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1
Ebrahimian, Mojtaba. "A Critical Introduction to Khomeini." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 126–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i3.998.
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Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902-89) is undoubtedly one of the twentiethcentury’s key international revolutionary figures whose role is definitive tomodern Iranian history. A massive amount of scholarship has been producedin Iran about him; this is not the case, however, in the English-speaking world.This publication by a collection of eminent scholars of Iranian studies, therefore,examines the critical impact of his political thought and religious philosophywithin and beyond Iran.In “Introduction,” editor Arshin Adib-Moghaddam provides a brief summaryof Khomeini’s political life before, during, and after the revolution. Inhis view, the Islamic Republic’s revolutionary discourse not only triggeredunprecedented sociopolitical changes, but also influenced the subjectivity ofIranian citizens. Moreover, he maintains that the two pillars of the ayatollah’spolitical thought were a “strong state” and “independence from foreign influences,”which are still adamantly pursued today (p. 15).Fakhreddin Azimi, in “Khomeini and the ‘White Revolution,’” looks atthe social context of his rise to prominence in the pre-revolutionary decades.With the dissolution of Reza Shah’s autocratic rule in 1941, secular and leftistdiscourses gained enough momentum to threaten the religious establishment.Despite these changes, the leading Shi‘i ulema maintained a quietist stanceuntil the middle of twentieth century (p. 19). During the 1960s, Khomeini initiatedhis rigorous anti-Shah political activity by combining “a stern moralismon gender issues and sociopersonal freedoms” with “forceful professions of ...
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Moaddel, Mansoor. "The Shi'i ulama and the state in Iran." Theory and Society 15, no. 4 (1986): 519–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00159267.
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Adebayo, Rafiu Ibrahim. "The Political Thought of Mawdudi as a Template for Democratic Sustainability in Nigeria." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 54, no. 1 (June 25, 2016): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2016.541.147-173.
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The inseparability of religion and politics is demonstrated in the involvement of prominent ulama (religious scholars) in politics directly or indirectly. Being an important stakeholder in politics, such scholars have been raising their voices on political matters and influencing political decisions in their respective countries. In some cases, such religious scholars performed oppositional role with a view to forcing the ruling government to check their actions which were contradictory to the dictate of their religion. The Islamic revolution in Iran is a living testimony to the fact that religious scholars are relevant to effect new sociological and religio-political paradigms for their countries. It is on this basis that this paper shall explore the political thought of a seasoned reforming Mogul whose thought is significant to democratic sustenance in Nigeria, Maulana Abul A’la Mawdudi (1903 -1979). This sage enunciated some political principles which if strictly studied and adhered to, will help in no small measure in ensuring sustainable democratic governance whose leadership will not regret leading its people and the populace will not eventually curse such a leader. [Agama dan politik dalam banyak hal tidak dapat dipisahkan. Hal ini ditunjukkan antara lain oleh keterlibatan ulama dalam politik, langsung atau tidak. Menjadi bagian dari sistem politik, ulama dapat menyuarakan pandangan mereka dan mempengaruhi keputusan politik di negara masing-masing. Dalam beberapa kasus, para ulama juga melakukan oposisi untuk memaksa pemerintah melihat kebijakan yang bertentangan dengan ajaran agama. Revolusi Islam di Iran adalah contoh nyata dengan fakta bahwa ulama memiliki peran yang erat terkait dengan paradigma sosiologis dan religio-politik baru bagi negara. Makalah ini akan mengeksplorasi pandangan Maulana Abul A’la Maududi (1903 -1979), tokoh reformist yang pemikirannya sangat penting untuk pengembangan demokrasi di Nigeria. Beberapa prinsip politik akan membantu dalam memastikan pemerintahan yang demokratis berkelanjutan, jika dipelajari dan diikuti dengan benar.]
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Reza Mousavi, Seyed. "La religion et le système politique en Iran: étude comparative des révolutions de 1906 et 1979." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 2 (June 1999): 347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900010520.
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AbstractDespite the important role they played during Iran's constitutional revolution, ulama fell short of reaching their goal. Success came 70 years later during the 1979 revolution when the monarchy was overthrown under ulama's leadership. In this article, the author compares the theoretical relationships between these two revolutions.
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Uygur, Hakkı. "Iran Under Raisi’s Presidency." Insight Turkey 23, Summer 2021 (September 20, 2021): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2021233.3.
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Following the Islamic Revolution, a number of leaders have served as the highest elected official of Iran, with the winner of the last presidential election being Ebrahim Raisi, who does not have much experience in the political area, but received the support of all influential groups in the country, particularly the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and the ulama. The attitude of the Guardian Council, which has the primary responsibility for the survival of the system, in determining the presidential candidates affects the voter turnout and enables the forecast of election results to some degree, as in this election. In this context, the rejection of the candidacy of some names is essential in terms of showing the rivalry between the various power groups in the system and giving clues about the new era, which is characterized as the second phase of the Revolution. Raisi, who has been seen as the Supreme Leader’s possible successor, is expected to make an impression as an embracive leader. However, he also faces significant challenges in domestic policy such as the economy, aridification, power and water crises, and ethnic problems, to which there are no simple and short-term solutions. In foreign policy, although it is expected that Raisi would prioritize the relations with neighboring countries instead of the great powers, the relations of Tehran with these countries will, to a great extent, depend on its policies towards the U.S. in the new era.
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Doostdar, Alireza. "Empirical Spirits: Islam, Spiritism, and the Virtues of Science in Iran." Comparative Studies in Society and History 58, no. 2 (March 29, 2016): 322–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417516000098.
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AbstractThis article examines some aspects of the reception of French Spiritism and psychical research in twentieth century Iran: its promotion by Iranian modernist intellectuals before the Second World War, and its appropriation by Shi‘i Muslim ‘ulama in the 1940s and 1960s. Spiritism appealed to those intellectuals and scholars who sought to reconcile their commitments to science with their religious longings and dedication to moral reform. In comparing these encounters with spirit communication, I show that the adoption of putatively scientific claims in contexts that professional scientists usually disavow can be about much more than strategic appropriation and attempts to justify preexisting doctrines. They also allow us to understand science's power to mold the moral subjectivities of reformers through selective absorption into long-continuous traditions of virtue.
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Dastmalchian, Amir. "Political Islam, Iran, and the Enlightenment: Philosophies of Hope and Despair." American Journal of Islam and Society 28, no. 3 (July 1, 2011): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v28i3.1246.
