Journal articles on the topic 'Ulama – Egypt'

Nawawī of Banten (1813–1897) and Haji Hasan Mustapa (1852–1930) are two important figures of Malay-Indonesian Muslim scholars (‘ulamā’) who have been widely studied. However, personal proximity of these two ‘ulamā’ seems to escape from scholarly discussion. Seen from the light of scholarly commenting (sharh) tradition, this study on the other hand attempts to show their personal proximity between the senior teacher and young student when they lived in Mecca in the late nineteenth century. The sharh tradition of these two ‘ulamā’ particularly through appear in Nawawī’s al-’Iqd al-Thamīn that aims to comment on Mustapa’s work, Al-Fath al-Mubīn, and Mustapa’s al-Lum’a al-Nūrāniyya, a response to Nawawī’s al-Shadra al-Jummāniyya. These two Arabic books (s. kitab; p. kutub) were published in Cairo, Egypt. This article further argues that the sharh tradition situates authority and reputation as the epicenter of scholarly discussion between the two ‘ulamā’ who were influential among the Jawah community. It also argues that these two Sundanese scholars contributed significantly in the transmission of Islamic learning in the early twentieth century Middle East. Their works show a scholarly reputation which delivers insights on exceptionality of Islamic and Malay archipelagic issues and serve as a global contribution of Malay-Indonesian ‘ulamā’ to the triumph of Islamic learning traditions.

This article tries to explain several points of 'Audah 's thoughts on kalam, syari'ah, qanun, and khawarij. 'Abd al-Qadir 'Audah is categorized as a great reformer who has revolutionary-minded. Along with his friends succeed to resurrect the Islamic doctrines in Egyptian society through the religious purification movement by using the slogan 'returning to the Qur'an and Sunnah'. Besides as great 'ulama’, he also deserved well for his country by overthrowing Faraouk, the tyrant king of Egypt, through the revolutionary action of 1952 in Egypt. Hence, it is logic if he was well-known as a great ulama and a revolutionary reformer of the twentieth century.

Muhammad Mitwalli Sha?r?w? (1911–1998) was a Muslim religious scholar (s. ?alim, p. ?ulama?) who worked in an official capacity for the Egyptian government, and gained celebrity through his televised Quranic interpretations. By the time Sha?r?w? began his television career, Al-Azhar, the premier institution for training Sunni ?ulama?, was fully integrated into the apparatus of the Egyptian Republic, which made it easy for the state to solicit the help of ?ulama? like Sha?r?w? in its nation-building project. Sha?r?w? used Islam to bring forth a new sense of belonging, but his language about national belonging clashed with his exclusivist religious language. By looking at the attempted construction of national identity over time, this article charts the negotiation between religion and politics in late twentieth century Egypt where religion was not ousted from public discussion, but was subject to institutionalized restrictions, and allowed continuities in order to support national inclusivity.

This article discusses interfaith marriage law according to the fatwa of the Indonesian Ulema Council and Muhammadiyah. According to the MUI’s fatwa, interfaith marriages are unlawful with the proposition of chapter of al-Baqarah verse 221. While Muhammadiyah believes interfaith marriages are permissible on the basis of al-Maidah verse 5. MUI forbids interfaith marriages because it can lead to conflicts between Muslims and cause unrest in the community. Muhammadiyah allows interfaith marriages because in Islamic history it is known that the Prophet Muhammad was married to a Christian woman from Egypt, namely Maria al-Qibthiyyah. Some of the Companions of the Prophet also married the women of the Book. MUI equates ahlu al-Kitab (Nashrani and Jewish) including the category of polytheists, while Muhammadiyah considers that women from ahlu al-Kitab does not include polytheists as stated in chapter al-Baqarah verse 221. This is because according to Muhammadiyah there are many verses that distinguish between ahlu al-Kitab and polytheism by considering the linguistic analysis in chapter al-Baqarah verse 105 and al-Bayyinah verse 1.

This research discusses about Fatwa regarding Siri Marriage or known as Unregistered Marriage. In the other countries, this phenomenon called ‘Urfi Marriage. This research comprised in normative category because analyzing documents and literatures related to Fatwa regarding Siri Marriage. Qualitative Description is used as an approach to compare between Indonesian Ulema Council or Majelis Ulama Indonesia (“MUI”) with other five Fatwa councils from different countries: (1) Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (“KSA”), (2) Egypt, (3) Jordan, (4) Kuwait, and (5) Libya. The results show that in substance and procedure, Siri or ’Urfi Marriage activities in five nations are indifferent. The distinction only occurs on the naming aspect. Indonesia and KSA have the same terminology which is Siri Marriage, whereas three other countries employ ‘Urfi Marriage expression. From legal perspective, those five nations have similar concept that, if the marriage complies with the Islamic basis and requisite, then it fulfills legitimate sharia condition for marriage in Islam. But, to accomplish rights in civil law, it needs to register the marriage officially in the country’s appointed institution.

This article aims to discuss about the differences between scholar's views on Imam al-Shatibi. These differences are divided into four parts: the origin of names, titles, sight defects, and migration to Egypt. These differences have led to misunderstanding among people about the real facts on Imam al-Shatibi. One of the factors that lead to this misunderstanding is attributed to some of the members of the al - Qur'an and al - Qiraat who are ignorant of this matter. This study will also present the answers to the differences so as to provide a complete explanation for this problem. This study is a qualitative study. Therefore, the findings are based on the documentation and investigation that has been analyzed using the text and content analysis methods. The findings suggest that the origin of the name of Imam al-Shatibi is closely related to heredity, language and marriage factors. The differences over his title were derived from several factors in the field of writing. The dispute over sight defects involves a period of time, while his migration factor to Egypt is not merely due to the pilgrimage.Keywords: Imam al-Shatibi, Qiraat Science, Qurra Biography, Imam Qiraat Artikel ini bertujuan membincangkan tentang perselisihan pandangan ulama tentang Imam al-Shatibi. Perselisihan tersebut dibahagikan kepada empat bahagian, iaitu asal usul nama, gelaran, kecacatan penglihatan, dan penghijrahan ke Mesir. Perselisihan ini telah menimbulkan salah faham dalam kalangan masyarakat tentang perkara sebenar berkenaan Imam al-Shatibi. Antara faktor berlaku salah faham adalah berpunca daripada sebahagian ahli al-Quran dan al-Qiraat sendiri yang tidak arif tentang perkara tersebut. Kajian juga akan mengemukakan jawapan kepada perselisihan terbabit seterusnya memberi penjelasan yang tuntas bagi permasalahan ini. Kajian ini adalah merupakan kajian kualitatif. Dapatan kajian adalah bersumberkan dokumentasi dan persejarahan yang dianalisis menggunakan metode analisis teks dan kandungan. Hasil kajian mendapati asal usul nama Imam al-Shatibi ini berkait rapat dengan faktor keturunan, bahasa dan perkahwinan. Perselisihan tentang gelaran beliau pula didapati berpunca daripada beberapa faktor antaranya dalam bidang penulisan. Perselisihan berkenaan kecacatan penglihatan adalah melibatkan tempoh umur, manakala faktor penghijrahan beliau ke Mesir bukan semata-mata kerana ingin menunaikan haji. Kata kunci: Imam al-Shatibi, Ilmu Qiraat, Biografi Qurra, Imam Qiraat

Hasan Albanna was the founding figure of the Muslim Brotherhood, he grew up in the city of Delta Egypt, Muhammadiyah. His father was a parasier, and the ulama, as was common in Egyptian society, Hasan followed in his father's footsteps. Hasan Albanna studied and received religious education from his father. At the age of 12, Hasan Albanna entered elementary school. Hasan Albanna then joined the group, namely the munkar prevention group. This association emphasizes explaining Islamic rituals and morality completely, and sends letters of threat to those found to violate Islamic standards. The view of the Muslim Brotherhood of da'wah is compensitive and universal, Islamic da'wah is not limited to only one not just so that each side gets a balanced portion, but Islamic da'wah affirms all sides and tries to make it happen both mind, spiritually, heart and body . The aspects of Islamic da'wah that are of concern are thought, morals, jihad, social politics, and culture.

