclear power plants, obtained from PSA — an effective way to achieve the best results in improving safety.
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Kukharenko, Vladimir. "Massive open online courses in Ukraine." In 2013 IEEE 7th International Conference on Intelligent Data Acquisition and Advanced Computing Systems: Technology and Applications (IDAACS). IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/idaacs.2013.6663027.
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Vyzhva, S. A., and V. A. Mikhailov. "Implications for Unconventional Hydrocarbons Exploration and Production in Ukraine." In 75th EAGE Conference and Exhibition incorporating SPE EUROPEC 2013. EAGE Publications BV, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3997/2214-4609.20130220.
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Lohva, J., J. Kokkonen, J. Multala, and O. Rantala. "Capacity building project of geo-information management infrastructure in the geological sector of Ukraine." In Geoinformatics 2013. EAGE Publications BV, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3997/2214-4609.20142485.
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Kussul, Olga, Nataliia Kussul, Sergii Skakun, Oleksii Kravchenko, Andrii Shelestov, and Andrii Kolotii. "Assessment of relative efficiency of using MODIS data to winter wheat yield forecasting in Ukraine." In IGARSS 2013 - 2013 IEEE International Geoscience and Remote Sensing Symposium. IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/igarss.2013.6723516.
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Fedchenko, Tetyana, Oleksandr Petrovskyy, and Jurij Anischenko. "3D geomodel of Obolon Astroblem, Ukraine, as a key for revealing new exploration plays." In SEG Technical Program Expanded Abstracts 2013. Society of Exploration Geophysicists, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1190/segam2013-1272.1.
Full textReports on the topic "Ukraine – 2013-"
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Pirani, Simon, and Katja Yafimava. Russian Gas Transit Across Ukraine Post-2019. Oxford Institute for Energy Studies, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.26889/9781784670542.
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Melnyk, Iurii. JUSTIFICATION OF OCCUPATION IN GERMAN (1938) AND RUSSIAN (2014) MEDIA: SUBSTITUTION OF AGGRESSOR AND VICTIM. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11101.
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The article is dedicated to the examination and comparison of the justification of occupation of a neighboring country in the German (1938) and Russian (2014) media. The objective of the study is to reveal the mechanics of the application of the classical manipulative method of substituting of aggressor and victim on the material of German and Russian propaganda in 1938 and in 2014 respectively. According to the results of the study, clear parallels between the two information strategies can be traced at the level of the condemnation of internal aggression against a national minority loyal to Berlin / Moscow and its political representative (the Sudeten Germans – the pro-Russian Ukrainians, as well as the security forces of the Yanukovych regime); the reflections on dangers that Czechoslovakia / Ukraine poses to itself and to its neighbors; condemnation of the violation of the cultural rights of the minority that the occupier intends to protect (German language and culture – Russian language and culture); the historical parallels designed to deepen the modern conflict, to show it as a long-standing and a natural one (“Hussites” – “Banderites”). In the manipulative strategy of both media, the main focus is not on factual fabrication, but on the bias selection of facts, due to which the reader should have an unambiguous understanding of who is the permanent aggressor in the conflict (Czechoslovakia, Czechs – Ukraine, Ukrainians), and who is the permanent victim (Germans – Russians, Russian speakers). The substitution of victim and aggressor in the media in both cases became one of the most important manipulative strategies designed to justify the German occupation of part of Czechoslovakia and the Russian occupation of part of Ukraine.
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Terzyan, Aram. State-Building in Belarus: The Politics of Repression Under Lukashenko’s Rule. Eurasia Institutes, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-2-2019.
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This paper explores the politics of repression and coercion in Belarus, with a focus on the Belarusian authorities’ brutal responses to dissident activities. While repressions are seen to be a backbone of authoritarian rule, there is a lack of case studies of repressions and repressive policies in different kinds of authoritarian regimes and their interaction with other mechanisms of authoritarian sustainability. As Belarus has demonstrated, Lukashenko’s effort’s at perpetuating his power have prompted his regime into increasing the role of repressions. Coercion and repression have been critical to suppressing dissent and pluralism across the country. Essentially, successful, mass-based opposition to the ruling elites, that led to 2014 Maidan Revolution in Ukraine and the 2018 “Velvet Revolution” in Armenia served as examples to discontented elements in Belarus. Meanwhile, to shield itself from the diffusion effects of ‘color revolutions’, the Belarusian regime has tended to reinforce its repressive toolkit through suppressing the civil society, coercing the opposition, and preventing the latter from challenging Lukashenko’s rule. This study enquires into the anatomy of repressive governance in Europe’s “last dictatorship.”
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Hotsur, Oksana. SOCIAL NETWORKS AND BLOGS AS TOOLS PR-CAMPAIGN IMPLEMENTATIONS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11110.
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The article deals with the ways in which social networks and the blogosphere influence the formation and implementation of a PR campaign. Examples from the political sphere (election campaigns, initiatives), business (TV brands, traditional and online media) have revealed the opportunities that Facebook, Telegram, Twitter, YouTube and blogs promote in promoting advertising, ideas, campaigns, thoughts, or products. Author blogs created on special websites or online media may not be as much of a tool in PR as an additional tool on social media. It is noted that choosing a blog as the main tool of PR campaign has both positive and negative points. Social networks intervene in the sphere of human life, become a means of communication, promotion, branding. The effectiveness of social networks has been evidenced by such historically significant events as Brexit, the Arab Spring, and the Revolution of Dignity. Special attention was paid to the 2019 presidential election. Based on the analysis of individual PR campaigns, the reasons for successful and unsuccessful campaigns from the point of view of network communication, which provide unlimited multimedia and interactive tools for PR, are highlighted. In fact, these concepts significantly affect the effectiveness of the implementation of PR-campaign, its final effectiveness, which is determined by the achievement of goals. Attention is drawn to the culture of communication during the PR campaign, as well as the concepts of “trolls”, “trolling”, “bots”, “botoin industry”. The social communication component of these concepts is unconditional. Choosing a blog as the main tool of a marketing campaign has both positive and negative aspects. Only a person with great creative potential can run and create a blog. In addition, it takes a long time. In fact, these two points are losing compared to other internet marketing tools. Further research is interesting in two respects. First, a comparison of the dynamics of the effectiveness of PR-campaign tools in Ukraine in 2020 and in the past, in particular, at the dawn of state independence. Secondly, to investigate how/or the concept of PR-campaigns in social networks and blogs is constantly changing.