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Political Islam, Iran, and the Enlightenment is Mirsepassi’s latest treatisethat focuses on the Iranian intellectual and political climate. Mirsepassiis concerned to show the German and French intellectual influences of Islamistintellectuals as they search for an appropriate response to modernity.With Iran taken as a case study, Mirsepassi’s discussion is intended to underminethose analyses of Muslim political aspirations which deem theseaspirations to be inherently anti-Western. Comprising an introduction andseven chapters, Mirsepassi’s work speaks to those researchers in a range ofsociopolitical disciplines concerned with coming to grips with intellectualdevelopments in the Muslim world. The book might also interest thoseinterested in understanding the impact of continental philosophy on theMuslim world. Although the emphasis is on Iran, an attempt is made inthe final chapter, especially, to broaden the discussion by dealing with theIndian experience of modernity.According to Mirsepassi, the Muslim understanding of modernity andsecularism was influenced by the specific visions of modern society heldby Kemal Ataturk and the “Shah of Iran” (presumably the ambitious RezaShah). These two figures were in turn influenced by the antireligious fervorof French secularism. The attempt of Muslim intellectuals, therefore, toestablish a correct vision of society was informed by the radical Counter-Enlightenment figures of German and French philosophy. Furthermore,Muslim intellectuals overlooked Western visions of modern society whichwere not antireligious. Political Islam, Iran, and the Enlightenment, therefore,constructs a narrative that leads to examining the experience of British-style secularism in India. Mirsepassi’s fear is that a lack of appreciationof the European heritage of Islamists ‒ who Mirsepassi sees as intellectuallyand politically totalitarian and as representing all Muslims ‒ will leadto the sidelining of two groups from within the Muslim world. These twogroups are the quietist ulama and the reformist intellectuals, the latter ofwhich offer Mirsepassi the hope of an Islamic response to modernity thatis consistent with democratic principles ...
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Waskito, Tejo. "GENEALOGI REVOLUSI PARADIGMA PEMIKIRAN KEISLAMAN NAHDLATUL ULAMA." Al-A'raf : Jurnal Pemikiran Islam dan Filsafat 15, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.22515/ajpif.v15i2.1382.
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This article tries to track genealogy of the Islamic revolutionary paradigm of thought in NU and its various possibilities have arisen. Based on the library studies using the analytical discourse approach, the result revealed that the genealogy of the Islamic paradigm of NU was born due to the internal and external dialectics bridged by multi-epistemology. Based on the 'political reconciliation' event which is called 'returning to khittah 1926' in Situbondo in 1984, NU experienced a shift orientation, not only in the political sphere but also paradigmatically. Hereby, there was social-intellectual mobility marked by the proliferation of social and intellectual discourse among NU’s young generation. The dominance of this activity leading to revolutionary movement in the field of NU’s Islamic paradigm: Aswaja's theology which was originally understood as a doctrine became a thinking methodology (manhaj alfikr); expansion of the legal institution's methodology, from qauly to manhajy; and shifting political struggle, from structural political arena to cultural politics. This discourse became massive among Nu’s young generation caused by the support of Abdurrahman Wahid, the ideal figure known as a locomotive of the NU cultural movement.
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Khalid, Adeeb. "Ulama and the State in Uzbekistan." Asian Journal of Social Science 42, no. 5 (2014): 517–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04205003.
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The fundamental fact about the religious landscape in post-Soviet Uzbekistan (and in post-Soviet Muslim societies in general) is the lasting impact of the Soviet legacy. The anti-religious campaigns of 1927–1941 in the USSR caused massive destruction to the infrastructure of Islamic learning and marginalized the authority of the ulama, subordinating them to those of both the state and the nation to an extent arguably not seen anywhere else in the Muslim world. For the ulama after 1991, with the collapse of the Soviet Union, the task has been to re-establish their authority within a political field still dominated by Soviet-era institutional structures of state control of religious activity and Soviet-era discursive modes that lead to a deep suspicion towards religion. This article focuses on the “de-Islamization” of the 1930s and then considers its implications for the ulama of today.
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Mahamid, Hatim, and Chaim Nissim. "Sufis and Coffee Consumption." Journal of Sufi Studies 7, no. 1-2 (December 5, 2018): 140–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105956-12341311.
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Abstract From the tenth/sixteenth century, coffee consumption spread from Yemen northwards, mainly via the Sufis and their disciples, who claimed that drinking coffee helped their ritual activity. This caused an extended debate among the ulama of different schools, who viewed the Sufis’ coffee drinking as a negative innovation opposed to the sharīʿa. The controversy first focused on whether coffee was permitted, or rather forbidden, like wine. However, as coffee became widespread, the lack of religious proofs for its prohibition and the religious and political authorities’ inability to forbid it moved the debate to the moral aspects. The supporters of forbidding coffee drinking were mainly ulama in official positions such as judges. These ulama needed the help of rulers to enforce the prohibition. Due to Sufis, by the eleventh–twelfth/seventeenth–eighteenth centuries, coffee consumption became a social phenomenon both in homes and in public spheres, as coffeehouses.
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Abidin, Min Hajul, and Yang Dong. "The Value of Santri in Political Moments: an Identity." Santri: Journal of Pesantren and Fiqh Sosial 1, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35878/santri.v1i2.237.
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Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) is one of the largest religious organizations in Indonesia. The santri community that is very identical to NU has contributed to Indonesia's development. When viewed from history, Santri were actively involved in Indonesian politics. The contribution of the santri is seen in various strategic positions of the country. The purpose of this study was to determine the attitude of the santri identity in political moments. This study uses a case study method to determine the process and central dynamics of santri in political activity. Semi-structured interviews were used to determine the identity construction of two subjects who had different backgrounds, but both were NU members who were raised in the santri tradition. The results showed that the santri's attitude did not have a particular patron/command and was amoeba/spread in various positions. Santri builds a unique identity as pride and has more value than other groups. Another result shows that political activity is considered an activity in worship.
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Haris, Didik M. Nur, and Rahimin Affandi Abdul Rahim. "Akar Tradisi Politik Sufi Ulama Kalimantan Barat Abad ke-19 dan 20." Ijtimaiyya: Jurnal Pengembangan Masyarakat Islam 10, no. 1 (March 8, 2018): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24042/ijpmi.v10i1.2355.
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Politics and Sufism, Two things that would never meet, There is a subjective view that the decline of Islam is due to the Sufis distancing themselves from the social and political activity. Historical facts prove that the Sufis who come to the archipelago have taught the real Islam and comprehensive in both the social, economic and political fields. This review will present historical evidence of the Sufi political tradition in the Indonesian archipelago and West Kalimantan in particular through the study of the third most popular ulamas of West Kalimantan in the 19th and 20th centuries namely AhmadKhatib al-Sambasi (1802-1879), Muhammad Basuni bin Muhammad `Imran (1885-1953) dan Guru Haji Isma’il Mundu (1870 – 1957).
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Ziaee, Ali, Najaf Aghaei, Marjan Saffari, Reza Yousefi Zenouz, and Ivo van Hilvoorde. "Future Drivers of Leisure Time Physical Activity in Iran." Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 86, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pcssr-2020-0013.
