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1
Polese, Abel. "Dynamiques de nation building et évolution d'une identité nationale en Ukraine: le cas d'Odessa." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210303.
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En utilisant le cas d’étude d’une grande ville ukrainienne, Odessa, multiculturelle et russophone, nous tâcherons de mettre en évidence la discordance entre les mesures politiques de «nation building » (et leur qualité) adoptées par le Parlement, leur renégociation et application au niveau local et la manière dont cela affecte l’identité de la population et la perception d’une « nation ukrainienne » dans la ville, de façon à nous concentrer sur l’importance de l’attitude de la population dans un projet de «nation building ». A ce propos nous allons montrer le rôle de première importance joué par les Ukrainiens dans le projet de construction nationale entamé par les élites politiques après l’indépendance ukrainienne de 1991. L’expression « nation building » est souvent utilisée dans la littérature pour se référer aux mesures politiques émises par le Parlement ;Par contre l’expression « construction nationale » ou « construction de la nation » semble se prêter à plusieurs interprétations et n’exclut pas la participation de la population au projet. Par exemple, tandis que le « nation building » est lié à des politiques mises en œuvre dans le cadre d’un État, si l’on parle d’une « construction nationale » on ne se réfère pas forcement à un État. C’est pourquoi, au cours de cette thèse on gardera les deux expressions pour suggérer que l’expression construction nationale montre une attitude plus ouverte à observer les différentes interactions entre la population et les élites politiques.<p><br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Noack, David X. "Die Ukraine-Krise 2013 / 2014: Versuch einer historischen, politökonomischern und geopolitischen Erklärung." Dresdener Studiengemeinschaft Sicherheitspolitik e. V, 2014. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A32496.
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Ukraine-Geschichte: Kiewer Rus, Russisch-türkischer Krieg, Ukraine unter deutscher Besatzung;
Ukraine nach 1991: Präsidenten Krawtschuk, Kutschma, Orangener Regimechange, Präsident Janukowitsch, Transitland Ukraine, Oligarchen und Staat, Ukraine-Putsch 2014, Putschisten und ihre ausländischen Unterstützer, IWF-Schockprogramm, Krim-Sezession.:Über den Autor.
Einleitung.
• Kurzabriss der ukrainischen Geschichte bis 1991;
• Die Religion als weiterer Faktor der Zersplitterung der Ukraine;
• Politische Ökonomie und Außenpolitik der Regierungen unter Präsident Krawtschuk;
• Pragmatische Außen- und Wirtschaftspolitik unter Präsident Kutschma;
• Die Orangenen: Neoliberale Schocktherapie und einseitige Annäherung an NATO und USA;
• Der gemäßigte Außen- und Innenkurs der Regierungen unter Präsident Janukowitsch;
Einordnung Janukowitschs und seines Machtblocks in die nationale und internationale politische Ökonomie;
• Der Putsch im Februar 2014;
Wechsel der Krim in die Russische Föderation;
Warum Ukraine? Warum zu diesem Zeitpunkt?
• Vom Putsch bis zur Präsidentschaftswahl;
Eine Föderation Noworossija?
Spiel der Oligarchen – Spiel mit den Oligarchen;
• Fazit.
Anhang: Karten.
3
Thomas, Abbey L. "The Agent Across the Border: "Russia" and "Ukraine" as Actors in the News, 2013-2015." UKnowledge, 2016. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/ltt_etds/15.
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This study examines how two media sources—one Russian and one Ukrainian—portray Russia and Ukraine before, during, and after the EuroMaidan crisis in Ukraine. Russian-language texts posted between January 2013 and December 2015 on the sites Ukranews.com (a Ukrainian news outlet) and TASS.ru (Russian) were organized in a corpus of over 20,000,000 words. This study analyzes the nouns “Россия” (“Russia”) and “Украина” (“Ukraine”) according to the verbal predicates that attach to either noun. The results demonstrate predictable variation in the agency of the two entities in response to cultural events and contexts.
The analysis of the corpus data operationalizes a combined model of agency using Halliday and Matheissen’s (2004) classification of processes, shaped by the animacy of the actor, and Dik’s (1989) States of Affairs Matrix, which prioritizes the actor’s physical effect in space and time. In this study, predicates of “Russia” and “Ukraine” are given numeric scores based on the models. Then, a new method of checking the validity of these models is tested by examining other entities that take the same predicates as Russia and Ukraine. Measurements from discrete time periods reveal how the agency of both entities changed before, during, and after EuroMaidan.
4
Sirbu, Tatiana. "La politique des villages tsiganes en Bessarabie sous trois administrations: tsariste, roumaine et soviétique, 1812-1956." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209684.
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L’objet de cette recherche est la situation des Tsiganes de Bessarabie sous trois administrations :tsariste (1812-1918), roumaine (1918-1940, 1941-1944) et soviétique (1940-1941, 1944-156). Au niveau macro, nous nous sommes intéressés plus principalement à la politique des « villages tsiganes » qui est selon nous la plus révélatrice d’une continuité entre les trois administrations. Au niveau micro, nous avons suivi le parcours de quelques villages du centre et du sud de la Bessarabie sous ces trois administrations. <p>En schématisant, on peut affirmer que le régime tsariste a appliqué en Bessarabie une politique de sédentarisation forcée par ségrégation. Nous l’illustrons par le cas des « villages tsiganes » de Kair et Faraonovka. L’administration roumaine pendant la dictature d’Antonescu a appliqué une politique de déportation en dehors des frontières historiques de la Roumanie, même si au départ il était question de créer des « villages tsiganes » dans la région de Baragan dans la partie sud-est du pays. Le régime soviétique a opté pour une politique de ségrégation forcée par assimilation.<p><br>Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Bakke, Peter Christian. "Framing Ideologies in the 2013-2014 Ukrainian Crisis: How Opposing Movements use Culture to Characterize the Issues." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/51805.
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In November 2013, Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych suddenly reversed an ongoing process toward Ukrainian membership European Union in favor of strengthening economic ties with Russia. His action triggered mass demonstrations in Kiev's Maidan Square and eventually resulted in his removal from office. Yanukovych's opposition in the government solidified the regime change by assuming interim control of the government. Their supporters, composed mostly of ethnic Ukrainians from the Central and Western oblasts, became known as the Maidan movement. In response, separatist movements formed in the Southern and Eastern Ukrainian oblasts of Donetsk, Luhansk, Crimea and Kharkiv. Following Russia's annexation of Crimea, separatist leaders in Donetsk and Luhansk united to form the self-proclaimed Novorossiya (New Russia) Union. This thesis used a grounded-theory approach to identify culturally charged framing devices within Maidan and Novorossiya Union discourse. This paper found that the framing devices of Maidan and Novorossiya invoked Ukrainian and Russian belief systems. Analysis of elite cultural discourse demonstrated that Russian and Ukrainian beliefs and attitudes manifested as thematic concepts, which identified problems, suggest solutions and motivate action. Thus, the frame existed within the culture of Ukrainian and Russian interpretive communities. Framing devices and labels used by Novorossiya and Maidan aligned positions regarding the future of Ukraine with such systems of beliefs.<br>Master of Arts
6
Pawliw, Kim. "La position de la Fédération de Russie dans les événements survenus en Crimée, 2013-2014 : contextes géopolitiques et justifications d'ordre politique, historique et culturel." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/29868.
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En 2013-2014, l’Ukraine s’est vue tiraillée entre deux options : un rapprochement envers l’Union européenne par la signature d’un accord d’association ou un rapprochement envers la Fédération de Russie par l’acceptation de diverses aides financières. Suite aux manifestations proeuropéennes de l’Euromaïdan et au départ du président ukrainien prorusse, le Conseil suprême de la Crimée a tenu un référendum d’autodétermination afin d’acquérir son indépendance de l’Ukraine et de se faire incorporer à la Fédération de Russie. L’Organisation des Nations Unies n’a pas reconnu cette incorporation, la qualifiant d’illégitime. Dans ce contexte, les dirigeants russes ont tenté de justifier leurs actions en Crimée. L’objectif premier de la recherche était de caractériser et d’analyser la rhétorique des principaux acteurs russes cherchant à légitimer l’incorporation de la Crimée à la structure politique et administrative de la Fédération de Russie suite à la déclaration d’indépendance de la péninsule. La méthode utilisée, soit l’analyse de contenu, a permis d’identifier deux types de rhétoriques caractérisant les justifications des dirigeants russes et de leurs alliés : une rhétorique légale et une rhétorique identitaire. Les processus de construction de ces rhétoriques ont été analysés en identifiant les contextes, les acteurs et les idéologies qui ont contribué à leur formation. La rhétorique légale a fait référence à l’interprétation du droit international, notamment des principes d’autodétermination des peuples et d’intégrité territoriale des États, tandis que la rhétorique identitaire a fait référence à une interprétation de l’histoire russe cherchant à démontrer les liens unitaires entre d’une part la Fédération de Russie et l’Ukraine et, d’autre part, la Fédération de Russie et la Crimée. Afin d’approfondir l’analyse, la recherche a répertorié la manière dont ces rhétoriques se sont incarnées dans la réalité à travers diverses actions, qu’il s’agisse de sessions à l’ONU ou d’événements patrimoniaux, comme l’érection de monuments.<br>In 2013-2014, Ukraine was torn between two options: rapprochement with the European Union by signing an association agreement or rapprochement with the Russian Federation by accepting financial aid. After the pro-European protests known as the Euromaidan, and the departure of the pro- Russian president, the Supreme Council of Crimea held a referendum on self-determination in order to gain independence from Ukraine and to be incorporated into the Russian Federation. The United Nations did not recognize the incorporation and qualified it as illegitimate. In this context, the Russian leaders tried to characterize their action in Crimea as legitimate. The primary objective of this research is to characterize and analyze the rhetoric of the main Russian actors who presented Crimea’s incorporation into the political and administrative structure of the Russian Federation, following the declaration of the peninsula’s independence, as legitimate. Using content analysis in carrying out the research, two types of rhetoric adopted by the Russian leadership were identified: a legal rhetoric and an identity rhetoric. The construction process of both were analyzed in the course of the research through the identification of contexts, actors and ideologies that contributed to their development. The research learned that the legal rhetoric concerned the interpretation of international law, especially the principles of self-determination and territorial integrity of States. Whereas the identity rhetoric concerned the interpretation of Russia’s history in order to demonstrate the existence of unity between the Russian Federation and Ukraine and between the Russian Federation and Crimea. To gain additional information on both, the research also observed how they were expressed in specific situations, such as during UN sessions or during heritage events, for example the erection of monuments.
7
Karzabi, Iman. "Le privé est politique : l’action publique et le militantisme associatif en faveur de l’égalité femmes-hommes dans les pays post-soviétiques : Ukraine et Bélarus (1990-2013)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017IEPP0007.
