Relevant bibliographies by topics / Ulama – Political activity – Iran

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Academic literature on the topic 'Ulama – Political activity – Iran'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Ulama – Political activity – Iran"

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Ebrahimian, Mojtaba. "A Critical Introduction to Khomeini." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 126–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i3.998.

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Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902-89) is undoubtedly one of the twentiethcentury’s key international revolutionary figures whose role is definitive tomodern Iranian history. A massive amount of scholarship has been producedin Iran about him; this is not the case, however, in the English-speaking world.This publication by a collection of eminent scholars of Iranian studies, therefore,examines the critical impact of his political thought and religious philosophywithin and beyond Iran.In “Introduction,” editor Arshin Adib-Moghaddam provides a brief summaryof Khomeini’s political life before, during, and after the revolution. Inhis view, the Islamic Republic’s revolutionary discourse not only triggeredunprecedented sociopolitical changes, but also influenced the subjectivity ofIranian citizens. Moreover, he maintains that the two pillars of the ayatollah’spolitical thought were a “strong state” and “independence from foreign influences,”which are still adamantly pursued today (p. 15).Fakhreddin Azimi, in “Khomeini and the ‘White Revolution,’” looks atthe social context of his rise to prominence in the pre-revolutionary decades.With the dissolution of Reza Shah’s autocratic rule in 1941, secular and leftistdiscourses gained enough momentum to threaten the religious establishment.Despite these changes, the leading Shi‘i ulema maintained a quietist stanceuntil the middle of twentieth century (p. 19). During the 1960s, Khomeini initiatedhis rigorous anti-Shah political activity by combining “a stern moralismon gender issues and sociopersonal freedoms” with “forceful professions of ...
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Moaddel, Mansoor. "The Shi'i ulama and the state in Iran." Theory and Society 15, no. 4 (1986): 519–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00159267.

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Adebayo, Rafiu Ibrahim. "The Political Thought of Mawdudi as a Template for Democratic Sustainability in Nigeria." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 54, no. 1 (June 25, 2016): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2016.541.147-173.

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The inseparability of religion and politics is demonstrated in the involvement of prominent ulama (religious scholars) in politics directly or indirectly. Being an important stakeholder in politics, such scholars have been raising their voices on political matters and influencing political decisions in their respective countries. In some cases, such religious scholars performed oppositional role with a view to forcing the ruling government to check their actions which were contradictory to the dictate of their religion. The Islamic revolution in Iran is a living testimony to the fact that religious scholars are relevant to effect new sociological and religio-political paradigms for their countries. It is on this basis that this paper shall explore the political thought of a seasoned reforming Mogul whose thought is significant to democratic sustenance in Nigeria, Maulana Abul A’la Mawdudi (1903 -1979). This sage enunciated some political principles which if strictly studied and adhered to, will help in no small measure in ensuring sustainable democratic governance whose leadership will not regret leading its people and the populace will not eventually curse such a leader. [Agama dan politik dalam banyak hal tidak dapat dipisahkan. Hal ini ditunjukkan antara lain oleh keterlibatan ulama dalam politik, langsung atau tidak. Menjadi bagian dari sistem politik, ulama dapat menyuarakan pandangan mereka dan mempengaruhi keputusan politik di negara masing-masing. Dalam beberapa kasus, para ulama juga melakukan oposisi untuk memaksa pemerintah melihat kebijakan yang bertentangan dengan ajaran agama. Revolusi Islam di Iran adalah contoh nyata dengan fakta bahwa ulama memiliki peran yang erat terkait dengan paradigma sosiologis dan religio-politik baru bagi negara. Makalah ini akan mengeksplorasi pandangan Maulana Abul A’la Maududi (1903 -1979), tokoh reformist yang pemikirannya sangat penting untuk pengembangan demokrasi di Nigeria. Beberapa prinsip politik akan membantu dalam memastikan pemerintahan yang demokratis berkelanjutan, jika dipelajari dan diikuti dengan benar.]
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Reza Mousavi, Seyed. "La religion et le système politique en Iran: étude comparative des révolutions de 1906 et 1979." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 2 (June 1999): 347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900010520.