<p>This research discusses the contribution of Imam al-Sya’rawi in the field of interpretation with his phenomenal work <em>Tafsir al-Sya’rawi</em>. This article aims to find out about the general profile of the author of the <em>Tafsir al-Sya’rawi</em>, the background of the tafsir, the method, and style of interpretation as well as the strengths and weaknesses<strong> </strong>of this Sya'rawi's interpretation. This research is library research that is descriptive-analytical. The primary source used is the book of Tafsir al-Sya'rawi and literature related to this discussion as secondary sources. The results showed that the book of <em>Tafsir al-Sya’rawi</em> was the work of a prominent scholar from Egypt named Sheikh Muhammad Mutawally al-Sya`râwi, born in 1911 in Egypt. The name of <em>Tafsir al-Sya’rawi</em> is taken from the original name of the writer. This interpretation uses the <em>tahlili</em> method and is characterized by <em>al-adab al-ijtima’i</em>. This interpretation is presented with nuances that are in direct contact with social themes, through a fairly simple language technique. But the drawback is that there is no reference source when quoting the opinions of other scholars and there is no assessment of the quality of the hadiths quoted.</p><p><em>Penelitian ini membahas tentang kontribusi Imam Sya’rawi di bidang tafsir dengan karya fenomenalnya </em>Tafsir al-Sya`rawi<em>. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui tentang profil umum penulis </em>Tafsir Sya'rawi<em>, latar belakang tafsir, cara dan gaya tafsir, serta kekuatan dan kelemahan </em>Tafsir al-Sya’rawi<em> ini. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian pustaka yang bersifat deskriptif-analitik. Sumber primer yang digunakan adalah kitab </em>Tafsir al-Sya’rawi<em> dan literatur terkait pembahasan ini sebagai sumber sekunder. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kitab </em>Tafsir al-Sya’rawi<em> merupakan karya seorang ulama terkemuka dari Mesir bernama Syekh Muhammad Mutawally al-Sya`râwi, lahir pada tahun 1911 di Mesir. Nama </em>Tafsir al-Sya’rawi<em> diambil dari nama asli penulisnya. Tafsir ini menggunakan metode </em>tahlili<em> dan bercirikan </em>al-adab al-ijtima’i<em>. Interpretasi ini dihadirkan dengan nuansa yang bersentuhan langsung dengan tema sosial, melalui teknik bahasa yang cukup sederhana. Tetapi kekurangannya adalah tidak ada sumber referensi ketika mengutip pendapat ulama lain dan tidak ada penilaian kualitas hadits yang dikutip.</em></p>

<p>This research discusses the contribution of Imam al-Sya’rawi in the field of interpretation with his phenomenal work <em>Tafsir al-Sya’rawi</em>. This article aims to find out about the general profile of the author of the <em>Tafsir al-Sya’rawi</em>, the background of the tafsir, the method, and style of interpretation as well as the strengths and weaknesses<strong> </strong>of this Sya'rawi's interpretation. This research is library research that is descriptive-analytical. The primary source used is the book of Tafsir al-Sya'rawi and literature related to this discussion as secondary sources. The results showed that the book of <em>Tafsir al-Sya’rawi</em> was the work of a prominent scholar from Egypt named Sheikh Muhammad Mutawally al-Sya`râwi, born in 1911 in Egypt. The name of <em>Tafsir al-Sya’rawi</em> is taken from the original name of the writer. This interpretation uses the <em>tahlili</em> method and is characterized by <em>al-adab al-ijtima’i</em>. This interpretation is presented with nuances that are in direct contact with social themes, through a fairly simple language technique. But the drawback is that there is no reference source when quoting the opinions of other scholars and there is no assessment of the quality of the hadiths quoted.</p><p><em>Penelitian ini membahas tentang kontribusi Imam Sya’rawi di bidang tafsir dengan karya fenomenalnya </em>Tafsir al-Sya`rawi<em>. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui tentang profil umum penulis </em>Tafsir Sya'rawi<em>, latar belakang tafsir, cara dan gaya tafsir, serta kekuatan dan kelemahan </em>Tafsir al-Sya’rawi<em> ini. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian pustaka yang bersifat deskriptif-analitik. Sumber primer yang digunakan adalah kitab </em>Tafsir al-Sya’rawi<em> dan literatur terkait pembahasan ini sebagai sumber sekunder. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kitab </em>Tafsir al-Sya’rawi<em> merupakan karya seorang ulama terkemuka dari Mesir bernama Syekh Muhammad Mutawally al-Sya`râwi, lahir pada tahun 1911 di Mesir. Nama </em>Tafsir al-Sya’rawi<em> diambil dari nama asli penulisnya. Tafsir ini menggunakan metode </em>tahlili<em> dan bercirikan </em>al-adab al-ijtima’i<em>. Interpretasi ini dihadirkan dengan nuansa yang bersentuhan langsung dengan tema sosial, melalui teknik bahasa yang cukup sederhana. Tetapi kekurangannya adalah tidak ada sumber referensi ketika mengutip pendapat ulama lain dan tidak ada penilaian kualitas hadits yang dikutip.</em></p>

<p><em>Since long time ago, Indonesia contributes to one of the largest Muslim scholar graduates in the world, these scholars are not only recognized in their countries, but are recognized throughout the world. They are Nuruddin Ar Raniri (Aceh), Sheikh Nawawi al Bantani (Banten), Khalil Bangkalan (Madura), Sheikh Muhammad Arsyad al Banjari (South Kalimantan), Sheikh Yusuf al Makassari (South Sulawesi), Sheikh Ahmad Khatib al Minangkabawi and Muhammad Jamil Jambek (West Sumatra), Sheikh Mahfudz Tremas (Java), following Hadhratus Sheikh KH. Hasyim Asy'ari (founder of Nahdatul Ulama), KH. Ahmad Dahlan (founder of Muhammadiyah), Prof. Dr. Hasbi ash- Shidiqqey (initiator of Indonesian jurisprudence), Prof. Buya Hamka, and so on. The number of scholars in Indonesia will never be exhausted to be studied, because scholars always grow and develop in the community. Some of the scholars have written their biographies, but many of them have not yet been written. The absence of written sources (reading) about the scholar makes the public not familiar with it. So the purpose of writing this short biography is to find out a short biography of one of the scholars, namely Dr. Muhammad Nawawi Yahya Abudrrazak Al Majene, from Mandar, West Sulawesi. Nawawi Yahya is known by the local people by the name of Puang Masser, because most of his life was spent in Egypt in the context of studying. From the undergraduate program until the doctoral program was completed in Egypt. Nawawi Yahya or Puang Masser managed to write a dissertation entitled "Az Zakah wa an Nadzum al Ijtima'iyah al Mu'ashirah", Zakat and the Order of the Contemporary Society. What's interesting about the dissertation is its thickness reaches 3,593 pages, which is divided into six chapters. The work has now been published by the Research Center for Literature and the Religious Khazanah of the Indonesian Ministry of Religion's Research and Development Agency. This study used interviews, observations, and documentation in collecting data as well as qualitative research in general.</em></p><p> </p>

Southeast Asian Islam is receiving an increased amount of attention amongboth scholars and students. The direction has been toward understandingMuslim diversity and change, despite the still-existing perceptions among the public of a monolithic and static Islam. Fundamentalism still gains moreattention, partly due to its current influence and confusion. In this book,Giora Eliraz comparatively examines how the Middle Eastern Islamic modernistmovements influenced Islamic movements in the Malay-Indonesianworld throughout the twentieth century and contributed to the rise of contemporaryIslamic radicalism in Indonesia.Eliraz studies the transmission of modernist and/or radical ideas fromthe Middle East to Indonesia, the multiple organizations and strategieswithin Islamic movements, as well as the impacts of local and national valueson the distinct faces of Indonesian Islam. Despite the current emergenceof Islamic radicalism, the majority of the people continue to reject politicizedIslam. According to the author, the tradition of intellectual and organizationalpluralism has become the predominant characteristic ofIndonesian Islam.The book is divided into three chapters. Chapter 1 examines how thereformist ideas of Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905), his colleague Jamaluddinal-Afghani (1839-97), and Muhammad Rashid Rida (1865-1935) were transmittedto Southeast Asia (including Indonesia and the Malay Peninsula)through publications and networks, and how they were interpreted andapplied within the new environment. Thus, Islamic reformist ideas, particularlyfrom Egypt, influenced the rise of as well as the conflicts between themodernists, represented by the Muhammadiyah (established in 1912), andthe traditionalists, represented by the Nahdatul Ulama (NU, established in1926). In these two movements, Middle Eastern reformism underwent aprocess of localization that involved local preachers, activists, and scholars ...