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AbstractPhysical activity can contribute to societal health and prevent antisocial behaviors. This study explored the driving forces facilitating these goals in Iran’s socio-cultural context. Through a literature review, investigation of available political documents, interviews with experts and consensus of the research team, seventy-three driving forces were explored from different domains and then categorised via the STEEPV framework. This framework considers drivers from Social, Technological, Environmental, Economic, Political, and Value/Cultural dimensions. The “sport/sport sciences” domain was also considered as an additional domain. In the next step, a questionnaire with an answer scale of 1 to 7 was distributed among experts. The fuzzy Delphi method was used to analyse the collected data. Results showed eighteen drivers from five domains (social, environmental, economic, technological and sport/sports sciences) dramatically influenced leisure time physical activity (LTPA) in Iran. “Physical activity opportunities for vulnerable groups” was identified as the most important driver for participation in LTPA. Results suggest the need for a multidimensional and thorough consideration by organisations, leisure managers and policymakers to discover methods to promote health-related physical activities in the future.
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Muhammad Iqbal, Mahathir. "Nahdlatul Ulama Dalam Pusaran Politik: Sebuah Otokriktik Orientasi NU Dalam Politik Perspektif Insider." Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik 1, no. 2 (October 19, 2019): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4852.
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A healthy and strong democratic state does not only require a strong political world. Of course, it is important to have a strong party, a strong leader, and a strong government. However, democracy also requires civil society which is also healthy and strong. In the political science literature, the political world and civil society are distinguished by political positions. The world of politics is the political territory of citizens who are prepared to fight for positions of government. The main vehicle is a political party. Meanwhile, civil society is the area of activity for citizens outside the government. The main vehicle is mass organizations. Deliberately, the world of civil society did not want to take part in the power struggle for the position of government. They deliberately chose a position outside the government to control the government. NU is expected to be in this position. Who always kept his distance from the world of practical politics and power. That way, the independence of NU as an authoritative mass organization is maintained.
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Koklikov, Vladimir O. "RELIGIOUS ACTIVITY OF ALI AKBAR HASHEMI RAFSANJANI." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2020): 203–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2020-4-203-217.
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The paper analyzes the political and religious activities of Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, one of the most famous politicians of modern Iran. His political and religious activities from youth to the end of his life are subject of the study. In particular, three periods of hislife are of interest here: his acquaintance with Ayatollah Khomeini and studying, religious activity before the Islamic revolution, and religious activity after the Islamic revolution. It is clear that Rafsanjani paid much attention to the study of the Quran and Islamic law, and after the Islamic revolution, he sought to promote religious ideas and Islamic legal regulations among Iranians. At the same time, after the revolution, Rafsanjani became very actively involved in the political life of Iran, occupying key positions in the main government bodies, including the presidency, as a result of what his own religious activity decreased significantly, although he nonetheless sought to combine politics and religion. The paper states that Rafsanjani took a moderate and pragmatic political position and changed his views depending on the circumstances in which the country found itself.
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Marashi, Afshin. "MOHAMMAD GHOLI MAJD, Resistance to the Shah: Landowners and the Ulama in Iran (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000). Pp. 426. $49.95 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002): 154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802331064.
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If the history of the Middle East in the 20th century is a history of fundamental social changes and dislocations, then surely one important part of that story is the transformation that took place in the agrarian sector of many Middle Eastern societies. The politics of landownership and the projects of land reform in the 20th century were indeed among the most ambitious of the statist projects undertaken during what we can now look back on as the “age of modernization.” Like so many large-scale projects of social engineering, land reform in the Middle East captured the optimism and idealism of modernization while producing some of its most brutal and unforeseen consequences.
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Mohamed, Yasien. "The Islamic Ideology of Ali Shari’ati." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 27, no. 2 (April 1, 2010): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v27i2.359.
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It has been thirty years since the Islamic revolution of Iran of 1979, and the name of Imam Khomeini remains alive in the minds of the people as its leader. However, little is known about the contribution of Ali Shari’ati (d. 1977) in awakening the educated youth to realize Islam’s political relevance and to participate in the struggle against the shah’s despotism. The new generation of Iranians know even less about his vision of governance and how it differs from Khomeini’s concept of governance by the ulama. This paper attempts to answer the following questions: Why did Shari’ati appeal to the students and intellectuals? What philosophical and theological elements make up his Islamic ideology, his Islamic sociology, and his concept of struggle (jihad)? How did he manage to blend Shi’ite theology and Marxist dialectical struggle to produce his own brand of Islamic ideology? Is the role of the sociologist to describe or to transform society?
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Mohamed, Yasien. "The Islamic Ideology of Ali Shari’ati." American Journal of Islam and Society 27, no. 2 (April 1, 2010): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v27i2.359.
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It has been thirty years since the Islamic revolution of Iran of 1979, and the name of Imam Khomeini remains alive in the minds of the people as its leader. However, little is known about the contribution of Ali Shari’ati (d. 1977) in awakening the educated youth to realize Islam’s political relevance and to participate in the struggle against the shah’s despotism. The new generation of Iranians know even less about his vision of governance and how it differs from Khomeini’s concept of governance by the ulama. This paper attempts to answer the following questions: Why did Shari’ati appeal to the students and intellectuals? What philosophical and theological elements make up his Islamic ideology, his Islamic sociology, and his concept of struggle (jihad)? How did he manage to blend Shi’ite theology and Marxist dialectical struggle to produce his own brand of Islamic ideology? Is the role of the sociologist to describe or to transform society?
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Mir Mohamad Tabar, S. Ahmad, Gohar A. Petrossian, Mohammad Mazlom Khorasani, and Mohsen Noghani. "Market Demand, Routine Activity, and Illegal Fishing: An Empirical Test of Routine Activity Theory in Iran." Deviant Behavior 42, no. 6 (May 20, 2021): 762–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2021.1927885.
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Zulkarnen, Zulkarnen. "Budaya Struktur Pemerintahan Republik Islam Iran." JURNAL Al-AZHAR INDONESIA SERI HUMANIORA 3, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.36722/sh.v3i1.194.