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AbstractDespite the important role they played during Iran's constitutional revolution, ulama fell short of reaching their goal. Success came 70 years later during the 1979 revolution when the monarchy was overthrown under ulama's leadership. In this article, the author compares the theoretical relationships between these two revolutions.
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Uygur, Hakkı. "Iran Under Raisi’s Presidency." Insight Turkey 23, Summer 2021 (September 20, 2021): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2021233.3.

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Following the Islamic Revolution, a number of leaders have served as the highest elected official of Iran, with the winner of the last presidential election being Ebrahim Raisi, who does not have much experience in the political area, but received the support of all influential groups in the country, particularly the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and the ulama. The attitude of the Guardian Council, which has the primary responsibility for the survival of the system, in determining the presidential candidates affects the voter turnout and enables the forecast of election results to some degree, as in this election. In this context, the rejection of the candidacy of some names is essential in terms of showing the rivalry between the various power groups in the system and giving clues about the new era, which is characterized as the second phase of the Revolution. Raisi, who has been seen as the Supreme Leader’s possible successor, is expected to make an impression as an embracive leader. However, he also faces significant challenges in domestic policy such as the economy, aridification, power and water crises, and ethnic problems, to which there are no simple and short-term solutions. In foreign policy, although it is expected that Raisi would prioritize the relations with neighboring countries instead of the great powers, the relations of Tehran with these countries will, to a great extent, depend on its policies towards the U.S. in the new era.
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Doostdar, Alireza. "Empirical Spirits: Islam, Spiritism, and the Virtues of Science in Iran." Comparative Studies in Society and History 58, no. 2 (March 29, 2016): 322–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417516000098.

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AbstractThis article examines some aspects of the reception of French Spiritism and psychical research in twentieth century Iran: its promotion by Iranian modernist intellectuals before the Second World War, and its appropriation by Shi‘i Muslim ‘ulama in the 1940s and 1960s. Spiritism appealed to those intellectuals and scholars who sought to reconcile their commitments to science with their religious longings and dedication to moral reform. In comparing these encounters with spirit communication, I show that the adoption of putatively scientific claims in contexts that professional scientists usually disavow can be about much more than strategic appropriation and attempts to justify preexisting doctrines. They also allow us to understand science's power to mold the moral subjectivities of reformers through selective absorption into long-continuous traditions of virtue.
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Dastmalchian, Amir. "Political Islam, Iran, and the Enlightenment: Philosophies of Hope and Despair." American Journal of Islam and Society 28, no. 3 (July 1, 2011): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v28i3.1246.

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Political Islam, Iran, and the Enlightenment is Mirsepassi’s latest treatisethat focuses on the Iranian intellectual and political climate. Mirsepassiis concerned to show the German and French intellectual influences of Islamistintellectuals as they search for an appropriate response to modernity.With Iran taken as a case study, Mirsepassi’s discussion is intended to underminethose analyses of Muslim political aspirations which deem theseaspirations to be inherently anti-Western. Comprising an introduction andseven chapters, Mirsepassi’s work speaks to those researchers in a range ofsociopolitical disciplines concerned with coming to grips with intellectualdevelopments in the Muslim world. The book might also interest thoseinterested in understanding the impact of continental philosophy on theMuslim world. Although the emphasis is on Iran, an attempt is made inthe final chapter, especially, to broaden the discussion by dealing with theIndian experience of modernity.According to Mirsepassi, the Muslim understanding of modernity andsecularism was influenced by the specific visions of modern society heldby Kemal Ataturk and the “Shah of Iran” (presumably the ambitious RezaShah). These two figures were in turn influenced by the antireligious fervorof French secularism. The attempt of Muslim intellectuals, therefore, toestablish a correct vision of society was informed by the radical Counter-Enlightenment figures of German and French philosophy. Furthermore,Muslim intellectuals overlooked Western visions of modern society whichwere not antireligious. Political Islam, Iran, and the Enlightenment, therefore,constructs a narrative that leads to examining the experience of British-style secularism in India. Mirsepassi’s fear is that a lack of appreciationof the European heritage of Islamists ‒ who Mirsepassi sees as intellectuallyand politically totalitarian and as representing all Muslims ‒ will leadto the sidelining of two groups from within the Muslim world. These twogroups are the quietist ulama and the reformist intellectuals, the latter ofwhich offer Mirsepassi the hope of an Islamic response to modernity thatis consistent with democratic principles ...
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Waskito, Tejo. "GENEALOGI REVOLUSI PARADIGMA PEMIKIRAN KEISLAMAN NAHDLATUL ULAMA." Al-A'raf : Jurnal Pemikiran Islam dan Filsafat 15, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.22515/ajpif.v15i2.1382.