<p>The hadith explanation book of Sahih al-Bukhari written by Ibn Hajar Al-‘Asqalani, Fath al-Bari, is one of the most pupular books in Moslem ummah. Is widely used by Moslem scholars to meet the meanings of hadiths compiled by the imam al-Bukhari in his Sahih al-Bukhari. Fath al-Bari is considered significant to do the research on it in order to develop the science of hadith, mainly through the hermeneutic method. By using this method, the research questions are: 1. How does Ibn Hajar Al-‘Asqalani explain the matans (hadith texts) of Sahih al Bukhari in connection with hermeneutic method? 2. What are the hermeneutic principles used by Ibn Hajar Al-‘Asqalani in his explanations of hadith? This research is expected to respond the research questions above so that it can be implimented the field of hadith in relation to develop hadith methodology. Finally, the research uncover that in his explanations of hadiths, Ibn Hajar Al-‘Asqalani is oriented his world views to the classical Islam, the era of Prophet’s companions and their successors, the Salaf al-Salih. He does not express the Islamic world issues available in his time in his explanations of the hadiths. He is considered a normative ‘ulama since he is not influenced by the emerging cases situated his time in Egypt, Mecca and Madina. He tends to be textual to explain the matans of hadiths although to some extent he uncovers the historical contexts of the hadiths he explains. This is common for a muhadith whose main jobs is to collect and narrate the whole data on Prophet's sayings, acts and permissions either on sanads (narrators) or matans (texts).</p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: Fath al-Bari; sharh al-hadith; hermeneutik.</p>

The University of Science Malaysia, Penang, Malaysia, and the Organizationof Islamic Confetence’s Standing Committee on Scientific and TechnologicalCooperation (COMSTECH), tecently otganized and hosted the WorldConference on the Intemational Islamic Calendar. The theme, “Towads aUnified World Islamic Calendar,” was discussed during eight sessions by aninternational audience consisting of about two hundred dignitaries, ulama,policymakers, scientists, and professionals from twenty-five countries and tenmajor international organizations. It was also genemusly sponsored by fifteenother agencies, including the Intemational Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT).The conference was opened by Tun Dato’ Sen Haji Hamdan SheikhTahit, head of the State of Penang. This matked the initiation of the systematicimplementation process for the intemational Islamic calendar. Dato’Haji Musa Mohammad, vice Chancellor of the University of Science Malaysiaand conference chainnan, thanked the planners in his welcoming address. Hewas followed by M. A. Kazi and Ambassador M. Mohsin, who addressed theconfetence on behalf of COMSTECH and OIC respectively. Kazi stressed theimportance of developing a uniform and systematic intemtional Islamic lunarcalendar through continued and detailed study by those qualified to do so.Ambassador Mohsin pointed out the need to unify the existing calendars inthe Muslim world. The OIC, he said, is in the process of making this aregular priority item in its agenda and is ready to give its full support.The keynote addtess, “Internationalizing the Islamic Calendar: The Challengeof a New Centuty,” was delivered by Mohammad Ilyas. He highlightedsome of the work that had gone into developing the calendar program, explainedwhat progress has been made on predicting the new moon’s visibility,and related how this can be used for an international Islamic calendar. Healso focused on the interrelation of science, the Shari‘ah, and policy and itsimplication for the question of implementation.The conference also heard reports from members in Australia, Nigeria,Tanzania, the United States, Egypt, Itan, Jordan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia,Turkey, Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, ...

The destination that Allah created human being is to whorship to Allah as an instruction and explanation about whorship. Then Allah sent down his Qur’an and delivered his Prophet as conveyars of the role of the Allah and the lost Kitab that has been sent down to Muhammad SAW as the instruction and figure for the moslems people untill the end of time. The meeting among Islam and Christian and Jew has been running since the birth of Islam in Jazeera. The first century of Masehi, in tht meeting the holy Qur’an is a holy book for moslems took its possision as the corrector for the holy books before. Especially the holy book that has been brought by christians, it’s called Al Kitab. The problems about Ahlu Kitab (Jew and Christian) are very important to be explained, because these problems impact to our aqidah, whorship, relationship many kinds of aspect of life for moslems, beside that the meaning of Ahlu Kitab who is Ahlu Kitab is still cuarreled by ulama, especially still cuarreted by ulama, that this kitab is only for Jew and Christian or there is still group out of them that include in them. Sayyid Qutb is controversi Mufassir among moslems and far ikhwaanul Muslimin. Sayyid Qutb is a figure that was loved by Moslems and as an inspirator for them but in another way the thought of Sayyid Qutb was given comment by ulama’ because of trouble understanding the verse of Holy Qur’an, and some deviation in his aqidah, especially about takfir to the people that have different understanding. After his death Sayyid Qutb’s ideology doesn’t lose away and decrease, in other hand it develope more not only in Egypt but spread to all of countries in the world, finally fondamentalist movement appeared. So that the writter wanted to analyze about the Ahlu Kitab depended on Sayyid Qutb’s book, called Tafsir fie dhilail Qur’an to be applied in Indonesia. The research method that used by the writter is analysist description with library research, this research about Sayyid Quthb’s thought which spreaded in many creation of writting that written became the book that written by someone or many other people. Ahlu Kitab depended on Sayyid Quthb are Jew and Christian generally, the meaning of that statement Sayyid Quthb didn’t limit only for Israel scion (Ya’kub) but all of people who have ideologist as Jew and Christian ideologist, so that they are called Jew and Christian. Depended on Sayyid Quthb, Ahlu Kitab are infiedels politheist. Including people that have religion except Ahlu Kitab and the religions except Islam was still considered as infidel untill they believed in Muhammad and Al Qur’an. The research of this thesis is still about describing generally so that it still needs analysis deeply and in detail. In order to make new knowledge that can be guide for moslem in communication among them and not moslems. Tujuan Allah SWT menciptakan manusia adalah untuk menyembah kepada-Nya. Kemudian Allah SWT menurunkan kitab suci al-Quran dan mengutus nabi-Nya sebagai penyampai kabar tentang peran Allah SWT dan Kitab yang hilang yang telah diturunkan kepada Muhammad SAW sebagai instruksi dan gambaran untuk orang-orang muslim sampai akhir zaman. Pertemuan antara Islam, Kristen, dan Yahudi telah berjalan sejak lahirnya Islam di Jazeera pad abad pertama Masehi, al-Qur’an merupakan kitab suci umat Islam berfungsi sebagai penyempurna kitab-kitab sebelumnya. Terutama kitab yang telah dibawa oleh orang-orang Kristen (al-Kitab). Masalah Ahlu Kitab (Yahudi dan Kristen) sangat penting untuk dijelaskan, karena masalah ini berdampak pada aqidah dan berbagai aspek kehidupan umat Islam. Sayyid Qutb adalah seorang Mufassir di kalangan umat Islam, ia merupakan sosok yang sangat dicintai serta sebagai inspirator bagi umat Islam. Akan tetapi, di sisi lain, ia juga sering dikritik oleh para ulama lain, karena dianggap terlalu sulit dalam memahami tafsir-tafsirnya. Setelah kematiannya, ideologi Sayyid Qutb tidak hilang dan menurun, di sisi lain ia lebih berkembang tidak hanya di Mesir tapi menyebar ke semua negara di dunia, akhirnya gerakan fundamentalis muncul. Sehingga penulis ingin menganalisis tentang Ahlu Kitab berdasarkan pada buku Sayyid Qutb, yang disebut Tafsir fi dilalil Qur'an untuk diterapkan di Indonesia. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah deskripsi analitik, jenis kepustakaan. Hasil penelitian adalah, bahwa Ahlu Kitab yang berpedoman pada Sayyid Quthb adalah orang Yahudi dan Kristen pada umumnya, artinya Sayyid Quthb tidak membatasi hanya untuk bani Israel (Ya'kub), tetapi semua orang yang memiliki ideologi Yahudi dan Kristen mereka dipanggil Yahudi dan Kristen. Berdasarkan pada Sayyid Quthb, Ahlu Kitab adalah anti politisi. Termasuk orang-orang yang beragama kecuali Ahlu Kitab dan agama-agama kecuali Islam masih dianggap sebagai kafir sampai mereka percaya kepada Muhammad dan al-Qur'an. Penelitian tesis ini masih membahas secara umum sehingga masih memerlukan analisis secara mendalam dan secara rinci. Untuk mendapatkan pengetahuan baru yang bisa menjadi panduan bagi umat Islam dalam berkomunikasi di antara mereka dan dan juga dengan umat non Islam.