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Cette thèse a pour objet d’interroger, au prisme du genre, des changements politiques et sociaux à l’œuvre dans les pays de l’ex-bloc soviétique, à l’exemple de l’Ukraine et du Bélarus. Elle analyse en particulier les modalités par lesquelles le politique construit le privé, et comment l’action publique fabrique les (in)égalités de genre. À cet effet, cette recherche s’intéresse aux instruments d’action publique dans le domaine des politiques familiales, de la lutte contre les violences faites aux femmes et à l’application des normes internationales d’égalité femmes-hommes, telles que le gender mainstreaming. Ce travail questionne également les mobilisations collectives hétérogènes qui politisent/dépolitisent la question des inégalités de genre, cherchant à influencer les décisions des autorités en la matière : des collectifs féministes, des organisations religieuses conservatrices, des associations de pères engagés pour un changement des normes de masculinité. Cette thèse démontre comment ces acteurs-trices « négocient » avec le pouvoir, notamment par le biais de l’enchevêtrement entre les ressources nationales et internationales dans la configuration des agendas et des répertoires d’actions. Au niveau microsociologique, à travers des entretiens réalisés avec des parents bénéficiaires des politiques publiques, cette thèse démontre la manière dont les processus politiques façonnent le privé et impactent les champs des possibles des femmes notamment. L’assignation du travail de care aux femmes limite leur autonomie financière, leur carrière professionnelle, leur temps libre, leur activité sociale et politique, contribuant ainsi à la construction du pouvoir « monosexué »<br>This thesis investigates, from a gender perspective, political and social changes taking place in the countries of the former Soviet bloc, specifically in Ukraine and Belarus. In particular, it analyses the ways in which politics constructs the personal, and public actions create gender (in)equalities. To this end, this research is concerned with policy instruments in the area of family policy, in the prevention of violence against women and the application of international standards of gender equality, such as gender mainstreaming. In addition, this thesis studies heterogeneous collective initiatives which politicize/depoliticize the issue of gender inequalities in order to influence the decisions of relevant authorities: feminist groups, conservative religious organizations, and fathers’ organizations seeking to change norms of masculinity. This research shows how these organizations “negotiate” with those in power, in particular through the interplay of national and international resources in the configuration of agendas and repertoires of contention. At a microsociological level, through interviews carried out with parents who are recipients of public policy actions, this thesis demonstrates the way in which political processes influence the personal and reduce the range of options for women in particular. The assignment of care work to women limits their financial autonomy, professional career, spare time, and social and political activities, contributing consequently to a construction of a “single-sex” power
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Perri, Giuseppe. "La pluralité religieuse dans l’Ukraine postcommuniste." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/276714.
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La thèse vise à clarifier: a) la véritable nature de la renaissance religieuse présumée dans les anciens pays communistes; b) les caractéristiques de la pluralité religieuse de l'Ukraine, qui reste un pays majoritairement orthodoxe; c) l'écclesologie des principales Églises ukrainiennes (orthodoxes et la gréco-catholique), avec un examen plus approfondi de la question ecclésiologique et canonique de la proclamation d'une éventuelle autocéphalie ukrainienne.<br>Doctorat en Philosophie<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Teteriuk, Maria. "Political controversies over sexual and gender rights in ukrainian mainstream online news media. The case of the anti-discrimination reform in Ukraine in 2013 – 2015." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/670896.
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L’estudi explora el paper dels mitjans informatius en línia en el canvi en els drets sexuals i de gènere a Ucraïna, basant-se en l’anàlisi del debat sobre la prohibició de la discriminació per orientació sexual i identitat de gènere (OSIG) com a part de la reforma antidiscriminació de 2013 – 2015. El canvi en els drets sexuals i de gènere va ser conceptualitzat, com a resultat de la lluita hegemònica entre discursos en disputa, seguint la teoria del discurs d’Ernesto Laclau i Chantal Mouffe. La recerca va incloure tres fases. Durant la Fase I es van examinar a través de recerca documental les condicions de la possibilitat d’un canvi dels drets sexuals i de gènere a Ucraïna durant el període 2013 – 2015. Durant la Fase II es va analitzar el discurs polític sobre drets sexuals i de gènere a Ucraïna el 2013 – 2015 a través de l’anàlisi postfundacional del discurs i utilitzant les dades recollides per les pàgines web oficials del govern, parlament i grups d’interès involucrats en la controvèrsia sobre la reforma antidiscriminació. Es van identificar quatre coalicions discursives sobre els drets sexuals i de gènere seguint les articulacions dels significants flotants clau en el debat: orientació sexual i identitat de gènere, democràcia, identitat nacional i política exterior. Cada coalició va desenvolupar el seu propi grup de trames que associaven la prohibició de la discriminació per OSIG a les seves articulacions dels significants flotants (punts nodals). Durant la Fase III es va examinar la representació mediàtica de les coalicions discursives sobre drets sexuals i de gènere en disputa a través de l’anàlisi quantitativa de contingut i l’anàlisi postfundacional del discurs de la cobertura de la reforma antidiscriminació en els cinc mitjans informatius en línia més populars d’Ucraïna. Aquesta anàlisi va revelar que durant la primera etapa de la controvèrsia antidiscriminació (2013 – 2014), els mitjans afiliats a grans grups d’empreses propietat d’oligarques afavorien les coalicions discursives conservadores citant els seus membres més freqüentment, oferint una cobertura desequilibrada de la seva posició, i fent-se eco de supòsits conservadors sobre OSIG en comentaris periodístics. Els mitjans informatius petits i independents en línia afavorien les coalicions discursives lliberals utilitzant els mateixos mètodes. Durant la segona etapa de la controvèrsia (2015), tots els mitjans informatius en línia afavorien les coalicions discursives lliberals en la seva cobertura del debat. L’estudi suggereix que el suport ofert pels mitjans informatius en línia va contribuir a la capacitat de les coalicions discursives en disputa d’introduir canvis en les lleis de drets sexuals i de gènere. De 2013 a 2014, la cobertura favorable als mitjans afiliats a grans grups d’empreses i la presència substancial als mitjans informatius en línia independents van ajudar la coalició conservadora pro-UE a articular la prohibició de la discriminació per orientació sexual com a amenaça a la democràcia i la identitat nacional i com a obstacle de la integració europea d’Ucraïna en l’esfera pública, fet que va contribuir al fracàs de la reforma antidiscriminació. Durant el 2015, la cobertura favorable en els cinc mitjans informatius en línia més populars d’Ucraïna va ajudar les coalicions discursives lliberals sobre drets sexuals i de gènere a rearticular la prohibició de la discriminació per OSIG com a instància de protecció democràtica de la igualtat de drets civils, adheriment als valors europeus, i condició prèvia d’integració europea, fet que va ajudar a l’adopció de la reforma antidiscriminació.<br>El estudio explora el papel de los medios informativos en línea en el cambio en los derechos sexuales y de género en Ucrania, basándose en el análisis del debate sobre la prohibición de la discriminación por orientación sexual e identidad de género (OSIG) como parte de la reforma antidiscriminación de 2013-2015. El cambio en los derechos sexuales y de género fue conceptualizado, como resultado de la lucha hegemónica entre discursos en disputa, siguiendo la teoría del discurso de Ernesto Laclau y Chantal Mouffe. La investigación incluyó tres fases. Durante la Fase I se examinaron a través de la investigación documental las condiciones de la posibilidad de un cambio de los derechos sexuales y de género en Ucrania durante el período 2013 – 2015. Durante la Fase II se analizó el discurso político sobre derechos sexuales y de género en Ucrania en 2013 – 2015 a través del análisis posfundacional del discurso y utilizando los datos obtenidos por las páginas web oficiales del gobierno, parlamento y grupos de interés involucrados en la controversia sobre la reforma antidiscriminación. Se identificaron cuatro coaliciones discursivas sobre los derechos sexuales y de género siguiendo las articulaciones de los significantes flotantes clave en el debate: orientación sexual e identidad de género, democracia, identidad nacional y política exterior. Cada coalición desarrolló su propio grupo de tramas que asociaban la prohibición de la discriminación por OSIG a sus articulaciones de los significantes flotantes (puntos nodales). Durante la Fase III se examinó la representación mediática de las coaliciones discursivas sobre derechos sexuales y de género en disputa a través del análisis cuantitativo de contenido y el análisis posfundacional del discurso de la cobertura de la reforma antidiscriminación en los cinco medios informativos en línea más populares de Ucrania. Este análisis reveló que durante la primera etapa de la controversia antidiscriminación (2013 – 2014), los medios afiliados a grandes grupos de empresas propiedad de oligarcas favorecían las coaliciones discursivas conservadoras citando sus miembros más frecuentemente, ofreciendo una cobertura desequilibrada de su posición, y haciéndose eco de suposiciones conservadoras sobre OSIG en comentarios periodísticos. Los medios informativos pequeños e independientes en línea favorecían las coaliciones discursivas liberales utilizando los mismos métodos. Durante la segunda etapa de la controversia (2015), todos los medios informativos en línea favorecían las coaliciones discursivas liberales en su cobertura del debate. El estudio sugiere que el soporte ofrecido por los medios informativos en línea contribuyó a la capacidad de las coaliciones discursivas en disputa de introducir cambios en las leyes de derechos sexuales y de género. De 2013 a 2014, la cobertura favorable en los medios afiliados a grandes grupos de empresas y la presencia sustancial en los medios informativos independientes ayudaron a la coalición conservadora pro-UE a articular la prohibición de la discriminación por orientación sexual como amenaza a la democracia y la identidad nacional y como obstáculo de la integración europea de Ucrania en la esfera pública, hecho que contribuyó al fracaso de la reforma antidiscriminación. Durante 2015, la cobertura favorable, en los cinco medios informativos en línea más populares de Ucrania, ayudó a las coaliciones discursivas liberales sobre derechos sexuales y de género a rearticular la prohibición de la discriminación por OSIG como instancia de protección democrática de la igualdad de derechos civiles, adherencia a los valores europeos, y condición previa de integración europea, hecho que favoreció a la adopción de la reforma antidiscriminación.<br>The study explores the role of online news media in sexual and gender rights change in Ukraine, relying on the analysis of the debate over the prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) as part of the anti-discrimination reform in 2013 – 2015. Sexual and gender rights change was conceptualized as an outcome of hegemonic struggle among contesting discourses on sexual and gender rights based on the discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. The research included three phases. In Phase I, conditions of possibility of sexual and gender rights change in Ukraine in 2013 – 2015 were examined using desk research. Dominant public opinion on sexuality, sexual and gender rights, and European integration, as well as the established legal, political, and media discourses on sexual and gender rights in Ukraine, were considered as conditions that shaped outcomes of the anti-discrimination controversy. In Phase II, political discourse on sexual and gender rights in Ukraine in 2013 – 2015 was analyzed with the use of post-foundational discourse analysis, relying on the data collected from the official websites of government, parliament, and groups of interest involved in the controversy over the anti-discrimination reform. Four discourse coalitions on sexual and gender rights were identified according to the articulations of the key floating signifiers in the debate: sexual orientation and gender identity, democracy, national identity, and foreign policy. Each coalition developed its own set of storylines that linked the prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of SOGI to the coalitions’ articulations of the floating signifiers (nodal points). In Phase III, media representation of the contesting discourse coalitions on sexual and gender rights was examined with the use of quantitative content analysis and post-foundational discourse analysis of the anti-discrimination reform coverage in the five most popular Ukrainian online news media. This analysis revealed that during the first round of the anti-discrimination controversy (2013 – 2014), news websites affiliated with big media holdings owned by oligarchs favored conservative discourse coalitions by quoting their members more frequently, providing imbalanced coverage of their position, and echoing conservative assumptions about SOGI in journalistic comments. Small independent online news media favored liberal discourse coalitions using the same means. During the second round of the controversy (2015), all examined online news media favored liberal discourse coalitions in their coverage of the debate. The study suggests that support provided by the online news media contributed to the capacity of contesting discourse coalitions to change sexual and gender rights law. In 2013 – 2014, favorable coverage in the media affiliated with big media holdings and substantial presence in the independent online news media helped the conservative pro-EU coalition to articulate the prohibition of sexual orientation discrimination as a threat to democracy and national identity and an obstacle to the European integration of Ukraine in the public sphere, which contributed to the failure of the anti-discrimination reform. In 2015, favorable coverage in the top five Ukrainian online news media helped liberal discourse coalitions on sexual and gender rights to rearticulate the prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of SOGI as an instance of democratic protection of equal civil rights, adherence to European values, and a precondition of European integration, which contributed to the adoption of the anti-discrimination reform.