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<p><em>Abstrak</em> - <strong>Kelahiran Republik Islam Iran tidak lepas dari peran Ayatollah Imam Khomeini, pemimpin spiritual ulama, sekaligus pemimpin politik yang sangat dihormati di Iran. Imam Khomeini adalah salah satu tokoh terpenting di balik revolusi Iran dan kelahiran Republik Islam Iran. Karena perannya dalam memimpin revolusi Iran bahwa Imam Khomeini ditunjuk sebagai Pemimpin Revolusi Islam, sebagaimana tercantum dalam konstitusi Iran yang disahkan pada bulan Desember 1979. Salah satu gagasan paling menonjol dalam pemikiran politik Imam Khomeini adalah idenya tentang Wilayatul Faqih (tata kelola faqih) yang pada dasarnya menuntut kepemimpinan pada umumnya, termasuk kepemimpinan politik, harus berada di tangan yang terpercaya. Pemikiran politik Imam Khomeini tentang Wilayatul Faqih yang menjadi bagian terpenting dalam struktur politik Republik Islam Iran adalah menekan imamah yang didefinisikan sebagai kepemimpinan religius dan politis serta dilakukan oleh faqih. Wilayatul faqih merupakan kelanjutan dari doktrin Imamah dalam teori politik Syiah khususnya Shia Imami. Struktur ini bukanlah ide baru dalam pemikiran kalangan Syi'ah. Imam Khomeini yang kemudian mengembangkan dan mempraktikkan wilayatul faqih ke dalam sistem pemerintahan modern Iran. Dalam menerapkan gagasannya, Imam Khomeini berhasil menggabungkan struktur pemerintahan religius dengan institusi demokrasi. Namun, Imam Khomeini memiliki definisi demokrasi yang berbeda dengan demokrasi murni dan demokrasi liberal. Dia mengatakan bahwa kebebasan demokratis harus dibatasi dan kebebasan yang diberikan harus dilakukan dalam batas-batas hukum Islam. Meski demikian dapat dikatakan bahwa konsep Wilayatul faqih merupakan salah satu varian demokrasi. Dalam konsep keseimbangan dan mekanisme penyelarasan (checks and balances) ini harus berjalan, meski lembaga tersebut berada di bawah kewenangan wali faqih. Menurut Imam Khomeini tanpa pengawasan Wilayatul faqih, pemerintah akan lalim. Jika peraturan tersebut tidak sesuai dengan kehendak Tuhan dan jika Presiden dipilih tanpa arahan faqih, peraturan tersebut tidak berlaku. Sistem pemerintahan Republik Islam Iran dapat diklasifikasikan ke dalam sistem demokrasi agama, apapun istilahnya diberikan; baik istilah "Teo-Demokrasi" Maududi, "Theistic Democracy" Moh. Natsir "Islamo-Demokrasi" Nurcholis Madjid, Demokrasi, Islam atau apapun yang mencapnya pada dasarnya sama. Sebagai konsekuensi logis, Implikasi struktur gagasan Khomeini tentang demokrasi Islam adalah model dan bentuk pemerintahan alternatif yang bisa menjadi referensi bagi negara-negara Muslim lainnya di masa depan.</strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong><em>Kata Kunci – </em></strong><em>Wilayatul Faqih, Implementasi, Sistem, Struktur</em></p><p> </p><p><em>Abstract</em><strong>-</strong><strong>The birth of the Islamic Republic of Iran can not be separated from the role of Ayatollah Imam Khomeini, a cleric's spiritual leader, as well as a highly respected political leader in Iran. Imam Khomeini was one of the most important figures behind the Iranian revolution and the birth of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Because of its role in leading the Iranian revolution that Imam Khomeini was appointed as Leader (leader) of the Islamic revolution, as listed in the Iranian constitution which was passed in December 1979.One of the most prominent ideas in the political thought of Imam Khomeini was his idea about Wilayatul Faqih (governance of the faqih) which basically calls for leadership in general, including political leadership, should be in trusted hands. Imam Khomeini's political thinking about Wilayatul Faqih who became the most important part in the political structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran is putting pressure on the Imamat which is defined as a religious and political leadership as well as carried by the faqih. Wilayatul faqih is a continuation of the doctrine of Imamat in Shi'i political theory in particular Shia Imami. This structure is not a new idea in the thinking among the Shi'a. Imam Khomeini who later develop and practice Wilayatul faqih into Modern Iranian system of government.In applying his ideas, Imam Khomeini succeeded in combining the religious government structure with democratic institutions. However, Imam Khomeini has a different definition of democracy with pure democracy and liberal democracy. He said democratic freedoms should be restricted and the freedom granted shall be exercised within the limits of Islamic law. Nevertheless it can be said that the concept Wilayatul faqih is one variant of democracy. In this concept of balance and alignment mechanisms (checks and balances) must be running, although the institution is located under the authority of guardians faqih. According to Imam Khomeini without the supervision of Wilayatul faqih, the government will be despotic. If the rule is inconsistent with God's will and if the President shall be elected without the direction of a faqih, the rule is not valid. System of government of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be classified into a religious democratic system, whatever the term is given; either the term "Teo-Democracy" Maududi, "Theistic Democracy" Moh. Natsir "Islamo-Democracy" Nurcholis Madjid, Democracy, Islam or anything that labeled him basically the same. As a logical consequence, Implications of the structure of Khomeini's notion of Islamic democracy is a model and an alternative form of government that could be a reference for other Muslim countries in the future. </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><strong><em>Keyword - </em></strong><em>Wilayatul Faqih, Implementation, System, Structure</em>
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Shahriari, Kamyab, and Ku Hasnita Ku Samsu. "Malkom Khan’s Thoughts on Political Modernization from Bottom in Iran." International Journal of Culture and History 2, no. 2 (December 23, 2015): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijch.v2i2.6148.
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Malkom Khan in the second period of his political activity either as activist or as political thinker chose a different approach to political modernization. In this period, instead of addressing the monarch and government to gain their support for modernization, he addressed the people and adopted the approach of political modernization from bottom. In this period Malkom Khan proposed the idea of parliamentary constitutional monarchy and introduced this kind of government as the most proper government for Iran and in this regard for the first time he proposed the formation of the national consultative assembly, with its representatives elected not by the monarch but by the people. In line with parliamentary constitutional monarchy Malkom Khan proposed new and modern structures and institutions in order to achieve the political modernization program. Research result shows that his political thoughts faced a major shift. Unlike the first period of his thoughts during which his idea of political modernization was based on state building, in this period it is based on nation building and in order to prevent possible opposition from the clergy and conservative and religious segment of the populace to his thoughts and also in order to attract the support of the progressive class of clergymen with his political modernization thoughts he advocated a reconciliation of modern political thoughts with Islamic beliefs and teachings.
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Bekker, Peter H. F. "The 1996 Judicial Activity of the International Court of Justice." American Journal of International Law 91, no. 3 (July 1997): 554–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2954192.
