Academic literature on the topic 'Ukrainians Authors'

An issue, regarding famine (Holodomor) – genocide organization that was performed by the Soviet system on Kuban where the Ukrainians constituted majority, is considered in the article. The particular schemes of the deliberate policy oriented on physical annihilation of the Ukrainian population on Kuban, destruction of the national, ethnical and group (Cossacks’) identity, cessation of national-cultural development, forced russification, all abovementioned are the characteristics of genocide, the main features of which were determined by a particular UN resolution in 1948. The authors provide the particular data that reveal a deliberate policy of the USSR aimed at annihilation of the Ukrainians on the Northern Caucasus (Kuban). Provided factual data is based on the wide range of archival sources, testimonies of witnesses, publications of the scientific studies. The authors’ analysis permits to conclude that a deliberate policy was provided regarding the Ukrainians on Kuban that were an inherent part of the general Ukrainian national space during 1932-1933-s, namely the policy included mass physical annihilation via artificial famine, repressions, deportations as well as via different means of the Ukrainians’ denationalization. The processes were on the territory of the USRR as well as in the places of high concentration of the Ukrainians beyond its borders, particularly on the Northern Caucasus. The specific implications of the work are to highlight the methods that the Soviet government used against the Ukrainians on Kuban at the abovementioned period, the authors consider the measures as genocide based on the UN resolution of 1948, moreover, the analysis of the statistical data is provided to prove the scale of physical loss of the Ukrainians on Kuban. Considering that the scientific issue of the his-tory of the Ukrainians on the Northern Caucasus (Kuban) at the period of famine (Holodomor) du¬ring 1932-1933-s only begins to be reflected, the results of the article can be a base for the further studies and more deep consideration of one of the greatest disasters in the 20th century – Famine (Holodomor)-genocide of the Ukrainian nation.

The article presents an in-deep analysis of the implementation the Homes for Ukraine Scheme (HFUS) for Ukrainian forced migrants fleeing the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2022. It is noteworthy that the HFUS does not provide for official refugee status in the UK but allows Ukrainians to seek asylum. The HFUS is unique, as it involves, in particular, the settlement of Ukrainian refugees in the same housing with their sponsors, which should contribute to the adaptation and assimilation of new residents in Scotland. Our interviews with Ukrainians and sponsors who hosted Ukrainians aimed to analyse the challenges faced by both groups involved in HFUS. The study aimed to explore the challenges faced by Ukrainians adapting to new conditions in Scotland, their self-identification in a new environment, and their future plans. The primary difficulties identified for Ukrainians in Scotland included limited English language proficiency, challenges in securing employment in their field, navigating unfamiliar systems, and instability hindering long-term planning. Conversely, Scots highlighted challenges related to the lack of clarity in the HFUS, in communication with local councils, and in understanding the consequences of using the scheme. Based on analysis of interviews and other open sources, the authors identified certain aspects that they believe should be considered in Scotland's migrant integration policy, in particular, the effectiveness of the HFUS and the work of state and volunteer organisations that assist Ukrainians and other forced migrants. Additionally, the authors suggest that the gathered data could inform policies for repatriating Ukrainian citizens once the conflict concludes.

The aim of this paper is to reveal the general line of sociological research questions in authors’ theoretical, methodical, and analytical developments during the 2019-2020 period. That line was related to values, moral, and social approval, as well as typification search, since authors methodically looked for clusters of opinions. The paper focuses on socially relevant cultural phenomena and processes that seem purely routine, but affect the deep foundations of socialisation in Ukrainian society. The formation and choice of values in Ukrainian society does not appear to be a comprehensive process, as it seems at first glance – they are complex, and not easy to predict. The paper identifies the dominant stereotypes about values, obligations, and information consumption in Ukrainian society, and answers three main questions: whom did Ukrainians approve by the choice of values; which moral dilemmas’ decisions were Ukrainians willing to approve themselves; and whom did Ukrainians need approval from by assessing the veracity of information.

The monograph "Consolidation of Ukrainian community in the postcolonial era", created by a team of authors under the direction of Professor M.I. Obushny, is devoted to topics whose relevance is beyond doubt. Theoretically, the need for this monographic study is due to insufficient coverage in the Ukrainian humanitarian thought of the specifics of the postcolonial (transitional) period of development of Ukrainian society. The authors of the monograph actualize the issue of postcolonial research in the context of solving the most important task facing Ukrainian community, namely its consolidation. The author's team convincingly proved that the practical importance of the consolidation of Ukrainians has significantly increased in the conditions of Russia's hybrid war against Ukraine.