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Kis-Marck, Alexia. "Regards croisés sur l’Euromaïdan : de la « crise ukrainienne » à « une nouvelle guerre froide »." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017MON30030.
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Depuis le 21 novembre 2013, l’Ukraine est touchée par une crise politique majeure qui a déclenché dans les médias internationaux un certain nombre d’interprétations antagoniques. Ce travail de recherche interroge les mots qui ont été posés sur le conflit et se penche sur les représentations qui ont été mises en scène dans les médias en France. À partir de concepts théoriques en relation avec les représentations sociales, l'analyse du discours et la communication médiatique, notre analyse explore l'imaginaire de la crise ukrainienne, également appelée Euromaïdan. Elle s'appuie sur l'étude d’articles de presse tirés des principaux organes d’information nationaux français et se focalise sur la période du 21 novembre 2013 (date du refus de signature de l’accord d’association avec l’UE par Viktor Ianoukovitch et début d’Euromaïdan) au 28 février 2014 (constitution d'un gouvernement provisoire). Ce travail soulève ainsi des interrogations quant au traitement médiatique de la crise ukrainienne, à la mémoire collective qu’elle sollicite et aux enjeux idéologiques et identitaires qu'elle a fait naître. En nous appuyant sur une démarche à la fois quantitative et qualitative, nous tenterons d’identifier les principaux aspects et les particularités de la représentation de l’Euromaïdan dans le discours médiatique français. En croisant les regards et confrontant ces représentations au discours médiatique russe, ce travail étudiera également le jeu des représentations en marche et adoptera, ainsi, une démarche comparative<br>Since 21 November 2013, Ukraine goes through a major political crisis which has triggered several conflicting interpretations in the international media coverage. This research investigates the words used to describe the conflict, as well as the social representations staged by the French media. Based on theoretical concepts such as social representations, discourse analysis and media communication, this study aims at exploring the collective imagination of the Ukrainian crisis, also referred as “Euromaidan”. The French articles published in the main daily information newspapers are investigated for the period from 26 November 2013 (when Viktor Yanukovych refused to sign the Association Agreement agreements with the European Union, triggering the Euromaidan protest) to 28 February 2014 (when a provisional government was established). Consequently, this work raises questions about how media handled the Ukrainian crisis, recalling specific parts of the collective memory, as well as the ideological and identity-related stakes in France. Build on both quantitative and qualitative approaches, this research highlights the main features and characteristics of the Ukrainian crisis representation in French media discourses. Finally, by confronting the Russian media discourses with the French one, this study reflects the interplays of representation in action, embracing a comparative approach
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Fortes, Denis Matoszko [UNESP]. "A Federação Russa e a crise ucraniana de 2013-2014: entre o jogo das potências e as disputas históricas no "exterior próximo"." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/151751.
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Previous issue date: 2017-08-29<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)<br>O presente trabalho propõe-se a investigar o papel exercido pela Federação Russa na crise ucraniana que teve início em novembro de 2013 e culminou no surgimento de movimentos separatistas; na ofensiva militar do governo ucraniano e de milícias ultranacionalistas contra as regiões do leste do país que passaram a exigir maior autonomia em relação à Kiev; e na independência da península da Crimeia, a qual foi posteriormente anexada pela Rússia. A fim de investigar a postura adotada pelo governo russo, observa-se a necessidade do estudo de questões que envolvem não somente Ucrânia e Rússia, mas também a relação deste país com as potências ocidentais no pós Guerra Fria. Neste sentido, buscou-se compreender como os problemas decorrentes do fim da URSS e a contínua expansão da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN) influenciaram as decisões da política externa russa no período. Ao longo da pesquisa procurou-se indicar elementos analíticos que possam contribuir para o estudo do tema e ultrapassem análises meramente conjunturais, a partir da constatação de que questões centrais que transbordaram a partir de 2013 – notadamente as divisões políticas e étnico-linguísticas no interior do Estado ucraniano, bem como a disputa pela tutela da Crimeia – já estavam presentes anteriormente, requerendo uma investigação atenta às variáveis geopolíticas e sócio-históricas.<br>This study seeks to investigate the role performed by the Russian Federation in the Ukrainian crisis that began in November 2013. This event resulted in the emergence of separatist movements and a military offensive led by the Ukrainian government and ultranationalist militias against the regions in the east of the country which demanded greater autonomy from Kiev, as well as the independence of the Crimean peninsula, latter annexed by Russia. In order to investigate the position adopted by the Russian government it is necessary to go beyond the issues regarding this country and Ukraine alone and also study the relationship between Russia and the Western powers in the post-Cold War period. In this sense, this work sought to investigate how the problems arising from the dissolution of the USSR and the continuous expansion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) influenced the Russian foreign policy in the period. Throughout the research, we tried to point out analytical elements that go beyond merely conjunctural analysis, based on the finding that crucial questions which had arisen in the 2013 crisis – notably the political and ethnic-linguistic divisions within the Ukrainian State, as well as the dispute over the tutelage of Crimea – were previously present, requiring an attentive investigation into the geopolitical and socio-historical variables.
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Dom, Geneviève. "Expression génique dans les cancers thyroïdiens post-Tchernobyl et dans des modèles cellulaires in vitro suite à des traitements épigénétiques." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209314.
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Dans la première partie du travail, nous avons étudié l’expression génique dans les cancers thyroïdiens survenus après l’explosion de la centrale nucléaire de Tchernobyl. L’incidence des cancers thyroïdiens papillaires a fortement augmenté après l’accident de Tchernobyl chez les enfants, offrant l’opportunité exceptionnelle d’étudier les caractéristiques moléculaires des cancers thyroïdiens radioinduits. Contrairement aux études précédentes qui comportaient toutes des facteurs confondants, nous avons pu investiguer l’expression des ARN messagers des tumeurs et de leurs tissus contra-latéraux normaux de patients exposés et de patients non exposés aux retombées radioactives, en utilisant une cohorte de patients appariés pour l’âge et l’ethnicité. L’irradiation d’une population conduit au développement de cancers dans une fraction de cette population. Les individus atteints peuvent l’avoir été de manière stochastique, ou à cause d’une prédisposition ou sensibilité particulière à l’irradiation. La comparaison des tumeurs exposées et non exposées permet d’étudier l’effet de l’irradiation, et celle des tissus normaux contralatéraux offre la possibilité d’étudier la susceptibilité aux radiations dont les implications sont nombreuses en médecine (radio-diagnostic, cancers secondaires) et en radioprotection. L’expression génomique complète a été analysée sur puces Affymetrix pour les tissus de 45 patients. Vingt-deux de ces patients ont été exposés aux retombées de Tchernobyl, vingt-trois autres, appariés selon l'âge et résidant dans les mêmes régions de l'Ukraine, n'ont pas été exposés à l’irradiation. Notre travail a mis en évidence l’existence d’une signature transcriptionnelle permettant de différencier les tissus normaux exposés des non exposés, les gènes qui composent cette signature ayant trait à la prolifération ;nos résultats suggèrent qu’un niveau plus élevé de prolifération dans les tissus normaux pourrait être associé aux cancers radioinduits, soit en tant que facteur prédisposant au cancer, soit en tant que conséquence de la radiation.<p><p>La deuxième partie du travail a été consacrée à la caractérisation in vitro de différentes lignées cellulaires humaines de cancers thyroïdiens. Ces lignées sont souvent employées comme modèles pour l’étude et le développement d’approches thérapeutiques pour ces cancers mais notre laboratoire a démontré que ces lignées s’étaient dédifférenciées au cours de leur propagation in vitro et que leurs profils transcriptionnels se rapprochaient essentiellement des tumeurs les plus dédifférenciées, les cancers anaplasiques. Nous avons tenté de ré-induire dans ces lignées l’expression des marqueurs de différenciation de la thyroïde au moyen d’agents épigénétiques, l’idée étant que ces gènes dont l’expression est caractéristique de la thyroïde ne s’expriment plus suite à l’action de mécanismes épigénétiques comme la méthylation au niveau de leurs promoteurs. Les cancers thyroïdiens dédifférenciés étant les plus agressifs et ayant perdu l’expression des facteurs de différenciation dont le transporteur sodium/iodure (NIS), ils sont inaccessibles au traitement par l’iode radioactif I131. La réexpression des marqueurs de différenciation thyroïdienne permettrait d’une part d’employer plus adéquatement les lignées comme modèle d’étude des cancers différenciés, et d’autre part d’envisager l’emploi de(s) substances(s) qui ont permis cette réexpression en tant que médicaments pour les cancers dédifférenciés. Nos travaux montrent que les traitements épigénétiques des lignées cancéreuses ne permettent pas une réinduction significative de la différenciation mais tendent à démontrer que l’inactivation épigénétique provoque dans ces lignées la perte de l’expression de gènes n’ayant aucun rôle utile pour la cellule au cours des milliers de réplications in vitro / In the first part of the work, we studied gene expression in thyroid cancers following the explosion of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant. The incidence of thyroid papillary cancers rose sharply after the Chernobyl accident in children, providing an exceptional opportunity to study the molecular characteristics of radiation-induced thyroid cancers. Unlike previous studies that included confounding factors, we were able to investigate the expression of messenger RNA from tumors and their normal contra-lateral tissue of patients exposed and not exposed to the fallout using a cohort of patients matched for age and ethnicity. The irradiation of a population leads to the development of cancer in a fraction of the population. Affected individuals may have been stochastically, or because of a particular predisposition or susceptibility to irradiation. Comparison of tumors exposed and unexposed allows to study the effect of irradiation, and the contra-lateral normal tissue offers the possibility to study the susceptibility to radiation whose implications are numerous: medical (radio - diagnosis, secondary cancers ) and radiation protection. The complete gene expression was analyzed on Affymetrix for tissues of 45 patients. Twenty- two of these patients were exposed to fallout from Chernobyl, twenty-three, matched for age and residing in the same regions of Ukraine have not been exposed to radiation. Our work has demonstrated the existence of a transcriptional signature allowing to differentiate exposed and unexposed normal tissues, and the genes that compose the signature are related to proliferation; our results suggest that a higher level of proliferation in normal tissues may be associated with radiation-induced cancers, either as a predisposing factor for cancer,or as a result of the radiation.<p><p>The second part was devoted to the in vitro characterization of different human cell lines of thyroid cancer. These lines are often used as models for the study and development of therapeutic approaches for these cancers, but our laboratory has demonstrated that these cell lines dedifferentiated during their in vitro propagation and their transcriptional profiles are essentially closer to the most dedifferentiated tumors, the anaplastic cancers. We tried to re- induce in these lines the expression of differentiation markers of thyroid using epigenetic agents, the idea being that these genes whose expression is characteristic of thyroid are no longer expressed due to epigenetic mechanisms such as methylation of their promoters. Dedifferentiated thyroid cancers are more aggressive and have lost the expression of differentiation factors including sodium/iodide transporter(NIS), they are inaccessible to treatment with radioactive iodine I131. Re-expression of thyroid differentiation markers could allow in one hand to use more adequately cell lines as models to study differentiated cancers, and secondly to consider the used substances that helped this re-expression as drugs for the dedifferentiated cancers. Our work shows that epigenetic treatments for cancer cell lines do not allow a significant re-induction of differentiation but tend to demonstrate that the epigenetic inactivation in these cell lines causes the loss of expression of genes that have no useful role in the cells over thousands of replication in vitro .<p><p><br>Doctorat en Sciences biomédicales et pharmaceutiques<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Fortes, Denis Matoszko. "A Federação Russa e a crise ucraniana de 2013-2014 : entre o jogo das potências e as disputas históricas no "exterior próximo" /." Marília, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/151751.