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This Note summarizes the judicial work of the International Court of Justice during 1996, using the updated General List, pleadings filed, Orders and Judgments given and hearings held at the Peace Palace in The Hague to describe the Court’s current record.During the calendar year 1996, the Court was seized of one new contentious case: Kasikili/Sedudu Island (Botswana/Namibia). In 1996 a total of eleven cases appeared on the General List. Besides the new case referred to, the contentious proceedings before the full Court were Aerial Incident of 3 July 1988 (Iran v. United States), Maritime Delimitation and Territorial Questions between Qatar and Bahrain, Questions of Interpretation and Application of the 1971 Montreal Convention Arising from the Aerial Incident at Lockerbie (Libya v. United Kingdom) and (Libya v. United States), Oil Platforms (Iran v. United States), Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Yugoslavia), Gabčíkovo-Nagymaros Project (Hungary/Slovakia), Fisheries Jurisdiction (Spain v. Canada), and Land and Maritime Boundary (Cameroon v. Nigeria). Advisory proceedings were concluded in Legality of the Use by a State of Nuclear Weapons in Armed Conflict (request for an advisory opinion by the World Health Organization) and Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons (request for an advisory opinion by the General Assembly of the United Nations).
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Gasiorowski, Mark J. "The 1953 Coup D'Etat in Iran." International Journal of Middle East Studies 19, no. 3 (August 1987): 261–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800056737.
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In retrospect, the United States sponsored coup d'état in Iran of August 19, 1953, has emerged as a critical event in postwar world history. The government of Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddeq which was ousted in the coup was the last popular, democratically oriented government to hold office in Iran. The regime replacing it was a dictatorship that suppressed all forms of popular political activity, producing tensions that contributed greatly to the 1978–1979 Iranian revolution. If Mosaddeq had not been overthrown, the revolution might not have occurred. The 1953 coup also marked the first peacetime use of covert action by the United States to overthrow a foreign government. As such, it was an important precedent for events like the 1954 coup in Guatemala and the 1973 overthrow of Salvador Allende in Chile, and made the United States a key target of the Iranian revolution.
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Kraus, Josef. "The Concept of State Terrorism in Relation to Iran." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0003.
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Abstract This paper analyses the concept of state terrorism in relation to the politics of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The author uses the typology elaborated by the American political scientist Gus Martin. Iranian domestic and international patronage and assistance are researched. This paper comes to the conclusion that Iran is involved in a broad spectrum of terrorist activities; however, the specific forms of terrorism are carried our autonomously and in various time periods. The most active period was during the 1980s and the least Iranian terrorist activity can be noticed in the second half of 1990s.
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Ali Saied, Asst prof Dr Ali Hussein. "Ismail Agha Shakak and his political activism And the military in Iran's Kurdistan 1895-1930(Historical and documentary study)." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 227, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v227i2.707.
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Ismail Agha activity was a prominent page In the history of Contemporary Iran where Iran's Kurdistan was at critical stage before , during and after world war first Its territory became a battle ground during the war , which Ismail Agha exploited for political and military activity to expand his power by establishing an alliance with Kurdish clans which was then in vain for the establishment of an independent Kurdish state in Iran's Kurdistan , but the British and Turkish apposition prevented it
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Chehabi, H. E. "Ardabil Becomes a Province: Center-Periphery Relations in Iran." International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, no. 2 (May 1997): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800064485.
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Amid all the attention that Iranian politics has received since the Islamic Revolution of 1979, local politics has been almost totally neglected. This neglect vitiates our understanding of contemporary Iran, as it is at the local level that state policies are carried out, contested, reshaped, resisted, or revised. Beginning with the centralizing state-building of Reza Shah Pahlavi (r. 1926–41), Tehran increasingly dominated Iran's politics, commercial activities, and cultural life, and most of the country's Westernized elites lived in the capital. The 1979 revolution was to some extent a populist revolt against this Westernized elite, and among the new rulers those whose social and family roots are outside Tehran abound. Among the common people, “the experience of participation in mass political activity … undermined the feeling of political abjection,” while the new rulers have attempted, not always successfully, to lessen the gap not only between rich and poor, but also between rich and poor provinces. The new prominence of provincials in national life has gone hand in hand with a greater recognition of Iran's ethnic and linguistic diversity, while at the same time the sense of common participation in the revolution and the Iran–Iraq War has knitted people of different ethnic backgrounds more closely together.
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Cymbaluk, Łukasz. "Bitcoin and political implications of the crypto-currencies." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 29 (April 8, 2021): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.29.5.
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The article focuses on analyzing Bitcoin, its crucial features and applications of crypto-currencies in the context of political consequences. These kinds of instruments have value and their role as a means of payment has been constantly increasing. The attempts to use crypto-currencies by countries that actively try to take advantage of their specific functions and mechanisms is noticed. One of the particular areas of activity aims to bypass economic sanctions. In this situation, the following actors, such as Venezuela, Iran, North Korea, and Russia may be pointed out. As an addition to activities directed at avoiding sanctions, there are also projects of creating crypto-currencies by the state. In essence, these actions are supposed to improve the economic situation of particular actors. Crypto-currencies also bring challenges which are related to the processes of functioning of the state. Law and security are the main areas in this regard.
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Arbatov, A. "The Nuclear Agreement with Iran: Exception or Precedent?" World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 3 (2016): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-3-5-15.
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The article deals with the Agreement concluded in July of 2015 by the group of states “5+1” (the United States, Russia, Britain, France, China and Germany, and special envoy of the European Union) with Iran on its nuclear energy program (called Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action – JCPOA). It is argued, that despite some controversial points the Agreement as a whole is tangibly limiting, reducing and restructuring Iranian nuclear-technical assets, its development program, stockpile and quality of nuclear materials, and is prohibiting potentially military activities. Of special value is the broad and deep regime of transparency, safeguards and control by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which goes much further than the existing safeguards associated with the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). It is underlined that objectively (regardless of Iranian intentions) manufacturing of nuclear weapon or some secret military activity of significant scale is practically out of question in Iran during the term of various provisions of the Agreement (10–25 years). As proved by the article, a crucial factor in reaching the JCPOA were the U.S. and European Union economic and financial sanctions, adopted against Iran in 2012. They led to the profound economic crisis, which brought the change of government at presidential elections of 2013, and eventually facilitated Iranian concessions (foremost, on the scale of uranium enrichment, deep underground enrichment complex, plutonium-producing reactor, and the scale of transparency). On the other hand, in contrast to American and Russian official statements, the unprecedented tensions between Russia and the West around the Ukrainian crisis since the early 2014 seriously weakened the unity and diplomatic dominance of the “5+1” group of states. Hence, it turned impossible to achieve still more far-reaching agreements on some principle issues (in particular, on the necessity for Iran to receive the approval of the “5+1” and IAEA for the parameters of its nuclear energy program justifiable by peaceful needs – as suggested by the Interim Agreement of November 2013). This has created a precedent for other states to claim the right for developing nuclear energy programs with dual purpose or suspicious elements without obligatory and plausible peaceful justification. It is also underlined, that the future impact of the Agreement on the global system and regimes of nuclear non-proliferation is unclear. The positive side is the JCPOA role in preventing the new war in the Gulf. The dubious aspect is that universalization of the limitations and transparency norms of the Agreement for the purpose of the Non-Proliferation Treaty enhancement is rejected by a number of states, foremost by Russia. It keeps to a tough position that the Agreement is exceptionally Iranian case, which is not applicable to other states, and in fact this point is legally fixed in JCPOA and IAEA documents. This Russian position is in line with its general stance against more restrictive interpretation of the NPT norms and against more intrusive IAEA safeguards. No doubt, in the foreseeable future, these issues will be a matter of serious controversies among states regarding the enhancement of the NPT and overall non-proliferation system and regimes.