<p><strong>Abstrak:</strong> Studi ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji kehidupan dan perjuangan Ismail Banda dalam rangka merebut dan mempertahankan kemerdekaan Republik Indonesia. Studi ini dilatari oleh sedikitnya informasi tentang perjuangan Ismail Banda sehingga membuatnya kurang dikenal secara menyeluruh bahkan oleh penerusnya di lingkungan Al Washliyah sendiri. Studi ini merupakan studi biografis di mana data diperoleh melalui studi kepustakaan. Data berupa dokumen dianalisis dengan metode analisis isi. Studi ini mengajukan temuan bahwa Ismail Banda adalah ulama Mandailing yang terpelajar sekaligus pejuang dimana selama di luar negeri ia belajar di pusat intelektual tradisi Sunni di awal abad ke-20: Madrasah Shaulatiyah dan Universitas al-Azhar, kemudian memanfaatkan segala peluang untuk memimpin perjuangan kemerdekaan Republik Indonesia di Mesir melalui Perhimpunan Pemuda Indonesia dan Malaya (Perpindom). Studi ini menyajikan elaborasi lebih luas terhadap biografi Ismail Banda berdasarkan sumber-sumber baru dan terpercaya.<br /><strong></strong></p><p><strong>Kata Kunci:</strong> Ismail Banda, Al Washliyah, politik, kolonialisme, Timur Tengah, Indonesia<br /><strong></strong></p><p><strong>Abstract: Migration for the Sake of the Republic: The Life and Struggle of Ismail Banda (1909-1951)</strong>. This study aims to examine the life and struggle of Ismail Banda in order to seize and defend the independence of the Republic of Indonesia. Amid the achievement of Ismail Banda, he was out of the attention of researchers that make him less well known overall even by his successors in Al Washliyah's own environment. This study is a bio-biographical study in which data is obtained through literature and library study. Data in the form of documents were analyzed by content analysis method. The study finds that Ismail Banda was a well-educated Mandailing scholar and fighter who during his overseas studies at the intellectual center of the Sunni tradition in the early 20th century: Madrasah Shaulatiyah and al-Azhar Universitytook advantage of all opportunities to lead the Republic's struggle for Indonesian independence in Egypt through the Indonesian Youth Association and Malaya (Perpindom). This study presents a broader elaboration of Ismail Banda's biography based on new and trusted sources.<br /><strong></strong></p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Ismail Banda, Al Washliyah, politics, colonialism, Middle East, Indonesia</p>

AbstractMuslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party gained an electoral victory in the 2011-2012 Egyptian Parliamentary elections. It has often been argued that among the likely outcomes of Muslim Brotherhood control of the People's Assembly would be the establishment of a tyrannical theocratic regime akin to that of Iran. However, what an Islamic state means and what the application of sharī'a would entail in the context of the modern Egyptian state remains an open question, and calls for the enforcement of sharī'a are often unclear about the institutional framework that would regulate its interpretation. This article analyzes Muslim Brotherhood statements about the public role which the organization sees for the 'ulamā' of al-Azhar and their function in the legislative process. It also analyzes the statements of Azharite and other'ulamā' and Islamic intellectuals concerning the construction and defense of their religious authority. Contrary to the mentioned assumptions, the Muslim Brotherhood tends toward preserving existing institutions. This includes retaining al-Azhar as the representative body of religious authority, at the same time as keeping the Supreme Constitutional Court as final interpreter of the sharī'a provision of the Egyptian Constitution (in Article 2). On the other hand, there are also controversies within the Brotherhood about the role of the 'ulamā' of al-Azhar vis-à-vis the Supreme Constitutional Court, a question that also occupies the Azharites themselves. This article outlines the complex and varied positions on these issues both within the Muslim Brotherhood and among the 'ulamā' of al-Azhar.

AbstractSayh Hasan al-'Attār, a young 'ālim of al-Azhar, left Egypt for the Ottoman-Turkish lands in 1803. He stayed there for seven years before moving to Damascus in 1810 where he stayed for the next three and a half years. In late 1813 he joined the Hağğ caravan to Mecca. On his way back he went to Jerusalem where he enjoyed the hospitality of its hanafī muftī Sayh Tāhir al-Husainī whom he apparently befriended while the latter was studying at al-Azhar. From Jerusalem he returned to Egypt in the spring of 1814. The four letters sent by 'Attār to Sayh Tāhir shed a light on his movements and mood of thought at that time, and on the relations between 'ulamā' of al-Azhar and those of Jerusalem and the cultural interests of the latter. Two of the letters are of special importance because they give us a first hand account of his way back to Cairo and of the personal hardships which he encountered after his resettlement there. Moreover, he referred in them to the books which he started to teach and to the great interest they aroused among the Azharite students. In short those rare letters show a side of 'Attār's life unknown to scholars and help us to understand the condition of the 'ulamā' under Muhammad Alī.

AbstractThe notables of Ottoman Egypt were in part a rentier class: one which collected "rents" by holding (and exchanging and inheriting) tax farms, waqf-funded offices, and soldiers' wages and rations. Often the imperial government's efforts to reassert control over these offices and revenues took the form of cutting off the payment of soldiers' wages to "children and dependents." Yet a threat to rescind some of these "rents" was understood as a threat to the entire rentier class, and evoked a vigorous response from the 'ulamā'. Their juridical arguments in defense of the status quo made use of the legal concept of irsād (sultanic waqf). Irsāds, which began to be established in the sixth/twelfth century, were endowments of state revenue land by the rulers in support of religious and public works. This essay, based on literary and legal sources, manuscript and printed, traces the history of the concept of irsād from its origin to the Ottoman era, and shows how, in Ottoman Egypt, it was used to justify the political and economic position of the notables.