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Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz<br>Resumo: O presente trabalho propõe-se a investigar o papel exercido pela Federação Russa na crise ucraniana que teve início em novembro de 2013 e culminou no surgimento de movimentos separatistas; na ofensiva militar do governo ucraniano e de milícias ultranacionalistas contra as regiões do leste do país que passaram a exigir maior autonomia em relação à Kiev; e na independência da península da Crimeia, a qual foi posteriormente anexada pela Rússia. A fim de investigar a postura adotada pelo governo russo, observa-se a necessidade do estudo de questões que envolvem não somente Ucrânia e Rússia, mas também a relação deste país com as potências ocidentais no pós Guerra Fria. Neste sentido, buscou-se compreender como os problemas decorrentes do fim da URSS e a contínua expansão da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN) influenciaram as decisões da política externa russa no período. Ao longo da pesquisa procurou-se indicar elementos analíticos que possam contribuir para o estudo do tema e ultrapassem análises meramente conjunturais, a partir da constatação de que questões centrais que transbordaram a partir de 2013 – notadamente as divisões políticas e étnico-linguísticas no interior do Estado ucraniano, bem como a disputa pela tutela da Crimeia – já estavam presentes anteriormente, requerendo uma investigação atenta às variáveis geopolíticas e sócio-históricas.<br>Mestre
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Demchenko, Olena. "Journalism education in Ukraine according to journalists perceptions (2015-2018): a bridge too far?" Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671080.
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Actualment (2018), el periodisme a Ucraïna s’imparteix en cinquanta-vuit institucions d’educació superior (IsHE) i hi ha dues maneres de rebre l’educació periodística a Ucraïna fins ara: una formal i una no formal. Per una formació formal de periodisme, es pot entendre programes de batxillerat i / o màster en periodisme a les universitats, que són força absolutament regulades per l’estat d’Ucraïna o tenen certa autonomia. Amb una formació de periodisme no formal, ha entès diversos programes educatius periodístics generalment realitzats en un entorn no institucionalitzat i recolzats principalment per ONG estrangeres o mitjans de comunicació nacionals.
L’educació formal del periodisme a Ucraïna és criticada per haver estat afectada pel vell model d’ensenyament basat en la teoria soviètica, en lloc de seguir les bones pràctiques acceptades internacionalment. El sistema d’ensenyament als estudiants als departaments de periodisme no ha canviat significativament des de la independència ucraïnesa el 1991 i molts periodistes ucraïnesos han entrat a la professió amb una formació en gran mesura insuficient.
Com que l’educació del periodisme ucraïnès encara no està buscant maneres de trobar una visió nacional sobre com ensenyar a professionals dels mitjans de comunicació d’èxit (Sirinyok-Dolgaryova, 2016) i els empresaris dels mitjans de comunicació d’Ucraïna no estan satisfets amb el nivell i la qualitat de les habilitats rebudes pels graduats ucraïnesos dels departaments de periodisme. (Demchenko, 2018), es va haver de fer més investigacions per contribuir a la seva ‘millora.
Per això, aquest estudi va voler respondre a les següents preguntes de recerca:
RQ1: Quins són els principals trets d’una formació formal del periodisme a Ucraïna segons els periodistes ucraïnesos?
RQ 2: Quines són les principals característiques d’una educació periodística no formal a Ucraïna segons els periodistes ucraïnesos?
PQ 3: Quin tipus d’educació periodística a Ucraïna (formal o no formal) és més ben considerat pels periodistes ucraïnesos, i per què?
En aquesta investigació, els periodistes eren el nostre grup objectiu per rebre informació i amb l’ajuda de les seves respostes per avaluar l’educació del periodisme ucraïnès. Segons els nostres motius, els periodistes són aquells jugadors del procés educatiu que poden descriure sincerament els resultats i les competències que reben després de graduar-se en departaments de periodisme o després de cursos educatius no formals i parlen dels seus avantatges i desavantatges. Les competències i coneixements que tenen els periodistes quan entren en un camp professional i el que els falta representaran els principals trets de l’educació periodística ucraïnesa.
Les troballes es van basar en una anàlisi de 10 grups focals realitzats amb un total de 92 periodistes ucraïnesos (amb o sense titulacions de periodisme). Els resultats es van descriure d’acord amb l’anàlisi qualitativa.
Aquesta tesi està dividida en set capítols.<br>Actualmente (2018), el periodismo en Ucrania se enseña en cincuenta y ocho instituciones de educación superior (IsHE) y hasta ahora hay dos formas de recibir educación periodística en Ucrania: una formal y una no formal. Por una educación formal en periodismo se entiende una licenciatura y / o programas de maestría en periodismo en las universidades, que están absolutamente regulados por el estado ucraniano o tienen cierta autonomía. Por educación periodística no formal, se entiende que se entienden varios programas educativos de periodismo que generalmente se llevan a cabo en un entorno no institucionalizado y apoyados principalmente por ONG extranjeras o medios de comunicación nacionales.
La educación formal en periodismo en Ucrania es criticada por verse afectada por el antiguo modelo de enseñanza basado en la teoría soviética, en lugar de adherirse a las mejores prácticas aceptadas internacionalmente. El sistema de enseñanza de los estudiantes en los departamentos de periodismo no ha cambiado significativamente desde la independencia de Ucrania en 1991 y muchos periodistas ucranianos han ingresado a la profesión con una formación en gran medida inadecuada.
Como la educación en periodismo ucraniana aún no está buscando formas de encontrar una visión nacional sobre cómo enseñar a los profesionales de los medios de comunicación exitosos (Sirinyok-Dolgaryova, 2016) y los empleadores de los medios de comunicación ucranianos no están satisfechos con el nivel y la calidad de las habilidades recibidas por los graduados ucranianos de los departamentos de periodismo. (Demchenko, 2018), era necesario realizar más investigaciones para contribuir a su ‘mejora’.
Es por eso que este estudio buscó responder las siguientes preguntas de investigación:
PI1: ¿Cuáles son las características principales de una educación formal en periodismo en Ucrania según los periodistas ucranianos?
PI 2: ¿Cuáles son las principales características de una educación periodística no formal en Ucrania según los periodistas ucranianos?
PI 3: ¿Qué tipo de educación periodística en Ucrania, formal o no formal, es mejor considerada por los periodistas ucranianos y por qué?
En esta investigación, los periodistas fueron nuestro grupo objetivo para recibir información y, con la ayuda de sus respuestas, evaluar la educación periodística de Ucrania. En nuestra opinión, los periodistas son aquellos actores del proceso educativo que pueden describir con franqueza los resultados y las competencias que reciben después de graduarse de los departamentos de periodismo y / y después de los cursos educativos no formales y hablar sobre sus ventajas y desventajas. Las habilidades y los conocimientos que tienen los periodistas al ingresar a un campo profesional y lo que les falta representarán las principales características de la educación periodística de Ucrania.
Los hallazgos se basaron en un análisis de 10 grupos focales realizados con un total de 92 periodistas ucranianos (con y sin título de periodismo). Los resultados se describieron de acuerdo con un análisis cualitativo.
Esta tesis se divide en siete capítulos.<br>Currently (2018), journalism in Ukraine is taught in fifty-eight institutions of higher education (IsHE) and there are two ways to receive journalism education in Ukraine so far: a formal and a non-formal. By a formal journalism education bachelor and/or master programs in journalism in the universities, which are rather absolutely regulated by Ukrainian state or have some autonomy are understood. By a non-formal journalism education, it’ s understood various journalism educational programs usually conducted in a non-institutionalized environment and supported mostly by foreign NGOs or national mass media are meant.
Formal journalism education in Ukraine is criticized for being affected by the old Soviet theory-based teaching model, rather than adhering to internationally accepted best practices. The system of teaching students at journalism departments has not changed significantly since Ukrainian independence in 1991 and many Ukrainian journalists have entered the profession with largely inadequate training.
As Ukrainian journalism education yet to be looking for ways to find a national vision on how to teach successful media professionals (Sirinyok-Dolgaryova, 2016) and Ukrainian media employers are not satisfied with the level and quality of skills received by Ukrainian graduates of journalism departments (Demchenko, 2018), there was a need for further research to contribute to its’ improvement.
That is why this study seeked to answer the following research questions:
RQ1: What are the main features of a formal journalism education in Ukraine according to Ukrainian journalists?
RQ 2: What are the main features of a non- formal journalism education in Ukraine according to Ukrainian journalists?
RQ 3: What type of journalism education in Ukraine – a formal or a non-formal – is better regarded by Ukrainian journalists, and why?
In this research journalists were our target group in order to receive information and with the help of their answers to evaluate Ukrainian journalism education. To our mind, journalists are those players of educational process who can frankly describe outcomes and competencies which they receive after graduation from journalism departments or/and after non-formal educational courses and speak about their advantages and disadvantages. What skills and knowledge journalists have when entering a professional field and what they lack will represent the main features of Ukrainian journalism education.
The findings were based on an analysis of 10 focus groups conducted with a total of 92 Ukrainian journalists (both with and without journalism degrees). The results were described in accordance with qualitative analysis.
This thesis consists of seven chapters.
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Ratsiborynska, Vira. "Les enjeux de la politique européenne à l'égard de l'Ukraine (2003-2014)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAG046.
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La Politique européenne de voisinage (PEV) a été conçue pour promouvoir la prospérité, la stabilité et la sécurité dans les régions voisines de l'UE. L'analyse de cette politique dans le cadre du développement des relations entre l'Ukraine et l'UE, ainsi que dans le contexte de l'évolution d'une dynamique intra-régionale du Partenariat oriental, a conduit à l'identification d'une série de lacunes de nature différente, concernant à la fois les failles institutionnelles de la PEV et les incertitudes pesant sur ses perspectives finales vis-à-vis de l'Ukraine. En outre, la PEV a montré la limite de ses capacités à faire face aux défis sécuritaires lors de la crise en Crimée. Elle a également démontré les limites de sa stratégie géopolitique dans le cadre des relations entre la Russie, l'Ukraine et l'UE, de même qu'elle a révélé son incapacité à prévenir les risques potentiels qu'entraînerait l'Accord d'association Ukraine-UE pour l'Ukraine<br>The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) was originally designed to promote prosperity, stability and security in the European Union's neighbouring regions. The analysis of this policy within the framework of the relations between Ukraine and the EU and in the context of the evolution of the intraregional dynamics of the Eastern Partnership and of the external policy of the Union did however reveal a number of inherent flaws. In addition to the policy's deficiencies relating to both institutional failings and to the uncertainty regarding the final perspective of this process for Ukraine, the ENP also turned out to be insufficient when faced with the security challenges of the Crimean Crisis. It has demonstrated its limitations concerning the EU's geopolitical strategy within the framework of the relations between Russia, Ukraine and the EU and was shown to be unable to prevent potential risks arising from the European Union's Association Agreement with Ukraine
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Nabhan, Yulia. "UDC in Ukraine 2009-2010: new developments." UDC Consortium, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/199894.