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Michaelsen, Marcus. "Far Away, So Close: Transnational Activism, Digital Surveillance and Authoritarian Control in Iran." Surveillance & Society 15, no. 3/4 (August 9, 2017): 465–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v15i3/4.6635.
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Transnational information flows and advocacy networks are among the challenges of a globalizing world to which contemporary authoritarian rulers need to adapt. Drawing on research into the repressive strategies of the Iranian state against exiled human rights activists and journalists, I show how digital surveillance allows the regime to monitor political activity outside the country and to prepare counter-measures projecting power beyond borders. With the help of digital media, state authorities can expand the scope and scale of potential threats against outside activists and their ties into the country. The repressive practices of the Iranian state are not only a response to the transnationalisation of political activism but also result of a global securitization of online space. The Iranian case thus demonstrates how contemporary authoritarian power is built and sustained in processes no longer bound to a specific state or territory.
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Sadeghloo, Tahereh, Hamdollah Sojasi Qeidari, Mahdi Salehi, and Amin Faal Jalali. "Obstacles and methods of financing for the development of local entrepreneurship in Iran." International Journal of Development Issues 17, no. 1 (April 3, 2018): 114–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijdi-05-2017-0046.
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Purpose The purpose of the current study is to investigate the public and private financing obstacles to medium- and small-scale entrepreneurs in rural areas in Iran. Design/methodology/approach Descriptive analytic research method is used for collecting field data among 5,770 owners of entrepreneurial businesses located in rural areas of Mashhad in 2015. Findings The results showed that there are numerous public and private obstacles in rural entrepreneurship financing in Iran, which are the main factors for short-term loan repayment in public sector, and in the private sector, they result in entrepreneurs’ lack of access to the source of financing. Moreover, there are a variety of financing methods for entrepreneurship in rural areas, among which personal resources and borrowings are the most important ones. Thus, lack of serious and persistent governmental support from local entrepreneurs causes many entrepreneurial failures at the early stages of entrepreneurial activity in villages of Iran. Originality/value So far, few studies have been conducted on the subject of the study; hence, the results of the current study may be helpful to the developing nations.
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Kelbizadeh, Elnur Р. "THE DYNAMICS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF ARMENIAN-IRANIAN RELATIONS IN THE POST-SOVIET PERIOD." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 15, no. 4 (January 6, 2020): 639–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch154639-651.
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Relations with the post-soviet countries, especially with the Caucasus republics became a special aspect of Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy, after the collapse of the USSR. The processes around the Islamic Republic of Iran have increased the attention to the foreign policy of this country, its relations with neighboring countries and its strategic goals. It is known that the Islamic Republic of Iran expected its main threats to its security from its southern and western neighbors. In this sense, the collapse of the USSR has created a new sphere of diplomatic activity for the Islamic Republic of Iran. On the other hand, Iran's loss of influence in this region could pose new security threats to him.
The main purpose of this article is to analyze the stages of political relations between one of the regional powers of the Asian continent the Islamic Republic of Iran and its sole Christian neighbor Armenia and to forecast future of bilateral relations. This article explores the dynamics of İran-Armenia relations in the context of regional security. The methodological basis of the research is the principles of the theory of realism. A number of theoretical and applied methods have been used to study the development of bilateral relations.
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Rabiei, Kamran. "Social Policy Under Sociopolitical Changes in the Post-revolutionary Iran, 1979–2013." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 6, no. 1 (January 6, 2019): 16–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798918812264.
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The dialectic relation between sociocultural changes and political developments in the post-revolutionary Iran is discussed in the article which shows how the social policy of the governments has changed under this relation. The 1979 Islamic Revolution brought about a wave of tendency toward a specific discourse that can be called “downtrodden discourse” wherein the poor and deprived are the center of attention, and the resources of society are mainly mobilized in the direction of improving their economic and social conditions. Furthermore, the eight-year Iran–Iraq War (1980—1988) strengthened this discourse, and the new political system relied on the lower class of the society to push the war forward, stabilize the foundations of its power, and solidify its ideology. After the war, Iran had three governments with three different approaches toward social policy. During the era of Hashemi Rafsanjani (1989–1997), no special attention was paid to social policy since economic growth and development was the focus of the government activity. Under Mohammed Khatami (1997–2005), special attention was paid to comprehensive social policy, but due to internal political and social tensions, his government failed to implement its codified social policy. Although Ahmadinejad (2005–2013) intended to pay special attention to social policy, the actions taken by his government not only failed to reduce poverty but they also pushed the significant part of the middle class below the poverty line.
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Gresh, Geoffrey. "Iranian Kurds in an Age of Globalisation." Iran and the Caucasus 13, no. 1 (2009): 187–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/160984909x12476379008241.
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AbstractSince 2003 and the establishment of Iraq's Kurdish Regional Government, Iran has witnessed a rise in ethnonationalist activity among its Kurdish population. Much of the motivation for this activity stems from the political success of the Kurds in Iraq. The spread of Iranian Kurdish nationalism has also been influenced by globalisation forces, such as global communications technologies, transnational networks, and increased mobility across borders. In this age of globalisation, the Iranian government's ability to rule over the Kurds will continue to erode, unless it caters toward Kurdish demands of minority rights.
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Halper, Louise. "DISRUPTED SOCIETIES, TRANSFORMATIVE STATES: POLITICS OF LAW AND GENDER IN REPUBLICAN TURKEY AND IRAN." Hawwa 5, no. 1 (2007): 90–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920807781787680.
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AbstractIran and Turkey, one an Islamic, the other a secular republic, are the more successful loci of women's participation in public life, both politically and economically, than are a number of other states whose population is largely Muslim. I suggest their relative success (as measured by World Bank and UNHDR data) may be due to similar transformative shifts from monarchy to republic. Historical examination of the cases of Turkey and Iran suggests that while the mobilization of women into political activity is crucial, it need not result in similar legal changes. Obviously, the right to vote is fundamental to political participation and exists for women in both countries. The comparison of the two republics suggests that, at least in Muslim-majority countries, a legal regime explicitly protecting gender rights may be less central to social change, including women's participation in public life, than is a history of women's mobilization in support of popular politics.