At the cultural heart of the intellectual awakening, or al-Nahḍa, that arose with Egypt's modernization movement in the 19th century was the endeavor to legitimize the innovations which came in the train of military, scientific, technical, and educational imports from the West. The vanguard of this movement, unlike that of the one taking place at the same time in Istanbul, came from leading religious shaykhs in the government's employ. It may seem remarkable that graduates and teachers of such a conservative religious institution as al-Azhar took the lead as spokesmen for change, particularly when models of this change came from the Christian West, the traditional antagonist of Islamdom for more than a millennium. It becomes less remarkable when we realize that there was no other possible source of intellectual leadership in Egypt. Egypt had no imperial state service with its own traditions of education as did the Ottomans. Thus, conservatively reared shaykhs and Azhar graduates were obliged to play the role that was filled in the Ottoman Empire by reforming grand viziers and their ambassadors to European capitals, who were often assisted by converts from the West seeking employment in the sultan's service—“secular” Muslims who were identified with the state and not the educated ulema. In Egypt, the reasoned voice advocating change came from the very custodians of conservative tradition. Accordingly, that voice would speak throughout the century with great caution, often tentatively and sometimes in contradictory ways.

Kemunculan gerakan Islamis yang dahsyat di Mesir telahmenarik perhatian para ilmuwan, sebagai usaha untukmengontrolnya pada level politik dan kebijakan. Sedikitperhatian diberikan oleh orang-orang yang merespontantangan ini pada level perdebatan ideologis. Salah seorangdi antaranya adalah seorang hakim terkenal, MuhammadSa’id al-‘Ashmawi. Ia beralasan bahwa penyebutan“penerapan syarî’ah” (tatbîq al-syarî’ah) atau kodifikasisyarî’ah (taqnîn al-syarî’ah), semboyan dari gerakan Islamis,sesungguhnya tidak lebih dari sekedar slogan kosong, yangdimaksudkan untuk mendapatkan dukungan rakyatmenuju sebuah usaha politik tetapi tidak jelas sama sekalidan secara substansial mungkin tidak signifikan. al-‘Ashmawi menjelaskan bahwa pada awalnya istilah syarî’ahmencakup semua aturan yang berkenaan dengan ibadahdan masyarakat yang ada di dalam al-Qur’an, al-Sunnah.Tetapi dalam perkembangannya selanjutnya, istilah itumelebar sehingga mencakup ijtihâd para ulamâ. Padahalyang terakhir ini lebih tepat disebut sebagai fiqh. yakniserangkaian aturan dan hukum yang difikirkan danditetapkan oleh manusia, bukan oleh Allah, untukmempertemukan kondisi historis masa lalu yang tidak lagiberlaku. Di dalam membahas ribâ, al-‘Ashmawisesungguhnya sudah menyimpulkan bahwa baik hukumMesir yang sedang berlaku saat ini maupun hukum-hukummesir lainnnya sesuai dengan syarî’ah. Hal yang sama jugaberlaku bagi hukum Mesir lainnya.

A vast literature has been produced since the 1980s on the emergence of Islamist movements in the Middle East. This literature offers different rationales for the emergence of new kinds of foes to the political regimes of the region. Filling the void left by the leftist opposition, the Islamist militants appeared around the 1970s as new political actors. They were expected neither by the state elites, which had initiated earlier modernizing political and social reforms, nor by political scientists who based their research on modernization-theory hypotheses. The former thought that their reform policies toward the religious institution would reinforce their control of the religious sphere, and the latter expected that secularization would accompany the modernization of society. The surprise brought by this new political phenomenon pushed observers to focus mainly on the Islamists and to overlook the role of the ulema, the specialists of the Islamic law, who were considered entirely submitted to the state.

AbstractThe reform of the Egyptian criminal justice system in the nineteenth century traditionally has been viewed as forming an important step in the establishment of a liberal and just rule of law. By studying how forensic medicine was introduced into nineteenth-century Egypt, I argue that the need to exercise better control over the population and to monitor crime lay behind the reform process as much as liberal ideas borrowed from Europe did. Drawing on a wide range of archival material, both legal and medical, I analyze the role played by autopsy in the criminal system and argue that the practice of autopsy was viewed differentially by 'ulamā', by Arabic-speaking, French-educated doctors and by the mostly illiterate masses. And contrary to the common wisdom, I conclude that the "modernization" of the Egyptian legal system was intended not to displace the sharīa but to support it.

AbstractIn the present article, I discuss Goldziher's contention (echoed in more recent literature) that from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Sunnī Muslim scholars ('ulamā') became increasingly hostile to rational sciences such as logic. On the basis of discussions and fatāwā by Sunni scholars in the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, I show that this idea is radically mistaken. Mainstream scholars in the Maghrib, Egypt and Turkey considered l ogic to be not only permissible but actually commendable or even a religious duty incumbent on the Muslim community as a whole (i.e. a fard˙ kifāyah). Though there were dissenting voices in the period, such as the Qād˙īzādelīs, this seems to have been the mainstream opinion of Sunni scholars until the rise of the Salafiyyah movement in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

AbstractIn 1926, Tāhā Husayn published Fī al-shi'r al-jāhilī, a book in which he analyzed the language and style of pre-Islamic poetry, and argued that some poems were written in the Islamic period. A few passages in the work questioning the historicity of the Qur'ān infuriated the religious establishment in Egypt. Accused of blasphemy and threatened to lose his professorship at the Egyptian University, Husayn was summoned before a court that charged and convicted him of apostasy and banned his book from circulation. A year later, he published a presumably softened version of the book under a different title, Fī al-adab al-jāhilī, and the clamor subsided. To date, intellectual historians of Egypt understand the second book as an attempt to appease the 'ulamā', and as part of a shift from western-inspired to Islamic-oriented scholarship that occurred among Egyptian intellectuals during the late 1920's. This article revisits Husayn's two books, and shows that Fī al-adab al-jāhilī was not a milder and slightly-amended version of the first book. Rather, it served as a platform for Husayn to reassert his message and get back at his rivals. Placed in the context of his scholarship at large, this article argues that Husayn remained a passionate advocate of western liberal ideas throughout his career.

Amira El-Azhari Sonbol has written an outstanding socio-politico-eco­nomic analysis of the Egyptian government and society over the last threecenturies. This book brilliantly debunks the oriental despot model ofanalysis that has been imposed on scholarly studies of Muslim societies.She achieves this with the aid of a "study of popular discourse." Sheemphasizes the need to relearn what culture is all about by examining howEgyptians see themselves and their own relationships. She finds thatEgyptian society has not been static, waiting to be transformed from theoutside, but dynamic, following its own cultural evolution. Along the way,she notes the importance of distinguishing Islamic revival from radicalismand terrorism.Sonbol argues that eighteenth-century Egypt has been misunderstood,forced into the absolutist mold that more properly characterizes today'sEgypt. Eighteenth-century Egypt reflected "social maneuverability" andthe "rule of law." In the 19th and 20th centuries the Egyptian state sought,with partial success, to establish itself as the "active creator" of law andorder. A new form of mercantilism emerged that went beyond the mere controlof imports and exports to the manipulation of all aspects of productionand exchange to the benefit of the elites. In the Nasser era, elements ofsocialism and nationalism were employed in the advancement of what wasactually a form of state capitalism, in which the elites sought to extract rentfrom their hold on power. It was a feudal compact, in which the state's"right" to political allegiance was "reciprocated by the state's 'duty' toguarantee the security of the nation and provide its people with" the necessitiesof life.Sonbol critiques the translation of khassa as elite and 'ammah as generalpub I ic. The khassa are the people of power, wealth, and distinction, onlyone part of which retains hegemony at any given time. The khassa are toodiverse (ruling elites, the military, and the business classes) to be consideredan aristocracy. From time to time the ulema, the intellectuals and the pro­fessionals have been their allies in legitimizing their power. The so-calledmodernization of the Arab world has only been a strengthening of ...