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There are two main classification systems used in Ukraine, such as Universal Decimal Classification (UDC) and Library Bibliographic Classification (LBC). UDC is used mainly in libraries of higher education institutions, scientific, scientific-and-technical, medical, agricultural and other specialized libraries, information centres and publishing houses. The paper introduces recent developments (2009-2010 period) regarding UDC in Ukraine.
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Lakei, Iryna. "Reformy volebního systému na Ukrajině 1990-2012." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197102.
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This thesis is focused on analyzing the reforms of the electoral system in Ukraine, during the period from gaining independence to the present. The main goal is to determine the reasons of the electoral reforms, and which political entities have become initiators of those changes in case of (non) existence inherent factors. The hypothesis of the thesis is whether political entities sought to maintain or strengthen its position in the Parliament, rather than contribute to the improvement of the electoral process.
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Kesertzi, Fredrik. "INFORMATIONSKRIGFÖRING I CYBERRYMDEN : en teoriprövande fallstudie av John A. Warden III:s teori på konflikten i Ukraina, 2013–2014." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-8657.
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John A. Warden III is one of the leading contemporary air force theorists in the modern era. Warden´s five ring model has proved the ability to explain other dimensions of warfare, as Warden himself claims. A topic that had been receiving much attention is the relatively new arena of warfare, the so-called 'cyberspace'. This dimension has enabled the dissemination of information at a significantly higher rate than before which results that the efficiency of information warfare have increased. Previous research in this complex area, where a combination of Warden's theories and information warfare have been used to analyze a case, is currently inadequate. Therefore, this case study intends to examine to which extent Warden's five ring model can be applied on information operations, in the context of the war in Ukraine. The result in this thesis will show that Warden's theory had a certain degree of explanatory power on the information operations, that were conducted in Ukraine during 2013-2014. The result will also indicate that the most significant direct impact from information operations was shown on the fourth ring, population. When the fourth ring was affected, the effect would spread and affect other rings indirectly. Attempts to affect multiple rings directly and simultaneously could not be identified except for the fourth and fifth rings, population and fielded military. However, no traceability of a direct impact on the fifth ring, fielded military, was identified.
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McGill, Svetlana. "The impact of the Global Fund programmes on HIV prevention policy and services in Ukraine in 2003-2012." Thesis, Queen Margaret University, 2014. https://eresearch.qmu.ac.uk/handle/20.500.12289/7459.
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Ukraine is home to one of the world‘s fastest growing HIV epidemic and has received significant amounts of foreign aid to help it tackle the crisis. This study is an enquiry into the implementation of the Global Fund against AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (GFATM) programmes in Ukraine, during the second decade of this country‘s post-Soviet economic and political transition. The discussion is positioned within a broader debate on aid effectiveness. By looking at the GFATM as an aid institution whose establishment was purported to improve the aid delivery process, the thesis offers a critical insight on the GFATM aid delivery model in the context of Ukraine. The thesis investigates the conduct and practice of INGO and national NGOs in their role as Principal Recipients of GFATM grants targeting HIV prevention in Ukraine. Based on ethnographical enquiry conducted in three oblasts in Ukraine, and in capital Kyiv, the thesis aims to understand how NGOs have implemented HIV prevention services in context of state-owned health care system and to determine the perceived effects of the GF programmes on the ground. The thesis situates analysis of NGOs into a broader socio-political context of post-Soviet Ukraine and questions their role as central actors in delivering essential HIV programmes in parallel with or instead of the state, as well as the consequences for sustainability of such programmes. Using the particular experience in Ukraine, the thesis shows the influence of global funding institutions on relationships between state and civil society and altering of civil society‘s roles in aid programmes. The thesis includes a comprehensive literature analysis about the Global Fund and other donor programmes working in Ukraine in the area of HIV/AIDS.
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Žielys, Povilas. "The Impact of Democracy Protection Policy on Democratic Consolidation: US Policy in Russia, Georgia and Ukraine." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2012. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2012~D_20120306_095211-50600.
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The dissertation examines US democracy protection policy carried out in three post-Soviet countries that had been just moved away from autocratic rule: Russia in 1991-1996; Georgia in 2003-2008; and Ukraine in 2004-2009. It aims to answer the question whether US policy increased or decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation in new democracies. Based on theoretical insights from the disciplines of both comparative politics and international relations, two novel research instruments are developed: the ‘two scales’ model and the concept of pragmatic democracy protection policy. By employing these two research instruments, it is revealed that US national security interests have had a distorting impact on US democracy protection policy towards Russia, Georgia and Ukraine. Due to its interest in the cooperation with leaders in power, the US did not apply the principal of democratic conditionality in bilateral relations with the three post-Soviet countries and did not deter the non-democratic behaviour of their governments. Such US policy decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation. Furthermore, US security interests corrupted US-funded democracy assistance programmes in two out of three cases (in Russia and Georgia). Instead of enabling the opposition and civil society in new democracies, these programmes increased the asymmetry of political playing field and limited the capability of civil society to control the government. This also decreased the likelihood of... [to full text]<br>Disertacijoje nagrinėjama JAV demokratijos gynimo politika, vykdyta trijose iš autokratinio režimo ką tik išėjusiose posovietinėse valstybėse: 1991–1996 m. Rusijoje, 2003–2008 m. Gruzijoje ir 2004–2009 m. Ukrainoje. Siekiama atsakyti į klausimą, ar JAV politika didino, ar mažino šių naujųjų demokratijų konsolidavimo tikimybę. Sujungiant dviejų disciplinų – lyginamosios politikos ir tarptautinių santykių – teorines įžvalgas, darbe konstruojami du nauji tyrimo įrankiai: „dvejų svarstyklių“ modelis ir pragmatinės demokratijos gynimo politikos koncepcija. Pasitelkiant šiuos tyrimo įrankius atskleidžiama, kad ir Rusijos, ir Gruzijos, ir Ukrainos atveju JAV nacionalinio saugumo interesai darė iškreipiantį poveikį JAV vykdytai demokratijos gynimo politikai. Būdamos suinteresuotos bendradarbiavimu su valdžioje buvusiais posovietinių valstybių lyderiais, JAV netaikė sąlygiškumo principo dvišaliuose santykiuose ir neatgrasė naujųjų demokratijų valdžios nuo nedemokratiškų veiksmų. Tokia JAV politika mažino demokratijos konsolidavimo tikimybę. Be to, dviem atvejais (Rusijoje ir Gruzijoje) JAV saugumo interesai darė neveiksmingomis ir JAV finansuotas paramos demokratijai programas. Užuot įgalinusios naujųjų demokratijų opoziciją ir pilietinę visuomenę, šios programos didino politinio žaidimo lauko asimetriškumą ir ribojo pilietinės visuomenės galimybes kontroliuoti valdžią. Tai irgi mažino naujųjų demokratijų konsolidavimo tikimybę.
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Zorya, Sergiy I. "Interdependencies between agriculture and macroeconomics in Ukraine." [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2003. http://webdoc.sub.gwdg.de/diss/2003/zorya/zorya.pdf.
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Baltag, Dorina. "Practice and performance : EU diplomacy in Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus after the inauguration of the European External Action Service, 2010-2015." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2018. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/33503.
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The aim of this thesis is to critically assess the diplomatic performance of the European Union (EU) in its neighbourhood, namely in Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus after the inauguration of the European External Action Service (EEAS). The Lisbon Treaty announced the need for a stronger, more efficient, more coherent EU in world politics. This implied, inter alia, that in third countries, the former Commission representations have been transformed into Union Delegations that represent the EU. Besides this, the Treaty changes opened an opportunity for coordination between national and EU level diplomacy in order to obtain a more effective collective effort. These changes where focused on EU s overall performance, which has been a salient issue on the agenda of European policy-makers. The issue of the EU s performance in the wider Eastern Europe remains poignant, not least because of current developments in its neighbourhood (such as the crisis in Ukraine, Moldova s downturn in its democratization efforts or the inclusion of Belarus on the list of most repressive countries in the world). While the Brussels-based part of the EEAS has captured the attention of both academic and non-academic literature, this thesis turns its focus to the performance and diplomatic practice of the EU in third countries, i.e Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus. When talking about European diplomatic performance abroad, a key focus in the thesis is on practices through which the details of everyday practices that form and shape the performance of any actor is explored. In order to do so, the investigation conducted for this research is guided by three assumptions on the use of EU diplomacy in overcoming its foreign policy dilemmas. Looking at performance, then, implies examining EU diplomatic practices against pre-set goals; evaluating the cooperation between member-states (MS) embassies and Union Delegations towards formulating and implementing a common approach ; and, conducting a screening of diplomatic capabilities on the ground. Findings show that the EU delegations represent the EU as a whole, became communication hubs on the ground and took the lead on cooperation with the EU MS embassies. Empirical evidence revealed that, in practice, the Delegations continued to conduct aid-driven diplomacy, as a legacy from the former Commission representations. And, that the coexistence of national and EU diplomacy was marked, at times, by MS opting out of the common approach in favour of parallel actions. While the Delegations in these countries have grown in size and, most importantly, have diplomats as staff members; the development of the Delegations also came with an intra- and inter-institutional tension on the ground that echoed Brussels institutional dynamics. Lastly, a comparative evaluation of EU diplomatic performance in Eastern Europe more generally uncovered multistakeholder diplomacy, burden-sharing, bloc diplomacy, unilateral diplomatic actions and interest-driven diplomacy as key drivers and dividers in EU s attempt to address its foreign policy dilemmas.
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Ostriitchouk, Olha. "Deux mémoires pour une identité en Ukraine post-soviétique." Thesis, Université Laval, 2010. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2010/27430/27430.pdf.
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Anibas, Kyle Lawrence. "Land cover, land use and habitat change in Volyn, Ukraine : 1986-2011." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/17682.
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Master of Science<br>Department of Geography<br>Douglas G. Goodin<br>Volyn Oblast in Western Ukraine has experienced substantial land use/land cover change over the last 25 years as a result of a change in political systems. Remote sensing provides a framework to quantify this change without extensive field work or historical land cover records. In this study, land change is quantified utilizing a post-classification change detection technique comparing Landsat imagery from 1986-2011(Post-Soviet era began 1991). A variety of remote sensing classification methods are explored to take advantage of spectral and spatial variation within this complex study area, and a hybrid scheme is ultimately utilized. Land cover from the CORINE classification scheme is then converted to the EUNIS habitat classification scheme to analyze how land cover change has affected habitat fragmentation. I found large scale agricultural abandonment, increases in forested areas, shifts towards smaller scale farming practices, shifts towards mixed forest structures, and increases in fragmentation of both forest and agricultural habitat types. These changes could have several positive and negative on biodiversity, ecosystems, and human well-being.
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Ostriïtchouk, Zazulya Olha. "Deux mémoires pour une identité en Ukraine post-soviétique." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/21527.