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This article tries to track genealogy of the Islamic revolutionary paradigm of thought in NU and its various possibilities have arisen. Based on the library studies using the analytical discourse approach, the result revealed that the genealogy of the Islamic paradigm of NU was born due to the internal and external dialectics bridged by multi-epistemology. Based on the 'political reconciliation' event which is called 'returning to khittah 1926' in Situbondo in 1984, NU experienced a shift orientation, not only in the political sphere but also paradigmatically. Hereby, there was social-intellectual mobility marked by the proliferation of social and intellectual discourse among NU’s young generation. The dominance of this activity leading to revolutionary movement in the field of NU’s Islamic paradigm: Aswaja's theology which was originally understood as a doctrine became a thinking methodology (manhaj alfikr); expansion of the legal institution's methodology, from qauly to manhajy; and shifting political struggle, from structural political arena to cultural politics. This discourse became massive among Nu’s young generation caused by the support of Abdurrahman Wahid, the ideal figure known as a locomotive of the NU cultural movement.
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Khalid, Adeeb. "Ulama and the State in Uzbekistan." Asian Journal of Social Science 42, no. 5 (2014): 517–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04205003.

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The fundamental fact about the religious landscape in post-Soviet Uzbekistan (and in post-Soviet Muslim societies in general) is the lasting impact of the Soviet legacy. The anti-religious campaigns of 1927–1941 in the USSR caused massive destruction to the infrastructure of Islamic learning and marginalized the authority of the ulama, subordinating them to those of both the state and the nation to an extent arguably not seen anywhere else in the Muslim world. For the ulama after 1991, with the collapse of the Soviet Union, the task has been to re-establish their authority within a political field still dominated by Soviet-era institutional structures of state control of religious activity and Soviet-era discursive modes that lead to a deep suspicion towards religion. This article focuses on the “de-Islamization” of the 1930s and then considers its implications for the ulama of today.
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Mahamid, Hatim, and Chaim Nissim. "Sufis and Coffee Consumption." Journal of Sufi Studies 7, no. 1-2 (December 5, 2018): 140–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105956-12341311.

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Abstract From the tenth/sixteenth century, coffee consumption spread from Yemen northwards, mainly via the Sufis and their disciples, who claimed that drinking coffee helped their ritual activity. This caused an extended debate among the ulama of different schools, who viewed the Sufis’ coffee drinking as a negative innovation opposed to the sharīʿa. The controversy first focused on whether coffee was permitted, or rather forbidden, like wine. However, as coffee became widespread, the lack of religious proofs for its prohibition and the religious and political authorities’ inability to forbid it moved the debate to the moral aspects. The supporters of forbidding coffee drinking were mainly ulama in official positions such as judges. These ulama needed the help of rulers to enforce the prohibition. Due to Sufis, by the eleventh–twelfth/seventeenth–eighteenth centuries, coffee consumption became a social phenomenon both in homes and in public spheres, as coffeehouses.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ulama – Political activity – Iran"

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Brechbill, Alan M. "Overcoming the ulama globalizing Iran's political economy." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FBrechbill.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Looney, Robert. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 30, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 91-99). Also available in print.
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Al-Qazwini, Jawdat Kazim. "The religious establishment in Ithnā'asharī Shī'ism : a study in scholarly and political development." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1997. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28898/.