Da'wah is a noble task, because it aims to provide enlightenment to the human race so that life is directed and in accordance with what is expected by the Creator is Allah SWT. Prophet Muhammad SAW as an example in carrying out dakwah tasks, has provided guidance and model of diverse da'wah, to be implemented to the ummah who are also diverse. Woman are a group that does not escape the attention of Prophet Muhammad SAW. Different psychological, physical and needs conditions with men, proves that women can not be equated with men anytime. In the civilization of Islamic civilization, women have a big role that can not be underestimated. Shaykh Hasan al-Banna, whose real name Ḥasan Aḥmad 'Abd al-Raḥman al-Banna, was born on October 17, 1906 in Al-Maḥmudiyyah, Buhairah Province, Egypt. One of the Ulema who grew up under the care of both religious, wealthy, honorable and sincere parents who instilled a noble character to their sons and daughters. As a great scholar, he has special attention to women and his problems. This proves that, the figure of women should get special attention, women can not be left alone to seek their own fitrah and women can not be equated with men. Because it has become their fitrah that women have special characteristics, both physically and psychologically and their needs.

Abstract In order to struggle against the growing influence in the Arab world of the secular nationalism promoted in Egypt by President Nasser, Saudi Arabia decided in the ‘60s to appear as a center of religious and ideological influence. The cornerstone of the hegemonic politics of Saudi Arabia for the world leadership of Islam was the creation, in 1962, of the Muslim World League. This organization was in charge of financing projects related to the development of Islam in the world. It is probably in Europe that the proselyte activities of the League are the most important. If the League holds a predominant position in the soft power politics of the Saudi kingdom, its mission is also to struggle against ideologies that are likely to threaten the stability of the regime. It funds projects of mosques construction, distributes Korans and brochures, organizes Islamic classes and conferences, hoping to create networks of clientele and of non-critical allegiances to the Saudi kingdom in the Muslim populations. The League advocates a heterogeneous salafism, which indeed resembles, at least on a dogmatic level, the salafism advocated by theologists of Saudi Arabia but dissociates itself from it on a social and a political level. Confronted to the multiplication of international risks (the Iraq War, al-Qaeda, Saudi jihadists . . .), the League takes part in a vast institutional ensemble “of protection of the Saudi throne,” like the Dar al Ifta, Council of the Saudi ulamas, which pledges allegiance to the authority and fight against anti-establishment Islamism and Islamic terrorism with its different fatwas.

The global spread of Salafism, though it began in the 1960s and 1970s, only started to attract significant attention from scholars and analysts outside of Islamic studies as well as journalists, politicians, and the general public following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks perpetrated by Al-Qaeda Central. After the attacks, Salafism—or, as it was pejoratively labeled by its critics inside and outside of the Islamic tradition, “Wahhabism”—was accused of being the ideological basis of all expressions of Sunni militancy from North America and Europe to West and East Africa, the Arab world, and into Asia. According to this narrative, Usama bin Laden, Ayman al-Za- wahiri, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, and other Sunni jihadis were merely putting into action the commands of medieval ‘ulama such as Ibn Taymiyya, the eighteenth century Najdi Hanbali Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, and modern revolutionary ideologues like Sayyid Qutb and ‘Abdullah ‘Azzam. To eradicate terrorism, you must eliminate or neuter Salafism, say its critics. The reality, of course, is far more complex than this simplistic nar- rative purports. Salafism, though its adherents share the same core set of creedal beliefs and methodological approaches toward the interpretation of the Qur’an and hadith and Sunni legal canon, comes in many forms, from the scholastic and hierarchical Salafism of the ‘ulama in Saudi Arabia and other Muslim majority countries to the decentralized, self-described Salafi groups in Europe and North America who cluster around a single char- ismatic preacher who often has limited formal religious education. What unifies these different expressions of Salafism is a core canon of religious and legal texts and set of scholars who are widely respected and referenced in Salafi circles. Thurston grounds his fieldwork and text-based analysis of Salafism in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and home to one of the world’s largest single Muslim national populations, through the lens of this canon, which he defines as a “communally negotiated set of texts that is governed by rules of interpretation and appropriation” (1). He argues fur- ther that in the history of Nigerian Salafism, one can trace the major stages that the global Salafi movement has navigated as it spread from the Arab Middle East to what are erroneously often seen as “peripheral” areas of the Islamic world, Africa and parts of Asia. The book is based on extensive fieldwork in Nigeria including interviews with key Nigerian Salafi scholars and other leading figures as well as a wide range of textual primary sourc- es including British and Nigerian archival documents, international and national news media reports, leaked US embassy cables, and a significant number of religious lectures and sermons and writings by Nigerian Salafis in Arabic and Hausa. In Chapter One, Thurston argues that the Salafi canon gives individ- ual and groups of Salafis a sense of identity and membership in a unique and, to them, superior religious community that is linked closely to their understanding and reading of sacred history and the revered figures of the Prophet Muhammad and the Ṣaḥāba. Salafism as an intellectual current, theology, and methodological approach is transmitted through this can- on which serves not only as a vehicle for proselytization but also a rule- book through which the boundaries of what is and is not “Salafism” are determined by its adherents and leading authorities. The book’s analytical framework and approach toward understanding Salafism, which rests on seeing it as a textual tradition, runs counter to the popular but problematic tendency in much of the existing discussion and even scholarly literature on Salafism that defines it as a literalist, one-dimensional, and puritani- cal creed with a singular focus on the Qur’an and hadith canon. Salafis, Thurston argues, do not simply derive religious and legal rulings in linear fashion from the Qur’an and Prophetic Sunna but rather engage in a co- herent and uniform process of aligning today’s Salafi community with a set of normative practices and beliefs laid out by key Salafi scholars from the recent past. Thurston divides the emergence of a distinct “Salafi” current within Sunnis into two phases. The first stretches from 1880 to 1950, as Sun- ni scholars from around the Muslim-majority world whose approaches shared a common hadith-centered methodology came into closer contact. The second is from the 1960s through the present, as key Salafi institutions (such as the Islamic University of Medina and other Saudi Salafi bodies) were founded and began attracting and (perhaps most importantly) fund- ing and sponsoring Sunni students from countries such as Nigeria to come study in Saudi Arabia, where they were deeply embedded in the Salafi tra- dition before returning to their home countries where, in turn, they spread Salafism among local Muslims. Nigeria’s Muslim-majority north, as with other regions such as Yemen’s northern Sa‘ada governorate, proved to be a fertile ground for Salafism in large part because it enabled local Muslims from more humble social backgrounds to challenge the longtime domi- nance of hereditary ruling families and the established religious class. In northern Nigeria the latter was and continues to be dominated by Sufi or- ders and their shaykhs whose long-running claim to communal leadership faced new and substantive theological and resource challenges following the return of Nigerian seminary students from Saudi Arabia’s Salafi scho- lastic institutions in the 1990s and early 2000s. In Chapters Two and Three, Thurston traces the history of Nigerian and other African students in Saudi Arabia, which significantly expanded following the 1961 founding of the Islamic University of Medina (which remains the preeminent Salafi seminary and university in the world) and after active outreach across the Sunni Muslim world by the Saudi govern- ment and Salafi religious elite to attract students through lucrative funding and scholarship packages. The process of developing an African Salafism was not one-dimensional or imposed from the top-down by Saudi Salafi elites, but instead saw Nigerian and other African Salafi students partici- pate actively in shaping and theorizing Salafi da‘wa that took into account the specifics of each African country and Islamic religious and social envi- ronment. In Nigeria and other parts of West and East Africa, this included considering the historically dominant position of Sufi orders and popular practices such as devotion to saints and grave and shrine visitation. African and Saudi Salafis also forged relationships with local African partners, in- cluding powerful political figures such as Ahmadu Bello and his religious adviser Abubakar Gumi, by attracting them with the benefits of establishing ties with wealthy international Islamic organizations founded and backed by the Saudi state, including the Muslim World League. Nigerian Salafis returning from their studies in Saudi Arabia actively promoted their Salafi canon among local Muslims, waging an aggressive proselytization campaign that sought to chip away at the dominance of traditional political and religious elites, the Sufi shaykhs. This process is covered in Chapter Four. Drawing on key sets of legal and exegetical writ- ings by Ibn Taymiyya, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, and other Salafi scholars, Nigerian Salafis sought to introduce a framework—represented by the canon—through which their students and adherents approach re- ligious interpretation and practice. By mastering one’s understanding and ability to correctly interpret scripture and the hadith, Salafis believe, one will also live a more ethical life based on a core set of “Salafi” principles that govern not only religious but also political, social, and economic life. Salaf- ism, Thurston argues, drawing on the work of Terje Østebø on Ethiopian Salafism, becomes localized within a specific environment.As part of their da‘wa campaigns, Nigerian Salafis have utilized media and new technology to debate their rivals and critics as well as to broad- en their own influence over Nigerian Muslims and national society more broadly, actions analyzed in Chapter Five. Using the Internet, video and audio recorded sermons and religious lectures, books and pamphlets, and oral proselytization and preaching, Nigerian Salafis, like other Muslim ac- tivists and groups, see in media and technology an extension of the phys- ical infrastructure provided by institutions such as mosques and religious schools. This media/cyber infrastructure is as, if not increasingly more, valuable as the control of physical space because it allows for the rapid spread of ideas beyond what would have historically been possible for local religious preachers and missionaries. Instead of preaching political revo- lution, Nigerian Salafi activists sought to win greater access to the media including radio airtime because they believed this would ultimately lead to the triumph of their religious message despite the power of skeptical to downright hostile local audiences among the Sufi orders and non-Salafis dedicated to the Maliki juridical canon.In the realm of politics, the subject of Chapter Six, Nigeria’s Salafis base their political ideology on the core tenets of the Salafi creed and canon, tenets which cast Salafism as being not only the purest but the only true version of Islam, and require of Salafis to establish moral reform of a way- ward Muslim society. Salafi scholars seek to bring about social, political, and religious reform, which collectively represent a “return” to the Prophet Muhammad’s Islam, by speaking truth to power and advising and repri- manding, as necessary, Muslim political rulers. In navigating the multi-po- lar and complex realm of national and regional politics, Thurston argues, Nigerian Salafi scholars educated in Saudi Arabia unwittingly opened the door to cruder and more extreme, militant voices of figures lacking the same level of study of the Salafi canon or Sunni Islam generally. The most infamous of the latter is “Boko Haram,” the jihadi-insurgent group today based around Lake Chad in Nigeria, Chad, and Niger, which calls itself Jama‘at Ahl al-Sunna li-l-Da‘wa wa-l-Jihad and is led by the bombastic Abubakar Shekau. Boko Haram, under the leadership first of the revivalist preacher Mu- hammad Yusuf and then Shekau, is covered at length in the book’s third and final part, which is composed of two chapters. Yusuf, unlike mainstream Nigerian Salafis, sought to weaponize the Salafi canon against the state in- stead of using it as a tool to bring about desired reforms. Drawing on the writings of influential Arab jihadi ideologues including Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi and the apocalyptic revolutionary Juhayman al-‘Utaybi, the lat- ter of whom participated in the 1979 seizure of the Grand Mosque in Mecca, Yusuf cited key Salafi concepts such as al-walā’ min al-mu’minīn wa-l-bara’ ‘an al-kāfirīn (loyalty to the Believers and disavowal of the Disbelievers) and beliefs about absolute monotheism (tawḥīd) as the basis of his revival- ist preaching. Based on these principle, he claimed, Muslims must not only fulfill their ritual duties such as prayer and fasting during Ramadan but also actively fight “unbelief” (kufr) and “apostasy” (ridda) and bring about God’s rule on earth, following the correct path of the community of the Prophet Abraham (Millat Ibrāhīm) referenced in multiple Qur’anic verses and outlined as a theological project for action by al-Maqdisi in a lengthy book of that name that has had a profound influence on the formation of modern Sunni jihadism. Instead of seeing Boko Haram, particularly under Shekau’s leadership, as a “Salafi” or “jihadi-Salafi” group, Thurston argues it is a case study of how a group that at one point in its history adhered to Salafism can move away from and beyond it. In the case of Shekau and his “post-Salafism,” he writes, the group, like Islamic State, has shifted away from the Salafi canon and toward a jihadism that uses only stripped-down elements from the canon and does so solely to propagate a militaristic form of jihad. Even when referencing historical religious authorities such as Ibn Taymiyya, Thurston points out, Boko Haram and Islamic State leaders and members often do so through the lens of modern Sunni jihadi ideologues like Juhay- man al-‘Utaybi, al-Maqdisi, and Abu Mus‘ab al-Zarqawi, figures who have come to form a Sunni jihadi canon of texts, intellectuals, and ideologues. Shekau, in short, has given up canonical Salafism and moved toward a more bombastic and scholastically more heterodox and less-Salafi-than- jihadi creed of political violence. Thurston also pushes back against the often crude stereotyping of Af- rican Islamic traditions and movements that sees African Muslims as being defined by their “syncretic” mix of traditional African religious traditions and “orthodox” Islam, the latter usually a stand-in for “Arab” and “Middle Eastern” Islam. Islam and Islamic movements in Africa have developed in social and political environments that are not mirrors to the dominant models of the Arab world (in particular, Egypt). He convincingly points out that analysis of all forms of African Islamic social and political mobi- lization through a Middle East and Egypt-heavy lens obscures much more than it elucidates. The book includes useful glossaries of key individuals and Arabic terms referenced in the text as well as a translation of a sermon by the late, revered Salafi scholar Muhammad Nasir al-Din al-Albani that is part of the mainstream Salafi canon. Extensive in its coverage of the his- tory, evolution, and sociopolitical and religious development of Salafism in Nigeria as well as the key role played by Saudi Salafi universities and religious institutions and quasi-state NGOs, the book expands the schol- arly literature on Salafism, Islam in Africa, and political Islam and Islamic social movements. It also contributing to ongoing debates and discussions on approaches to the study of the role of texts and textual traditions in the formation of individual and communal religious identity. Christopher AnzaloneResearch Fellow, International Security ProgramBelfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University& PhD candidate, Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University