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Depuis l'indépendance de 1991, l'Ukraine s'efforce de se doter d'un capital symbolique pour appuyer sa nouvelle identité et exister en tant qu'État-nation. Ainsi sont mises en place des politiques patrimoniales, de nouvelles commémorations, et une révision du récit historique. Mais la volonté de renforcer la cohésion nationale se heurte à la persistance d'une fracture sociétale, schématisée dans une opposition entre un Ouest dit «prooccidental» et un Est dit «prorusse». Les uns défendent le principe d'une identité nationale à base ethnique s'appuyant sur la mémoire des luttes nationalistes (1920-1950), entretenue par la diaspora nord-américaine, comme enjeu majeur pour la société actuelle. Les autres, réfractaires à cette «nationalisation» du passé et de ses héros controversés, rejettent cette forme d'identification collective, allant jusqu'à lui en préférer d'autres: le panslavisme orthodoxe, le régionalisme, le soviétisme... Cette thèse, se saisit du phénomène mémoriel et en particulier des usages publics du passé, pour décrypter les raisons de cette division, issue d'expériences contrastées, portées par deux mémoires, ayant chacune son propre choix de commémorations, sa logique narrative, ses silences, renvoyant à des enjeux politico-idéologiques sous-jacents. Trois supports mémoriels-clés (Tarass Chevtchenko, la Grande Famine de 1932-1933, la Seconde Guerre mondiale) sont convoqués pour mettre en évidence, à partir de leurs interprétations concurrentes, les visions respectives du passé que se renvoient, comme dans un jeu de miroirs, les tenants des deux camps mémoriels, et qui empêchent la fixation de referents identitaires communs.
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Kasper, Nicole. "Die EU-Nachbarschaftspolitik als Instrument externer Demokratieförderung : das Beispiel der Ukraine." Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2012/6180/.
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Seit 2004 versucht die EU mit der Europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik demokratische Werte in ihre Nachbarländer zu exportieren. Adressaten sind Länder der Mittelmeerunion und Länder des postsozialistischen Europa, die in der Östlichen Partnerschaft zusammengefasst sind. Als außenpolitisches Instrument bietet die Nachbarschaftspolitik eine Alternative zur Erweiterungspolitik. In erster Linie sollen negative Entwicklungen wie illegale Migration, organisierte Kriminalität, grenzübergreifende Umweltzerstörungen und ethnische Konflikte abgewehrt werden.
Die Studie analysiert Externalisierung, Sozialisierung und Imitation als Mechanismen des Europäisierungsprozesses und untersucht im Rahmen einer empirischen Prozessanalyse am Beispiel der Ukraine, welche der von der Europäischen Union angewandten Mechanismen den größten Erfolg für eine Normenadaption bedeuten.
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Pepe, Jacopo Maria. "Die Gasversorgung Europas : das Dreieck EU – Russland – Ukraine zwischen Geopolitik und Geoökonomie." Universität Potsdam, 2010. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/5023/.
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Die Abhängigkeit der EU von Russlands Gaslieferungen sowie die Zuverlässigkeit des Transitlandes Ukraine ist hochgradig umstritten. Für den Politikwissenschaftler Jacopo Pepe, zeigen sich dabei jedoch keine existentiellen Bedrohungen für die Versorgungssicherheit Europas, sondern konstruierte Diskurse.
Er argumentiert, dass es sich hier nicht um geopolitisches sondern um ein ökonomisches Problem handelt. Dieses wurzelt in dem ukrainisch-russisch Gasgeschäft der 1990er Jahre. Geopolitische Fragen und belastete politischen Beziehungen haben die Krise zugespitzt und die russische Reaktion verschärft. Erst so konnte das Umfeld für einen „Securitization“ Diskurs entstehen, der mit geostrategischen Zielen der USA übereinstimmt.
Die Lösung muss sowohl (geo)ökonomisch als auch geopolitisch erfolgen: Geoökonomisch, durch die Gründung eines europäisch-russisch-ukrainischen Konsortium für die Verwaltung des International Transport System der Ukraine; geopolitisch durch eine kooperative Neuvermessung des Verhältnisses der EU mit Russland. Nur dadurch kann ein erneutes Scheitern der Gasversorgung Europas verhindert werden.
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Mützelburg, Irina Béatrice. "Multi-level transfer of international norms : asylum policies and practices in Ukraine (1993-2015)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019IEPP0001.
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Cette thèse soulève l’importance d’acteurs et de voies de transferts souvent négligés en adoptant une perspective longitudinale et multi-niveaux sur les transferts internationaux de normes et de politiques. Elle examine le rôle d’organisations internationales dans le développement de politiques et de pratiques relatives à l’asile en Ukraine depuis la première loi sur les réfugiés en 1993 jusqu’en 2015. Elle montre la dépendance de l’action des organisations internationales (OI) et non-gouvernementales (ONG) à l’égard de modes d’influence plus connus, telles que la conditionnalité sectorielle exercée par l’Union Européenne, mais elle met aussi en lumière les modalités propres à leurs interventions. Elle étudie les interactions et les relations entre les acteurs étatiques et non-étatiques au long d’une « chaîne de transferts », révélant les logiques de dépendance, de délégation et de contrôle ainsi que les processus de traduction, de soutien et de résistance aux transferts. En analysant le soutien et des formes subtiles de résistance à l’adoption législative des normes internationales par le Parlement, elle montre l’impact de la quête de reconnaissance internationale et d’incitations offertes par les OI. Les OI et les ONG cherchent à influencer les pratiques étatiques en adaptant leurs stratégies aux résistances et aux obstacles structurels, par des approches consensuelles ou confrontatives, formelles ou informelles, verticales ou horizontales. En dépit de l’effort des entrepreneurs de normes pour induire la formalisation de certains changements, les effets des transferts sur les pratiques étatiques restent hétérogènes et instables<br>This thesis uncovers the importance of often overlooked actors and transfer channels by adopting a longitudinal and multi-level perspective on international norm and policy transfer. It examines the role of international organisations in the development of asylum policies and practices in Ukraine since the adoption of the first Law on Refugees. It shows how the action of international and domestic non-governmental organisations is interlinked with and differs from the sector-specific conditionality exercised by the European Union. In this manner, it enriches the findings on transfer from research that has mostly focused on top-down processes and political elite actors. It investigates the interactions and relations between state and non-state actors of the “transfer chain”, revealing logics of dependence, delegation and control as well as processes of translation, support and resistance. Analysing the support and subtle forms of resistance to the legislative adoption of international norms at the Parliament, it demonstrates that adoption is shaped, to a large extent, by domestic politicians’ pursuit of recognition and incentives by international organisations. Moreover, non-state actors seek to influence state practices by adapting their strategies to domestic resistance and structural obstacles, utilising confrontational and harmony-seeking, formal and informal, top-down and horizontal strategies. While norm entrepreneurs try to trigger the formalisation of certain changes, the effects of the transfer attempts on state practices remain heterogeneous and unstable. This thesis thus adds to transfer scholars’ widespread findings regarding the weak application of norms
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Delling, Andersson Calle, and Jonathan Norström. "Ukrainakrisen i medierna : En massmedieretorisk studie av fyra svenska dagstidningars rapportering om upproret under vintern 2013/14." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-24062.
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Under vintern 2013/14 utspelade sig en kris i Ukraina. I november bröt landets president Viktor Janukovytj förhandlingarna om ett samarbetsavtal med EU, vilket blev starten på en flera månader lång period av våldsamma demonstrationer i landet. I februari tvingades presidenten slutligen att lämna sin post. Konflikten i landet pågår fortfarande, om än i andra former. I denna uppsats undersöks 31 nyhetsartiklar från fyra svenska dagstidningar: Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Expressen och Svenska Dagbladet. Syftet är att avgöra huruvida rapporteringen om krisen varit tendentiös, alltså om den var vinklad till någon sidas fördel eller nackdel. Undersökningsperioden sträcker sig från 21 november 2013, då demonstrationerna utbröt, till 23 februari 2014, dagen efter att presidenten tvingades avgå. Uppsatsens teoridel utgår bland annat från Herman och Chomskys propagandamodell och Conboys teorier om nyhetsretorik. Artiklarna analyseras kvalitativt med hjälp av Lundgren med fleras massmedieretoriska analysmodell. Resultatet visar att artiklarna till stor del var tendentiösa. Källorna i texterna var främst demonstranter och andra som stödde oppositionen. Presidenten och hans följare fick begränsat med utrymme att framföra sina åsikter på. Genom exempelvis användandet av värdeladdade ord målades Europeiska unionen, EU-vänliga demonstranter och oppositionen i Ukraina ut som ”goda”, medan president Janukovytj, hans anhängare och Ryssland framställdes som ”onda”.
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Spence, Matthew John. "The impact of American democracy promotion in post-Soviet Russia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, 1991-2003." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408207.
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Sliesarieva, Anna. "The Defender vs. the Censor: CDA Analysis of 2017 Russian Web-Source Ban in Ukraine." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-414735.
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With the new challenges of the digital world associated with disinformation, data breaches, and cybercrimes (Cadwalladr & Graham-Harrison, 2018; Connolly et al., 2016; Shipley & Bowker, 2013) many countries nowadays discuss approaches to Internet regulation. In Ukraine, which faced propaganda tactics employed by Russia as a part of the Ukrainian-Russian conflict (Yurkova, 2018), the need for information security in recent years became a major challenge. In 2017, authorities of Ukraine addressed the challenge by introducing sanctions to the most-used Russian web-platforms, including social networks Vkontakte and Odnoklassniki, search engine Yandex, and many other services. This study analyzed the discourse that was formed around the decision. The work incorporates the model of critical discourse analysis by Fairclough (1995a) and framing analysis by Pan & Kosicki (1993). This qualitative study analyzed materials from Ukrainian online media, TV stories, user comments, and political speeches from 16th-17th May 2017 – the dates when the decision on blocking of Russian web-sources was announced to the Ukrainian public. The research answers the questions about the dominant discourses in society regarding the approach of the authorities to Internet regulation, the main arguments and counter-arguments, and media framing. The results show that the discussion was locked in a trap of two dominant discourses of freedom of speech and national security, whereas alternative measures to restrictions were not represented on the public agenda.
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Neijnes, Malin. "Ukraina – Fast mellan EU och Ryssland? : En beskrivande fallstudie av hur EU och Ryssland agerat mot Ukraina mellan åren 2004-2014." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-45863.
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This study aims to examine Ukraine’s relations with the EU and Russia, and explains the different actions taken place between the years of 2004 and 2014. The study is a descriptive case study where the case Ukraine can be used to draw general conclusions for future research.To pursue the aim, the following questions were asked: How has the EU acted towards Ukraine, and why? How has Russia acted towards Ukraine, and why? In this study, the theories of international relations were applied, namely liberalism and realism. The empirical material of this study is based on books, EU webpage and news articles.The conclusion of this study shows that both the EU and Russia have taken many actions to influence Ukraine. The most important actions made by the EU have been the startup of the Eastern Partnership and the Association Agreement, which are both developing an easier transition for Ukraine into the EU. For Russia, the most important actions taken have been to make Ukraine depending on Gazprom, and the rental agreement for the military navy base kept on Crimea. All these actions are taken because of the fact that Ukraine serves as a link between the EU and Russia.