According to the authors, the current aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine permanently deprives Ukrainians of any hope of compromise with their north-eastern neighbour, which is trying to prove the invalidity of a self-sufficient Ukrainian statehood in any way, failure of Ukrainians to create and develop their sovereign state. It has done this throughout all previous centuries, in every way destroying any attempts by Ukrainians to cultivate their own identity. This undoubtedly applies to the use of the mother tongue, the activities of all cultural and educational centres, etc. Attempts by Ukrainians to recreate the Ukrainian state after World War I failed due to internal and external factors, among which the Russian played not a minor role. Russia, then a Bolshevik state, saw no other path to its development than ownership of Ukrainian lands and domination of the Ukrainians. To this end, the most brutal methods of persecution of rebellious Ukrainians were used - from the liquidation of any public organizations to the mass destruction of their carriers. During the interwar period, the part of the Ukrainian lands which later, during and after World War II, the USSR (the same Russia, only under a pseudonymise of the federation of "independent" states) seized, in agreement with then Hitler’s Germany, belonged to other states, including Poland. Taking into account what is happening now, the authors would like to dwell briefly on the activities of Ukrainian educational organizations of the time in Volyn, which was under the authority of Poland. The article analyzes the activity and significance of the Ukrainian national cultural centers in Volyn – Prosvita and Prosvita Houses. It is noted that due to the implementation of the “Volyn experiment” voivod H. Yuzevsky destroyed the cultural and educational society Prosvita in the province under various acutenesses and created societies that were supposed to implement the program of governorates. On the basis of the analysis of many facts, the authors came to the conclusion that cultural and educational organizations subordinated to the Volyn Ukrainian Association, contrary to the hopes of the Polish authorities, had little beneficial influence on the development of culture, education, and literature in Volyn. Further experience showed that after the annexation of Volyn to the USSR, using the slogans of liberation of Ukrainians from the Polish oppression, led to the extermination of all centers of both Polish, and Ukrainian cultural and educational activity, because they did not fit into the Soviet interpretation of human rights and democracy as such. There is no doubt that after the end of the current unprovoked bloody war, which Ukraine will eventually win, with the direct comprehensive assistance of the same Poland and the entire civilized world, the problem of eliminating the layers of alienation between Ukrainians and Poles will be viewed from the perspective of what brings us closer rather than separate.

Based on the survey data, the authors define the attitude of the Ukrainian population to the following components of modern Ukraine’s social and political processes as the state’s foreign policy; restriction of certain groups of citizens in the right to vote; an ecological situation in macro-regions of residence; and vaccination. The paper provides analysis of Ukrainians’ assessment of the political situation in the country and the level of tension in society. Potential behavioural reactions of Ukrainian citizens to dissatisfaction with socio-political processes in the country have been studied. The authors demonstrate data on the level of trust of Ukrainians at the end of 2021 to the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, and the President of Ukraine V. Zelenskiy, the National Bank of Ukraine, political parties, national media, and well-known Ukrainian politicians.

This paper presents the recent survey results among 160 international students of the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. The survey aimed to analyse the international students' opinion concerning the religiosity of Ukrainians to distinguish the existing or possible problems in cross-cultural communication in higher education. Obtained data was generalised, analysed and compared with the results of the similar surveys conducted among Ukrainian respondents. The comparison revealed that religios ity, religious tolerance and religious freedom of Ukrainians, as perceived by international students, are noticeably lower than reported by Ukrainians themselves. The authors believe that the presented Ukrainian case is representative and valid for some neighbouring countries with cultural and historical connections with Ukraine and can contribute to the establishment of good international educational practices.

The article analyzes the Russian policy of discrimination and assimilation of the Ukrainian community in occupied Crimea. Having analyzed a large amount of information and using the methods and principles of historical, sociological and political sciences, the authors came to the conclusion that the actions of the Russian Federation towards the Ukrainians of Crimea are discriminatory in nature, because they consist in the elimination of Ukrainian national identity. It has been established that in Crimea there have been registered numerous violations of Ukrainians’ rights to freedom of conscience, Ukrainian public and political organizations, educational system for Ukrainian-speaking inhabitants of Crimea, media infrastructure, Ukrainian centers and monuments have been illegally liquidated. In addition, culture and religious institutions are being destroyed. In the conclusions, it is stated that the state of the Ukrainian community in Crimea is deteriorating. The authors propose as one of the important components of the state policy of the future de-occupation and reintegration of Crimea, the protection of the Ukrainian identity of the inhabitants of Crimea and full support of the Crimean Ukrainian.

The aim of the study was to clarify the psychological content of assessments of the Ukrainian-Polish conflict of 1943–1944 by the current Ukrainian population of Volyn and Galicia. 100 residents were surveyed using a semi-standardized interview. The answers were processed with content analysis, χ2 criterion, and cluster analysis. Ignorance and uncertainty dominated the events assessments. As a result of quantitative procedures, their content became more specific in such psychological positions: evasive-defensive, compromise-defensive, denial-defensive, humanistic-compassionate, political-accusatory, and self-blaming. The evasive-defensive position was manifested in the reluctance to learn about painful events, avoidance of uncomfortable thoughts, and soft justification of Ukrainians. The compromise-defensive position was to focus on the objective content of the events, acknowledge the mutual guilt of Ukrainians and Poles, and propose not to “stir up” the past. Evidence of the denial-defensive position was denying the importance of the events or the reference to third sides’ provocations. Humanistic-compassionate position included the emphasis on the tragic nature of events, the expression of pity for the dead, and the need to draw the right conclusions. The political-accusatory position meant the negative assessments and accusations of Poles, the unappealable justification of Ukrainians, and the use of patriotic rhetoric. The self-blaming position was embodied in the recognition of the greater guilt of Ukrainians and the need to apologize to Poles.

The publication examines the activities of the Ukrainian Free University as a research center formed by Ukrainian emigration to Europe in the interwar period. The authors’ attention is focused on the activities of this institution as a socio-cultural institution that allowed Ukrainians abroad to preserve their national identity.