Abstrak: Pertaubatan Jamaah Ahmadiyah Pasca Terbitnya Peraturan Gubernur Jawa Barat: Studi Kasus di Wilayah Bogor. Gerakan Ahmadiyah telah menyebar ke setiap penjuru Negeri dengan membawa misi kesesatan yang merusak. Beragam fatwa bermunculan guna melarang gerakan ini, bahkan mengkafirkannya. Seperti larangan dari Lembaga Pengembangan Syariah di Dunia Islam, Lembaga Fiqhiyyah Râbithah al-‘Alam al-Islâmî, Lembaga Fikih Islam Organisasi Konferensi Islam, dan perhimpunan ulama-ulama di Kerajaan Arab Saudi, serta fatwa-fatwa ulama Mesir, Syiria, Maroko, India, Indonesia, dan sebagainya. Terakhir, adanya Keputusan Gubernur Provinsi Jawa Barat melarang gerakan ini. Keputusan ini membawa pengaruh, terlihat dengan bertaubatnya beberapa anggota Ahmadiyah. Adapun alasan mereka adalah kembali ke agama Islam yang benar.Kata Kunci: Ahmadiyah, paham sesat, fatwa ulama, Peraturan Gubernur Jawa Barat, pertaubatan AhmadiyahAbstract: The Repentance of the Ahmadiah Sect after the Emergence of the West Javanese Governor’s Regulation: A Case Study in Bogor. The movement of the Ahmadiah has spread all over the country, carrying a misguided mission that causes harm. Various Islamic verdicts (Fatwa) have been promulgated to ban this movement, moreover, some of these verdicts have outcast the movement as infidel. Like the prohibitions from the Institution of Shariah Development in the Islamic World, Institution of the Fiqhiyyah Râbithah al-‘Alam, al-Islâmî, Institution of Islamic Tought of the Islamic Conference Organization, the Association of Islamic Scholars of the Saudi Arabia as well as verdicts of Islamic scholars from Egypt, Syria, Maroko, India, Indonesia and etc. Lastly, there is the West Javanese Governor’s decision prohibiting this movement. This decision carries influence, seen by the repentance of some of sect members, returning them to their true Islamic religion.Keywords: Ahmadiyah, astray sect, Islamic verdict, West Java Governor Regulation, Ahmadiah repentanceDOI: 10.15408/ajis.v12i1.988