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Tyshchenko, Dmytro. "Evolução da política de vizinhança da União Europeia em relação à Ucrânia, Moldávia e Bielorrússia (2003-2014)." Doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/14425.
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Tese de Doutoramento em Ciências Sociais - especialidade de Relações Internacionais<br>A investigação junta-se à discussão vibrante nas ciências políticas sobre o
desenvolvimento da Política Europeia de Vizinhança e da sua dimensão oriental. A política
está baseada na abordagem regional da União Europeia. Portanto, a evolução da Parceria
Oriental está profundamente dependente de políticas externas dos Estados-Membros e das
instituições da UE.
A tese também pretende estudar as relações bilaterais entre a UE e a Bielorrússia, a
Moldávia e a Ucrânia. A Europa Oriental tem a importância significativa no subcontinente
europeu. Nesse sentido, eu estudei ferramentas de influência da União Europeia e da
Rússia no “Vizinhança Comum”, os instrumentos do poder brando e duro, também os
projetos de integração de Moscovo e a guerra híbrida da Rússia. Além disso, participando
na resolução das crises na Ucrânia e na Moldávia, a UE tem vindo a aumentar o seu
potencial como ator político global.
O desenvolvimento da tese baseia-se na análise dos dados empíricos, juntamente com
abordagens teóricas, que são divididos em dois grupos – abordagens nucleares
(neoliberalismo, neorrealismo e Normative Power Europe) e uma série de teorias
complementares.
Portanto, a investigação foi dividido em quatro capítulos, tentando descrever uma conexão
e interdependência dessas áreas.<br>This dissertation joins a vibrant conversation in the political sciences about the
development of the European Neighbourhood Policy and its Eastern dimension. The Policy
stands on regional approach of the European Union. The evolution of the Eastern
Partnership henceforth is profoundly dependent upon foreign policies of the Member States
and the EU institutions.
The thesis also intends to study the bilateral relations between the EU and Belarus,
Moldova and Ukraine. Eastern Europe has а significant importance in the European subcontinent.
In this sense, I studied tools of influence of the European Union and Russia in
the “Shared Neighbourhood”, the soft and hard power instruments together with the
Moscow-led integration projects and the hybrid war of Russia. Moreover, participating in
the crisis settlement resolution in Ukraine and Moldova, the EU has been increasing its
potential as a global political actor.
The development of the proposal model of research is based upon the analysis of the
empirical data together with theoretical approaches, which are divided into two groups –
nuclear approaches (neo-liberalism, neo-realism and Normative Power Europe) and a range
of complementary theories.
Therefore, the study was divided into four chapters, trying to describe a connection and
interdependence of these areas.<br>N/A
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Politt, Holger. "Hinter dem Bug : zur polnischen Sicht auf die Ukrainekrise." Universität Potsdam, 2014. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2014/7182/.
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Polens Sicht auf die Ukrainekrise ist von dessen geopolitischer Lage geprägt. Als Teil der EU und NATO grenzt das Land unmittelbar an die Krisenregion. Sowohl die Parteien als auch die öffentliche Meinung in Polen verteidigen übereinstimmend die territoriale Integrität der Ukraine und halten deren staatliche Unabhängigkeit für einen unentbehrlichen Faktor der politischen Ordnung in Europa. Vor allem die Frage nach den künftigen Möglichkeiten einer weiteren Ostausdehnung der EU steht daher aus Warschauer Sicht auf der Agenda.
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Inglis, Oleksandra [Verfasser], та Juliane [Akademischer Betreuer] Besters-Dilger. "Language question in the educational system in Mykolaivsʹka oblastʹ, Ukraine, in the period of 2005-2012". Freiburg : Universität, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1127506625/34.
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Boyeldieu, d'Auvigny Mathilde. "Entre rivalités avec les Etats-unis et la Chine, les enjeux de puissance de la Russie dans son espace régional (2000-2019)." Thesis, Paris, INALCO, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021INAL0007.
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La Russie et la Chine ont élaboré un partenariat stratégique articulé autour du rejet de l’hégémonie américaine. Clé de compréhension du triangle stratégique Russie-Chine-Etats-Unis, ce partenariat pèse désormais dans plusieurs dossiers internationaux et contrecarre la stratégie de Washington. Toutefois, la crise ukrainienne révèle des agendas régionaux concurrents qui interrogent quant à la solidité de l’entente russo-chinoise face aux Etats-Unis. L’Eurasie, « zone d’intérêt privilégié » au sein de laquelle la Russie entend conserver son influence pour des raisons géostratégiques et sécuritaires, suscite en effet un intérêt fort des Etats-Unis et de la Chine. Cherchant à contenir les velléités d’expansion russes, Washington y a développé une présence militaire forte qui s’appuie notamment sur le rejet de la présence russe dans de nombreux pays de l’espace post-soviétique. Pékin, qui profite d’un dynamisme économique sans précédent, est perçu comme un vecteur de développement et une alternative économico-politique à la Russie et déploie une stratégie qui affecte l’ensemble du continent eurasiatique. En Eurasie, le partenariat russo-chinois s’efface ainsi derrière les luttes d’influence et la Russie doit gérer de front, et de manière bien différente, la présence concurrentielle des Etats-Unis et de la Chine. Toutefois et en dépit de sa faiblesse comparative et des conséquences de la crise ukrainienne, la Russie conserve des atouts stratégiques et demeure une puissance régionale incontournable, qui s’efforce de s’adapter aux dynamiques géopolitiques du début du XXIe siècle<br>Russia and China have built a strategic partnership around the rejection of American global hegemony. Key for the understanding of the strategic triangle Russia-China-United States of America, this partnership now weighs in on numerous international issues, counteracting Washington’s strategy. However, the Ukrainian crisis revealed rival regional agendas that question the solidity of the sino-russian entente against US influence. Eurasia, a « sphere of privileged interest », within which Russia intends on maintaining its influence for geostrategic and security reasons, arouse a strong interest from the US and China. Concerned about Russia’s expansion, Washington has developed a military presence facilitated by the fear of a Russian invasion in the post-soviet area. China, enjoying an unprecedented economic dynamism, is perceived as a vehicle for development and an economical and political alternative to Russia’s presence, and has formulated a strategy affecting all of the Eurasian continent. In Eurasia, the sino-russian partnership is fading behind regional rivalry and Russia has to simultaneously handle, in a very different way, the US and China’s presence. However, and despite its comparative weakness and the consequences of the Ukrainian crisis, Russia holds strategic advantages and is still an essential regional power, that tries to adapt its strategy to the geopolitical dynamics at the beginning of the 21st century
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Sheynin, Ellen. "Schmid, Ulrich. 2015. Technologien der Seele. Vom Verfertigen der Wahrheit in der russischen Gegenwartskultur: Buchbesprechung." De Gruyter, 2017. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A71380.
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Seit Beginn der kriegerischen Auseinandersetzungen in der Ukraine und der anschließenden russischen Annexion der Krim ist das öffentliche Interesse an der neusten Geschichte Russlands und an Putins System international stark gestiegen. Auch im deutschsprachigen Raum sind in den letzten zwei Jahren auffällig viele Publikationen erschienen, die der aktuellen Situation in Russland und speziell dem russischen Machthaber gewidmet sind. Die Mehrheit dieser Veröffentlichungen stammt aus dem Gebiet der Journalistik oder Populärwissenschaft (Ewers, Philipp. 2015. Putin verstehen? : russische Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik der Ära Wladimir Putin; Reitschuster, Boris. 2016. Putins verdeckter Krieg; Bidder, Benjamin. 2016. Generation Putin: Das neue Russland verstehen, u. a.), aber auch einige Fachwissenschaftler wagen sich an die hochaktuelle Thematik, die weit über den wissenschaftlichen Bereich hinausführen kann.
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Leitch, Duncan. "International assistance and the reform of public administration in Ukraine : fiscal decentralisation and regional policy 2000-2012." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6382/.
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The thesis examines the influence of external advice on domestic reform in a post-communist state following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. As an example of this, the research analyses the role of international assistance in the reform of public administration in Ukraine in the period 2000 to 2012, with particular reference to the relationship between the national and sub-national tiers of government. Two empirical case studies, on fiscal decentralisation and regional policy, are employed to provide an in-depth analysis of reform programmes introduced by the Government of Ukraine and an examination of the contribution of external advice to each. The thesis draws on concepts from Institutional Theory, Comparative Politics and Development Studies to explain the interaction between external donors and the domestic recipients of their advice. It is argued that international assistance to public administrative reform in Ukraine is a form of normative institutional isomorphism involving the deliberate transfer of models of state institutions from donor countries where they are regarded as good practice. The findings of the case studies indicate the narrow circumstances in which this transaction may lead to short-term progress with reform, through the establishment of a policy transfer network linking domestic and external actors. However the case studies also demonstrate that in the longer term both these attempts at reform, and the international advice which contributed to them, failed to achieve a sustained outcome. Employing the political economy analysis of development aid the thesis argues that the international community bears a large share of the responsibility for this owing to the technocratic nature of assistance programmes and their limited engagement with the political realities of reform processes.
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Mokrushyna, Halyna. "The Gordian Knot of Past and Present: Memory of Stalinist Purges in Modern Ukraine." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/37974.
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The thesis examines the social memory of Soviet period in Ukraine on the national and regional levels drawing on the conceptual framework of social memory as shared, normative and formative knowledge of the past, subject to contentious interpretations of various groups and reflecting the power structure of the society. The analysis of the law on the rehabilitation of victims of political repressions in Ukraine, the law on the Holodomor as genocide against Ukrainian nation, and the decommunization laws shows that on the official level Ukraine moved from an ambivalent attitude towards the Soviet legacy, in which Stalinism was repudiated, to the condemnation of Soviet power as a whole.
On the regional level, the study reveals the divisive memory of the Soviet past. The analysis of the activities of the Memorial Society, of monuments to the prisoners executed in Lviv by retreating Soviets in June of 1941, of the Museum-Prison on Lontsky street and other museums and monuments shows that in Lviv, as in the Baltic States, the Soviet power is viewed as an alien regime, imposed on freedom-loving Ukrainians by Soviet Russia tyranny.
On the opposite side of Lviv is Donetsk. The analysis of the memorial landscape of the city shows that the Donbas memory of the 1930s, as in Soviet times and in Russia, is based on an official forgetting of the repressions. The general assessment of the Soviet past is positive is incorporated into the collective identity of Donetsk as its integral part.
After the Euromaidan events of late 2013-early 2014 the opposite memories of the Soviet past became even more apparent.
Soviet past in Ukraine is a complex historical period. Examples of post-second world war Western Europe shows that a society, which wants to rebuild itself after a traumatic, divisive past, has to work through this past critically and honestly through an extremely difficult, but necessary open public debate. Only free exchange of opinions, where diversity of perspectives and interpretations of the Soviet experience would be heard, will allow Ukrainian society to grasp the complexity of the Soviet past and to build an inclusive, pluralist democracy.
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Petersson, Kristin. "EU som internationell aktör för demokratiska värderingar : EN beskrivande fallstudie av Ukrainas demokratiseringsprocess mellan åren 2004-2014." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-39195.