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Putrie, Yulia Eka, Widjaja Martokusumo, and Bambang Setia Budi. "MAINTAINING OR NEGOTIATING IDENTITY: THE SOCIO-POLITICAL DYNAMICS OF COMMUNITY MOSQUES IN MALANG, EAST JAVA, INDONESIA." Journal of Islamic Architecture 5, no. 1 (June 21, 2018): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/jia.v5i1.4431.
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<p>The contemporary dynamics of mosque development in Indonesia is closely related to the socio-political dynamics of various Islamic groups or organizations such as Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah, etc. A great number of mosques in Indonesia have been built by Muslim communities affiliated to one of these Islamic groups. In this case, mosque architecture can be considered as one means of expression of the communities’ specific identities which derived from their particular perspectives on the ideal picture of a mosque. However, there is also another case where a mosque is built by a heterogeneous Muslim community. In this context, the image of an ideal mosque becomes the object of negotiations among the diverse affiliated members. This paper discusses to what extent these socio-political dynamics affect the identity representation of community mosques in Malang, one of the regions in East Java where the dynamic interactions among various Islamic groups take place. The result shows that the attempts to represent identity in the community mosques are related to the socio-political dynamic of the Muslim communities. In the mosques of the specific groups, some architectural elements, such as the iconographic ornaments and colors, the spatial arrangement, and the specific features are maintained to represent their specific identities. However, in the mosques of the heterogeneous Muslim communities, these elements are negotiated and challenged by the community members. These negotiations could result, whether in the mutual understanding and tolerance, or in the space claim attempts by the dominant group through the domination of the activity systems, the role restrictions, and the physical control over the mosque.</p>
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Dragne, Gabriela-Nicoleta. "REGIONAL SECURITY IN THE MIDDLE EAST AREA IN THE PERIOD OF THE COLD WAR. TURKEY'S CONTRIBUTION TO REGIONAL SECURITY." Agora International Journal of Juridical Sciences 13, no. 2 (January 21, 2020): 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15837/aijjs.v13i2.3798.
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The alliance belt between Turkey, Iran, Pakistan and Iraq led to the creation of the political-military bloc nicknamed the Baghdad Pact, which aimed to limit Soviet expansionism to the warm seas and the Gulf and to ensure peace and security in the Middle East region.Another trio of non-Arab states in the East: Turkey, Israel and Iran formed an influential military alliance in the late 1950s under the name of the Phantom Pact or the Peripheral Alliance in order to coordinate the activity of the three secret intelligence services, to coordinate their activities. express their anti-Soviet stance and maintain regional security. Equally, Turkey's involvement in regional affairs played an essential role. Today, the presence of the UN in the area, is facing a new danger of our times: terrorism.
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Saeidi, Shirin, and Paola Rivetti. "Out of Space: Securitization, Intimacy, and New Research Challenges in Post-2009 Iran." International Journal of Middle East Studies 49, no. 3 (July 26, 2017): 515–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743817000381.
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In post-2009 Iran, not only is space gendered for a variety of reasons ranging from customs to state intervention, but also public space has become less accessible and secluded for security purposes. To securitize the state or replace a sense of trust with that of suspicion, states blend the gendering of space with the architecture of seclusion. In the United States, for instance, the separation of males and females in the prison industrial complex includes seclusion of bodies and often subjects gender-nonconforming people, immigrants, and those with HIV to disproportionate levels of physical danger. In Iran, architectural adjustments with the aim of seclusion have significantly increased since the 2009 protests. In Tehran, for instance, shisha shops in the mountains, which used to be common sites of leisure, are randomly raided by security forces. As a result, participating in such spaces means having to hide in the back areas to engage in an activity that not too long ago was legal. It follows that the combination of gendering and seclusion of space disrupts the formation of organic relationships and generates real, falsely stimulated, and contested intimacies. How we approach intimacies in this complicated situation determines in important ways the impact that this new spatial scheme will have on our research agenda, analysis, and perhaps even safety.
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Kabiri, Saeed, John K. Cochran, Rachel Severson, Syede Massomeh Shadmanfaat, Mohammad Mahdi Rahmati, and Mahmoud Sharepour. "Social and Personal Controls and Performance Enhancing Drug Use: Toward an Explanation of Doping Activity among Professional Athletes in Rasht, Iran." Deviant Behavior 39, no. 11 (July 10, 2018): 1483–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2018.1486057.
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Rasiah, Harun. "An Imagined Diaspora: The making of Shi'i Muslim ethnicity in Sri Lanka." Journal of Indian Ocean World Studies 4, no. 2 (April 14, 2021): 144–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/jiows.v4i2.81.
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The contemporary formation of a community of Shi’i Muslims provides a window into the making and unmaking of ethnicity in Sri Lanka. Originating in solidarity with the Islamic revolution of Iran, Sunni activists formed a political network which has evolved into an autonomous Shi’i religious community. Members studied the traditional Islamic disciplines in the institution of learning (hawza ‘ilmiyya) in Qom alongside students who had undergone a similar transformation, fortifying an internationalist outlook. With associates in the Indian Ocean region, particularly the Gulf states, the transregional community is bound by the common thread of Shi’ism and focuses on Iran and the ‘Atabat of Iraq as spiritual homeland. Exploring the “diasporic consciousness” of the community, this article focuses on the transmission of ideas in time and space. Temporally, it emphasizes claims to local Muslim heritage in variant readings of the Sri Lankan past. Spatially, their cartography provides an alternative account of the sacred landscape based on scholarly practice, devotional activity and political contestation. By recounting the history and mapping the geography of the Shi’i Muslim community, this article investigates how Shi’ism influences the configuration of a diasporic field.
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Halilović, Muamer. "The political idea of wilayat al-faqih throughout history: An analysis of specific historical models of the idea from the Safavid period to the present day." Kom : casopis za religijske nauke 9, no. 3 (2020): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kom2003001h.
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Ever since the emergence of Islam in the Arabian Peninsula, the question of the relationship between religion and government, or more specifically, the issue of the relationship between representatives of religious thought and life with authorities has always been highly topical. The Prophet of Islam already formed the first Islamic rule in Medina, as a model of concretization of a new form of social life. His successors tried to preserve this model even after his death, even though they were not most successful in that. The institution of the caliphate was formed very quickly, which was not a bad idea, but in practice it proved to be a far cry from the initial ideals of Islam and the Prophet. First the Umayyad and then the Abbasid caliphates, and after them many other dynasties in various ruling forms such as sultanates and ilkhanates, ruled according to the traditional models of their ancestors, trying, at least formally, to approach some Islamic principles. In such circumstances, the special duty of representatives of Muslim thought, philosophers, lawyers, theologians and all others, was to clarify various practical models according to which Islamic dogma will appear in the clearest and most concrete form in the ruling structure and its ideological background. Thus, different models of relationships between representatives of religious thought and rulers appeared, and consequently, between religion and government itself. One of the most famous theories that explains this relationship was the theory of wilayat al-faqih, which advocates the idea that in the period after the Prophet and his true successors, it is necessary that Muslim jurists and thinkers, i.e. ulama, be included in power. The level of their participation in government can be maximum or minimum, and will vary depending on the political will of the governing structure dominant in society at a given moment. This theory became especially prominent in recent times when it was very extensively analysed and expressed by Ayatollah Ruhulah Khomeini, who even founded the structure of the newly formed Islamic Republic of Iran on its foundations. The truth is, however, that this theory has a very long history, more than a few hundred years old. In this paper, we will try to present some of the main models that this political and social idea has given rise to throughout history, and especially since the formation of the Safavid dynasty (16th century).