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This thesis deals mainly with the historical development of the religious institution of Ithna ashari Shi'ism in both its scholarly and political aspects. It is divided into six chapters. The word "school" has been used to describe the place in which such an institution had flourished due to the activities of its fuqaha ' in response to their turbulent history, whether it was in Iraq, in Bilad al-Sham (Greater Syria, i.e. Syria and Lebanon) or in Iran. Chapter one deals with the Baghdad School. It includes a study of the scholarly development right from the begining of the fuqaha' institution during Shaykh al-Mufid's times (d. 413/1022) and ending with Shaykh al-Tusi (d. 460/1068). Chapter two follows the development of this scholarly renaissance at the hands of the Hilla fuqaha starting with Ibn Idris al-Hilli's time (d. 598/1201) and ending with Fakhr al-Muhaqiqqin ibn al-'Allama al-Hilli (d. 771/1369), and investigates the relationship between the religious institution and the Mongol invaders of Iraq and the ideological influence of the Ithna'ashari fuqaha' on the leaders of the invaders. Chapter three, on the Jabal 'Amil school, deals in part with the unsettled period of the Mamluk state, its struggle against the Mongols and the internal situation of the Shi'a vis-a-vis the Mamluks. It also deals in part with the influence of the Jabal 'Amil fuqaha' on the Safawid state after these fuqaha' had migrated there. Particular attention is paid to the role of Shaykh al-Karaki (d. 940/1533) and his attempt to build a religious institution inside Safawid Iran, and the opposition that he met. The chapter ends with a study of the Akhbari Movement in its first stage, during the time of Muhammad Amin al-Astarabadi (d. 1033/1624). Chapter four focuses on the Najaf School, which had started about two hundred years before as an intellectual school. The development and activities of this school from the beginning of the thirteenth/nineteenth century, are discussed, as is its position regarding the emergence of the Wahhabi Movement, the Akhbari Movement (in its second phase) and the Shaykhi Movement. The chapter also deals with the political activity of the fuqaha' in their struggle against the Qajari state, which had been manifested in the fatwa prohibiting tobacco and in the Constitutional Movement. Chapter five deals with the struggle of the Najaf fuqaha' from the start of the Republican period (1958) until the beginning of the 1990s. This is preceded by an introductory remark concerning the position taken by the fuqaha' towards the British forces who entered Iraq after the First World War and the events of the Iraqi Revolution of 1920. Chapter six has been dedicated to a study of the Qumm school. It looks at the historical development of that city, with particular attention to the role of Shaykh 'Abd al-Karim al-Ha'iri al-Yazdi (d. 1355/1936) in supervising an elite of mujtahids who have participated in the renewal of this city.
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Books on the topic "Ulama – Political activity – Iran"

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Iran. Majlis-i Shūrā-yi Islāmī. Kitābkhānah, Mūzih va Markaz-i Asnād, ed. Asnād-i rūḥānīyat: Dawrah-i haftum tā nuhum-i Majlis-i Shūrā-yi Millī. Tihrān: Kitābkhānah, Mūzih va Markaz-i Asnād-i Majlis-i Shūrā-yi Islāmī, 2012.

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Qāsimī, Mahdī. Shīʻahʹgarī va tarraqīʹkhvāhī: Naqsh-i ruḥāniyāt dar nahz̤at-i millī-i Īrān. Bethesda, Md: Ibex, 1999.

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The state and social revolution in Iran: A theoretical perspective. New York: P. Lang, 1985.

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"Shāhid" bi-lā shahādah: Muḥakamat "shāhid" wa-istiqrāʾ mashrūʻ. Bayrūt, Lubnān: Dār al-Amīr lil-Thaqāfah wa-al-ʻUlūm, 2003.

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Islāmī, Markaz-i. Asnād-i. Inqilāb-i., ed. Mujāhid-i baṣīr: Sayrī dar zindagī va mubārizāt-i shahīd Muḥammad Muntaẓirī = Insighful zealot : a survey on life and compaigns of martyr Mohammad Montazeri. Tihrān: Markaz-i Asnād-i Inqilāb-i Islāmī, 2013.