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This study aims at examine what kind of interest the European Union (EU) have in promoting a democracy process in Eastern Europe. The study is a descriptive case study where the case Ukraine is used to draw general conclusions. The questions asked to pursue the aim are: why does the EU want to promote a democracy process in Ukraine, what kind of methods does the EU use and why is Russia trying to prevent the EU-Ukraine development and instead supporting a Russia-Ukraine development. In this study an analytical model is created and used to analyze EU:s way in promoting democracy in Ukraine. The analyze model consists of six steps used to describe the general promotion of a democracy process and it’s applied in the empirical analysis. The empirical material is based on books, primary documents and EU:s official webpage. One general conclusion of this study asserts that the primary interest of EU: s democracy process in Ukraine is economy and security. Another one affirms that Russia’s interest to prevent the EU-Ukraine development consists also of economy and security and especially security to prevent the development of NATO in Eastern Europe.
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Lavoie, Chantal. "Les relations commerciales entre la Russie et l'Ukraine : la recherche d'une souveraineté économique, 1990-1997." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/17757.
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Volkova, Liubov [Verfasser], and Theo [Akademischer Betreuer] Stammen. "Systemtransformation in der Ukraine: "Chancen und Risiken auf dem Weg zur Demokratie" (1990-2010) / Liubov Volkova. Betreuer: Theo Stammen." Augsburg : Universität Augsburg, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1077702671/34.
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Holovko, Iryna. "Volunteering for the nation : Volunteering as a tool of nation branding during the Eurovision Song Contest 2017 in Ukraine." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-35646.
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There have been a lot of studies dedicated to investigating nation branding as a set of political discourses and practices deploying analysis of objects of symbolic nature: logotypes, brand books, slogans and commercials. The present thesis aims to study nation branding as a form of communicative labour through investigating volunteering as a form of media work that is used as a tool of the nation branding campaign in Ukraine during the Eurovision Song Contest in 2017. By using the theoretical concepts of nation branding, values and motivations of free labour in media industries, the thesis analyses the role of volunteers in the nation branding campaign during ESC 2017, volunteering as a specific form of media work and the motivation tools employed by the organisers and volunteers themselves to make sense of their involvement in the event. The analysis suggests that the roles assigned to volunteers as bearers of the nation brand are of great importance but the volunteers’ understanding of this process is rather confused and blurred. Another point highlighted in the thesis is how is volunteering was organised in terms of training and motivation on the side of organisers and what kind of motivations were of the crucial significance to volunteers themselves.
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Klonova, Anastasiia. "The Role of Mega-events in Country Branding : Case Study on Brand of Ukraine before European Football Championship 2012." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Avdelningen för medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-14124.
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Successful presentation of a country as a brand and positioning its unique image on the global level can give significant opportunities for development and progress of the state in the different areas. This research applies theories on the country branding to estimate impact of mega sport events on the image of state. To accomplish these goal I used case study – formation of brand Ukraine before hosting European Football Championship 2012 (EURO 2012). To investigate brand strategy of Ukraine and analyze implemented projects I conducted in-depth interviews with government officials and independent experts, who are involved in promo campaigns of Ukraine. The research concluded that Ukraine is in the process of brand formation, but it is too early to to assume the existance of the comprehensive brand of the country. For Ukraine, EURO 2012 impulses change of negative perceptions of the country and is a step towards complex strategy of brand creation. Future of this strategy therefore depends on conducting preliminary studies of each promo project and coordinated collaboration between all actors who take part in creation of brand Ukraine. Research also provides recommendations on how to make brand campaign more efficient.
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Carlsson, Magdalena. "Då Ryssland tog tillbaka Krim från Ukraina. : En fallstudie av den ryska erövringen av Krimhalvön 2014." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-39279.
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Abstract This thesis is a case study aiming to give explanations to Russia’s annexation of Crimea in March 2014. By using three different theoretical perspectives, realism, regional hegemony and constructivism, the aim is to find different but also complementing explanations to the case. The theories realism and regional hegemony are related and also similar to each other, but still contributes with some different focuses on the case. Both realism and regional hegemony has their main focus on the sovereign state’s security and their power militarily, politically and economically. Constructivism on the other hand is a bit different from the other two, and has its main focus on identity, ideas and worldviews. Thanks to the differences between the three perspectives the analysis gives a broader and deeper explanation to Russia’s invasion and annexation of Crimea.
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Illiushchenia, Katsiaryna [Verfasser], and Rainer [Akademischer Betreuer] Tetzlaff. "Regulatory Challenges : The Politics of Electricity Liberalisation in the EU, Ukraine and Russia (1990 - 2010) / Katsiaryna Illiushchenia. Betreuer: Rainer Tetzlaff." Hamburg : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1060484331/34.
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Jonavičius, Laurynas. "Išorinių veiksnių struktūrinis poveikis posovietinių režimų transformacijai: Ukrainos ir Gruzijos atvejai." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2010. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2010~D_20100225_113913-23490.
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Pateikiamoje disertacijoje nagrinėjamas posovietinių režimų transformacijos procesas ir siekiama atsakyti į klausimą, kodėl „spalvotąsias revoliucijas“ patyrusios šalys – Gruzija ir Ukraina – nedemonstruoja tos pažangos demokratijos, įstatymo viršenybės ir žmogaus teisių srityse, kokios iš jų buvo tikimasi. Nagrinėjant šią problemą pasitelkiama struktūrinė teorinė prieiga, kuri leidžia įtraukti tiek vidinių ir išorinių, tiek idėjinių ir materialių veiksnių analizę. Disertacijoje ginamas teiginys, kad pagrindinė posovietinių režimų transformacijos kliūtis yra persidengiantis išorinių veikėjų skatinamos struktūrinės aplinkos poveikis. Disertacijoje teigiama, kad veikdami skirtingoje struktūrinėje aplinkoje, kurią sudaro skirtingo turinio tapatybinė, institucinė ir materialinė dimensijos, Rusijos ir Europos veikėjai posovietinėje erdvėje sukuria „struktūrų persidengimo“ fenomeną. Dėl to neįmanoma įtvirtinti stabilios ir vidujai suderintos „tvarkos“, o tai lemia nuolatinį neapibrėžtumą, stabdantį politinių režimų stabilizaciją posovietinėje erdvėje. Ukraina ir Gruzija materialine prasme (ekonomiškai, energetiškai) yra stipriai priklausomos tiek nuo Rusijos, tiek nuo Europos. Jos abi taip pat veikia pagal rusiškai struktūrinei aplinkai būdingus elgesio modelius, tačiau susiduria su kolektyvinės tapatybės (bendros su Rusija) įtvirtinimo problemomis. Visų trijų veiksnių santykis (prieštaravimas) apriboja režimo transformacijos, kuris prasidėjo su „spalvotosiomis revoliucijomis“... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]<br>The problem of post-soviet political regimes’ transformation is analysed in the present dissertation. Ukraine and Georgia are chosen as the case studies. Structural theoretical approach, developed in the dissertation allows the inclusion of material and ideational as well as internal and external factors into the analysis if regime transformation. It as argued that the main obstacle in the process is the intersecting influence of structural milieu promoted by different external actors. The argument is based on the presumption that Russian and European actors, which operate in different structural milieu, comprised of identity, institutions and material basis, create the phenomenon of intersecting structures. It is the main reason and obstacle for the establishment of consistent and stable “order” in post-soviet space. Ukraine and Georgia, being materially dependent both on Russia and Ukraine at the same time do not have stable collective identities and clearly institutionalized and compatible formal and informal “rules of the game”. Meanwhile, Russian and European actors promote different structural patterns of interaction therefore promoting instability and hampering regime transformation. The dissertation provides with a comprehensive analysis of Russia’s and Europe’s structural features and their impact on agents’ behaviour. Georgian and Ukrainian structural milieu of operation is also conducted. Finally, prospects for establishment of Russian and European structural... [to full text]
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Nowak, Christina [Verfasser]. "Das Interventionsverbot im Bürgerkrieg : Darstellung eines Wandels durch die Bürgerkriege in Libyen, Syrien, Irak, Jemen und Ukraine seit 2011 / Christina Nowak." Frankfurt a.M. : Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1161046097/34.
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Hallgren, Karin. "The branding of the "new Ukraine" : A media production study of the encoding/decoding of Europeanness during Eurovision Song Contest 2017." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-35529.
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There are several studies observing the phenomenon of nation branding as political pursuits and as texts. However, the media are generally treated as neutral platforms in branding literature. Also, relatively little has been done to explore how the context of branding affects the level of text production, not least in relation to media events. Deploying a cultural approach, the present study suggests that the production of branding may be examined in terms of cultural codes (Hall, 1982) and dominant or preferred meanings (Hall, 1973/1992). The aim of this study is to explore processes of nation branding, as part of media events, from a media production perspective. This is done through observations of the encoding/decoding of the branding narrative of the Europeanness of Eurovision, as formula for a revised Ukrainian identity, in production and backstage processes of the event 2017. The material consists of qualitative interviews with five agents involved in the branding of Ukraine during Eurovision The analysis is based on the theoretical concepts of, firstly, Hall’s (1973/1992) model of encoding/decoding and, secondly, Ytreberg’s (1999) model for the analysis of text production. Hall emphasises the discursive aspects of audiences’ interpretations, but, with reference to Ytreberg’s idea of text production as a result of negotiated interpretations, it is argued that discursive aspects are just as significant for agents in the production process. Three cases are used to illuminate the tensions in the media production of the branding narrative: The encoding/decoding of a branding concept, of the relationship to Russia, and of a Ukrainian Europeanness. The tensions mainly occur between the agents in the professional position in relation to oppositional readings of the dominant code (Hall, 1973/1992). They can be understood as struggles over the preferred meaning (Hall, 1973/1992) of Ukraine’s Europeanness in the branding narrative, which are enacted in the media production. The two main strategies for negotiating the tensions regard the representation of the categories of time and space. However, I propose that the agents in the media production also perform a third strategy in relation to the tensions that arise, the detached strategy of professionalism, based in the frameworks of knowledge (Hall, 1973/1992) that the agents possess.
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Marineau, Sophie. "L'usage des sanctions économiques et diplomatiques dans la gestion des crises internationales : études des cas d'Afghanistan (1979) et d'Ukraine (2014)." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/27745.
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Le 27 février 2014, des troupes non identifiées envahissent la péninsule de Crimée au sud de l'Ukraine, puis l'Est de l'Ukraine. À la suite d'un référendum contesté, la Crimée est annexée à la Fédération de Russie, alors que la guerre civile fait rage dans les territoires de l'Est du pays. Rapidement, les États-Unis et l'Union européenne prennent des mesures diplomatiques envers la Russie. Après plus de cinq mois de conflit et plusieurs incidents, les Occidentaux optent finalement pour des mesures économiques devant avoir un impact considérable sur l'économie russe. L'objectif poursuivi est ainsi d'amener la Russie à négocier une situation viable pour l'Ukraine. Comme dans tout autre régime de sanctions, la question de l'efficacité se pose. Est-ce que les mesures économiques prises par l'Union européenne sont suffisantes pour initier un changement de politique étrangère en Russie? Après plus de trois ans sous sanctions, l'économie russe a subi d'importants dommages. Ce n'est toutefois pas la première fois que la Russie se retrouve sous sanctions. En 1979, alors que l'URSS – son prédécesseur – envahi l'Afghanistan dans le contexte de la Guerre froide, les États-Unis et plusieurs États de l'Europe de l'Ouest imposent de sévères sanctions à l'URSS. Dès lors, que peut-on tirer de l'analyse de ce régime de sanctions afin de mieux comprendre la réaction actuelle de la Russie ?