Abstrak.One of the great thinkers in the contemporary era is Khaleed Abou El Fadl, a prominent public intellectual on Islamic law. Through his works, Speaking in The God’s Name: Islamic Law, Authority, and Woman, Abou El Fadl offers a frame of new methodology in the study of Islamic law by using a hermeneutics approach. Abou El-Fadl’s hermeneutics can be called the negotiated hermeneutics because the core of his hermeneutics analysis is to negotiate the role of the text (al-Qur’an, hadits, and fatwa), author (Mufti, special agent), and reader (Islamic society, common agent) in determining the meaning of authoritative text. These three parties should be a balancing and negotiating progress in which that one party ought not to dominate the determination of meaning. Abou El Fadl’s hermeneutics theory embraces the idea of autonomous and open texts. Therefore, the interpretation of the text does not always focus on efforts to locate the author’s desired intent. Hence, He further argues that integrity of text being damaged, not dynamic, and be unable to perform its functions in responding the challenges and demand of the global era due to the authoritarianism, or interpretative despotism by way of locking the will of the divine behind the text, its interpretation, or fatwa based on certain ideology as performed by those Mufti who speak in God’s name. in short, From above description emphasis the significance of Abou El Fadl’s hermeneutics in contemporary Islamic law studies is to stem the authoritarianism that has become a common phenomenon in the contemporary era. This paper using the critical-analysis of method to examines or look at critically Mufti in making various judicial decision and legal opinion (fatwa) in case of Permanent Council for Specific Research And Legal Opinion (CRLO)in Egypt and Indonesian Council of Ulama (MUI) in Indonesia that assessedreapmuchcontroversy and even rejections from part of Muslim community.Keywords:Islamic law, hermeneutics, authoritarianism, legal opinion, MUI Abstrak .Salah satu pemikir besar di era kontemporer adalah Khaleed Abou El Fadl , seorang intelektual publik terkemuka tentang hukum Islam. Melalui karyanya ,Speaking in The God’s Name: Islamic Law, Authority, and Woman, Abou El Fadl menawarkan kerangka metodologi baru dalam studi hukum Islam dengan menggunakan pendekatan hermeneutika . Hermeneutika Abou El Fadl disebut hermeneutika negosiasi karena inti dari analisis hermeneutikanya adalah menegosiasikan peran teks ( al-Qur'an , hadits , dan fatwa ), pengarang ( Mufti ,agen khusus), dan pembaca (masyarakat Islam,agen umum) dalam menentukan makna teks otoritatif .Ketiga pihak harus seimbang dan bernegosiasi di mana salah satu pihak tidak seharusnya mendominasi penentuan makna.Teori hermeneutika Abou El Fadl yang mencakup gagasan teks otonom dan terbuka sehingga penafsiran teks tidak selalu fokus pada upaya untuk mencari maksud penulis yang diinginkan . Oleh karena itu, Abou El-Fadl menyatakan bahwa integritas teks menjadi rusak, tidak dinamis , dan tidak dapat menjalankan fungsinya dalam merespon tantangan dan tuntutan era global karena otoritarianisme , atau penafsiran despotic dengan cara mengunci kehendak Tuhan di belakang teks, interpretasi, atau fatwa berdasarkan ideologi tertentu seperti yang dilakukan oleh mereka para Mufti yang mengatas namakan dirinya sebagai pembicara atas nama Tuhan. Singkatnya , dari uraian di atas pentingnya hermeneutika Abou El Fadl dalam studi hukum Islam kontemporer adalah untuk membendung otoritarianisme yang telah menjadi fenomena umum di era kontemporer. Makalah ini menggunakan metode kritis-analisis untuk menguji atau melihat secara kritis seorang Mufti dalam membuat berbagai keputusan hukum atau fatwa dalam kasus Indonesian Council of Ulama( MUI ) di Indonesia yang dinilai menuai banyak kontroversi dan bahkan beberapa penolakan dari sebagian masyarakat Muslim Kontemporer .Kata kunci :hermeneutika, hokum Islam, otoritarianisme, fatwa , MUI

<div class="Section1"><p>Kajian ini mendeskripsikan pemikiran pendidikan Islam Al Abras&gt; yi dalam <em>kita</em><em>b</em>&gt;<em> A</em><em>t Tarbiyah </em><em>Al-Isl</em><em>a</em><em>m</em>&gt;<em> iyya</em><em>h wa </em><em>Fal</em><em>a</em><em>s</em>&gt; <em>ifatuh</em><em>a </em>dan relevansinya dengan konsep pendidikan kekinian yang meliputi tujuan, metode, kurikulum, dan juga menyangkut pendidik dan anak didik sangat relevan dengan pendidikan dewasa ini. Pendekatan dalam peneltian ini adalah penelitian kepustakaan. Al-Abra&gt;syi adalah seorang cendekiawan, tokoh pendidikan, ulama dan seorang guru besar yang hidup pada abad XX di Mesir. Pemikirannya tentang pendidikan Islam banyak dipengaruhi oleh pemikiran Ibnu Sina, Imam al-Ghazali dan Ibnu Khaldun. Hasil dari kajian ini menyimpulkan bahwa pendidikan Islam memang mengutamakan pendidikan akhlak yang merupakan ruhnya, tetapi tidak mengabaikan masalah mempersiapkan seseorang untuk hidup, mencari rizki dan tidak pula melupakan pendidikan jasmani, akal, hati, kemauan, cita-cita, keterampilan tangan, lisan dan kepribadian.</p></div><p>Kata kunci: pendidikan Islam, al Abra&gt;syi, <em>Kita</em>&gt;<em>b at-Tarbiyah al- Isla</em>&gt;<em>miyyah wa Fala</em>&gt;<em>sifatuha</em></p><p><em>THE ISLAMIC EDUCATION THOUGHT ACCORDING TO M. At</em>}<em>iy</em><em>a</em><em>h </em><em>A</em><em>L</em><em>-</em><em>A</em><em>br</em><em>a</em>&gt;<em>sy</em><em>i </em><em>I</em><em>N AL-TARBIYAH AL-ISLA</em>&gt;<em>MIYYA </em><em>WA FALA</em>&gt;<em>SIFATUHA.</em><em> </em><em>This study aims to describe the Al </em><em>Abra</em>&gt;<em>sy</em><em>i</em><em> </em><em>I</em><em>s</em><em>l</em><em>a</em><em>m</em><em>ic </em><em>educational thought </em><em>in the book At Tarbiyah Al-Islamiyyah wa Falasifatuha and relevance to the educational concept of the present. The thinking of M. At</em>}<em>iy</em><em>a</em><em>h</em><em> </em><em>a</em><em>l-</em><em>A</em><em>br</em><em>a</em>&gt;<em>sy</em><em>i</em><em> i</em><em>n al-tarbiyah al-Islamiyah wa Falasifatuha book about education that includes the purpose, methods, curriculum, and also concerns to the educators and students are very relevant to education today. The approach of this study is library research. Al-Abra</em>&gt;<em>sy</em><em>i</em><em> </em><em>w</em><em>as </em><em>a scholar, an education personage, scholars and a great teacher who lived in the XX century in Egypt. His thoughts on the Islamic education thought much influenced by Ibn Sina, al- Ghazali and Ibn Khaldun. The result of this study show that Islamic education was indeed prioritizes the morals education which is their true meaning, but not neglecting the issue prepare a person for life, seeking rizqi nor forget the physical education, intellect, heart, will, goals, skills, and personality.</em></p><p><em><strong><em>Keywords: </em></strong><em>Islamic education, al Abra</em>&gt;<em>syi, Kitab at-Tarbiyah al- Islamiyya wa Falasifatuha.</em><br /></em></p>