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Moesa, Ali Maschan. Memahami Nahdlatul Ulama: Urgensi besar membangun kembali jembatan putus. Surabaya: Penerbit dan distribusi, Pesantren Luhur Al-Husna, 2010.

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Muʼassasah-ʼi Tanẓīm va Nashr-i Ās̲ār-i Ḥaz̤rat Imām Khumaynī. Muʼassasah-i Chāp va Nashr-i ʻUrūj and Muʼassasah-ʼi Tanẓīm va Nashr-i Ās̲ār-i Ḥaz̤rat Imām Khumaynī. Gurūh-i Tārīkh, eds. Naqsh-i ʻulamā-yi Mashhad dar Inqilāb-i Islāmī. Tihrān: Chāp va Nashr-i ʻUrūj vābastah bih Muʼassasah-i Tanẓīm va Nashr-i Ās̲ār-i Imām Khumaynī, 2010.

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Abū Z̲arr-i inqilāb: Sayrī dar zindagī va mubārazāt-i Āyat Allāh Sayyid Maḥmūd Ṭāliqānī. Tihrān: Markaz-i Asnād-i Inqilāb-i Islāmī, 2011.

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Iran. Vizārat-i Iṭṭilāʻāt. Markaz-i Barʹrasī-i Asnād-i Tārīkhī, ed. Āyat Allāh Rūḥ Allāh Kamālvand bih rivāyat-i asnād-i Sāvāk. Tihrān: Markaz-i Barʹrasī-i Asnād-i Tārīkhī-i Vizārat-i Iṭṭilāʻāt, 2013.

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Ibrāhīm, ʻAbd Allāh ʻAlī. al-Ṣirāʻ bayna al-Mahdī wa-al-ʻulamāʼ. al-Qāhirah: Markaz al-Dirāsāt al-Sūdānīyah, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Ulama – Political activity – Iran"

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Moazami, Behrooz. "The Constitutional Moment: The Ulama and the Political Sphere, 1892–1921." In State, Religion, and Revolution in Iran, 1796 to the Present, 77–91. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137325860_5.

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Ingram, Brannon D. "A Tradition Contested." In Revival from Below, 179–206. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520297999.003.0008.

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The seventh chapter situates the Deobandi brand in the context of an emergent Muslim anti-apartheid politics and how public debate about Deobandi critiques of Sufi devotions became inseparable from public debate about the very authority of the Deobandi `ulama. The chapter begins with an overview of Islamic activism and anti-`ulama sentiment in South Africa in the 1970s and 1980s. With a flashback to 1920s India, it shows how Thanvi articulated his opposition to Muslim participation in anticolonial politics, and South African Deobandi scholar Ahmed Sadiq Desai, in turn, deployed Thanvi’s critiques to criticize Muslim participation in the anti-apartheid movement. As Deobandi scholars criticized Muslim activists for mobilizing against apartheid alongside activists of other faiths and justified that position through Sufi vocabularies, a growing number of Muslims lambasted Deobandis for their alleged collaborationist stance toward the apartheid regime and articulated their politics through devotional practices like the mawlud. Many of these local activists, moreover, defended their activism precisely through transnational politics that Deobandis mostly abhorred, drawing variously on the Shi`i Islamist vocabularies of revolutionary Iran and the nascent transnational discourse of progressive Islam.
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Sternfeld, Lior B. "The Iranian Political Sphere." In Between Iran and Zion, 40–62. Stanford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503606142.003.0003.

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Chapter 2 examines the politicization of Jews in Iran during World War II and through the early 1950s. Traditional historiography distances Jews from politics in Iran. When mentioned at all, Jewish political activity usually references support of the Shah, especially in relation to his close alliance with Israel. However, this chapter argues that political activism became a means for Iranian Jews to impact their future role and sociopolitical position in Iran. Many Jews were adamant supporters and members of the Tudeh, the Iranian Communist Party, and later engaged in many other political initiatives (such as student movements and intellectual associations). The Tudeh was the most vocal opponent of fascism in the 1940s and arguably the most popular political force in Iran. The Tudeh’s enduring defense of the Jewish community, combined with its message of equality, attracted many young Jews from the Iranian middle and lower middle classes.
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Doostdar, Alireza. "Conclusion." In The Iranian Metaphysicals. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691163772.003.0029.

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This conclusion summarizes the book's main arguments about metaphysical exploration, showing that, far from being a marginal activity, it has comprised a crucial dimension of contemporary religious thought and practice in Iran. The book has examined how, for the highest-ranking Shiʻi ulama, the occult could not be easily dismissed as either sinful or fraudulent, and how the danger of charlatanry and vice prompted these leaders to recommend virtuous caution. It has also discussed rationality and the three aspects of rationalization found in most forms of metaphysical inquiry—demarcating and excluding superstition, engaging with science as a resource, and instrumentalizing the metaphysical in the service of moral reform.
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Fuchs, Simon Wolfgang. "Khomeini’s Perplexed Pakistani Men." In In a Pure Muslim Land, 119–51. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649795.003.0005.

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This chapter argues that during the early months and years after the Iranian Revolution, Pakistani Shi‘i ‘ulama remained primarily occupied with domestic events. Even ardent supporters of Khomeini were not sure what his authority should mean for them outside of Iran. Additionally, Pakistan’s Shi‘is at that time were engaged in their own political mobilization against the military dictator Zia ul-Haq (d. 1988). A second step in the reception can be discerned with the rise of the young cleric Sayyid ‘Arif Husayn al-Husayni (d. 1988) to the helm of Pakistan’s most influential Shi‘i organization at the time, the Movement for the Implementation of Ja‘fari Law (TNFJ), in 1984. Husayni clearly and consistently drew on the hallmark themes of the Iranian Revolution. In doing so, however, he was often forced to bend aspects of the revolutionary message, like Muslim unity or the leadership of the clerics (vilayat-i faqih), to his Pakistani context. The chapter also pays attention to the unprecedented embrace of Iranian ideas that is anchored in contemporary Lahore.
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"Re-Stratification in the Name of God." In Islamic Economy and Social Mobility, 131–58. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-9731-7.ch005.

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Considering the modern sociological enterprises of Emile Durkheim's view of the social origin of religion, Max Weber's categories of actions, and Talcott Parsons' action theory as well as theories of stratification, we have focused on Islamic ummah, differentiating Shi'ite /Sunni Islam and the role which ulama plays as a status group. Re-stratification in the name of God has referential significance to the Iranian revolution and the re-emergence of the Shi'ite Islam grabbing political power. Following Parsonian emphasis on socio-cultural differentiation the Islamic, ummah is neither a total whole nor limited to the ulama but diversified in terms of incorporating certain modern establishments and ideas, from publishing religious journal, spreading ideas among the high schools and university student to pushing for less patriarchal domination, from absorbing components of the western constitutional tradition and governmental division of power to detachment form economic co-optation by the state. Hence we can speak of old and innovative religious class in Islamic societies characterized the former by propensity to keep the status quo, functionally a prerequisite for maintenance of cultural, political and religious dogma, usually called conservative Islam and the latter enthusiasm for working its way towards reinterpretation of dogma, developing propensity for participating in global dialogue for change or re-stratification of society. Finally, demand for an innovative communicative system in order to be touch with the larger world exists in and among the innovative religious groups. In general, politico-religious action, within the domain of action theory, behooves us to revisit Iran as the first birthplace of resurgent Islam, exposing an otherwise hidden process, the rise and fall of a system of stratification that was led by a high-ranking Shi'ite cleric in modern times. The Iranian religious revolution that brought about a different system of stratification, rather than being interactive, was originally molded by reaction to modernity is investigated in this chapter. The diversity of Islams indicates that they can be considered as examples of an open system of stratification. In other words, whatever the cultural disposition or religious orientations of Islamic societies would be, we generalize that they have a propensity to have social mobility dissimilar to the closed caste system. Our sheer learned interest in stratification and social mobility is an acknowledgment of “connections” between economy and religion in Islamic societies that is elaborated in this chapter.
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