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Madyarov, Irshat, and Aida Taef. "Contradictions in a distance course for a marginalized population at a Middle Eastern university." International Review of Research in Open and Distributed Learning 13, no. 2 (April 13, 2012): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19173/irrodl.v13i2.1180.
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<p>This study explores six cases of non-native English speaking students engaged in a distance English-medium course on critical thinking at a university in Iran. Framed within activity theory, the study investigated students’ course-related activity systems with a particular focus on contradictions that underlie any human activity. The construct of contradictions provides a theoretical lens to understand a web of relationships among a number of elements in course-related activities situated in a cultural-historical setting beset with political controversies, technological challenges, and needs for a bilingual curriculum. The findings indicate that all student participants had multiple activity systems within the course environment. Most participants had primary, secondary, and quaternary contradictions that had positive and negative consequences on the expansion of their activity systems. Discussion also includes practical implications for the distance university under study that could potentially be applied to similar distance schools.</p>
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Rosi, Fathor. "Gerakan Politik Kiai dan Dakwah Islam: Membaca Aktifitas Dakwah dan Politik Kiai pada Momentum Pemilu." At-Turost : Journal of Islamic Studies 7, no. 2 (August 24, 2020): 233–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52491/at.v7i2.34.
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When the momentum of the general election (Pemilu), the participation of the Kiai became a lot of spotlight and opposition because it was often considered political, and vice versa even though political activity was often a media of preaching. So the purpose of the discussion in this article is to read the preaching and political activities of the Kiai during the election momentum. This study uses literature review with empirical and theoretical analysis, including journals, books, and other communication media. The results of this article intend to emphasize that the preaching of the Kiai and politics can be combined by making politics as wasilah convey the message of Islamic da'wah. Because operationally it is recommended to use various methods and media, including power, but what needs to be underlined that power is not the purpose of da'wah. In the context of preaching, Kiai is closely related to politics. When the rulers of a country or region are hostile to Islam, the policies made can interfere with Islamic preaching activities. So, the relationship of politics or power with preaching will help achieve the goals of da'wah. So that the purpose of da'wah can run well if it is supported by a strong organization or by policy makers. At least between the Kiai as a religious figure who consistently carries out his preaching activities, fully supported by the ruling government, a synergy will be created between the Kiai as an ulama 'and the Government as an umara'.
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SUONPÄÄ, MIKA. "FINANCIAL SPECULATION, POLITICAL RISKS, AND LEGAL COMPLICATIONS: BRITISH COMMERCIAL DIPLOMACY IN THE BALKANS, c. 1906–1914." Historical Journal 55, no. 1 (February 10, 2012): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000537.
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ABSTRACTBefore 1914, a more intimate relationship started to develop between overseas commercial activity and foreign policy. This occurred as a consequence of the politicization of international business relations that came about when other great powers began increasingly to challenge Britain's global commercial, political, and imperial supremacy. Britain had traditionally followed alaissez-faireline when it came to supporting or protecting British overseas business enterprise. In the mid-1880s, Britain was compelled to review its policy. After this, the British government was prepared to offer limited assistance to British firms, but this often took place only in regions which were significant in terms of overall policy interest, including Turkey, Iran, and China. This article examines British commercial diplomacy in the Balkans, a region which has not received much attention from historians in this framework. British commercial diplomacy there followed the general line of limited intervention and support was offered mostly on legal grounds. Local political troubles and great power politics also played a role in diplomatic decision-making as did negative cultural perceptions, but to a considerably lesser degree. In most cases, the British government refrained from supporting British business enterprise in the Balkans on account of fears about financial speculation.
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Tama, Jordan. "Forcing the President's Hand: How the US Congress Shapes Foreign Policy through Sanctions Legislation." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 3 (July 27, 2019): 397–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz018.
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Abstract Given the US president's leading role in many areas of American foreign policy, one might expect the president to prevail in executive-legislative clashes over economic sanctions. In this paper, I show that, with surprising frequency, US legislators overcome presidential opposition to their sanctions proposals and induce the president to take foreign policy actions that he or she would not otherwise take. My argument explains why the president often signs and implements sanctions legislation despite considering it inadvisable, as well as how sanctions legislation can influence foreign policy actions, the behavior of foreign governments, or international diplomacy in other ways. I support the argument with descriptive statistics based on an original data set of over a hundred legislative sanctions proposals and a case study of the effects of legislative initiatives targeting Iran over a period of two decades. The paper's findings show that legislative activity is more important than some previous research on sanctions and US foreign policy suggests.
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Golmohammadi, Naser. "An analysis of the circumstances and factors that have influenced the development of Animation Industry in Iran in the 1960-2002 periods." Environment Conservation Journal 16, SE (December 5, 2015): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.36953/ecj.2015.se1607.
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In the early part of 20th century animation emerged as a revolutionary way of making art. It evolved into a powerful means of expression and creativity of artists who could merge all art genres into one art form. The subsequent developments of animation have opened its diverse uses in entertainment business, education and political propaganda.
This article attempts to examine the factors that have influenced and shaped the development of animation industry in Iran. It takes a historical view and investigates the impacts of changing socio-economic and political forces that have determined the functions of animation in the Iranian society. The study traces the establishment of the industry to the government-run centres, describing the pioneering role of artists who gave rise to the ‘golden age’ of animation in the pre-revolutionary Iran. Especial attention is throughout paid to the long and rich cultural and artistic heritages, as the thematic basis for indigenously produced animated films in Iran. The growth of the industry is considered in conjuncture with the expansion of feature films cinema and expansion of television networks. The latter is particularly important for the fact that it provides a secured market for a sizeable audience of children and young people in Iran. The study analyses the impact of the 1979 Islamic Revolution on the animation industry from a period of stagnation to a highly promoted and government sponsored artistic and industrial activity. In the post-revolutionary period, the industry was transformed from one reflecting the Iranian history and culture to the one that emphasises the Islamic-Iranian values and Islamic traditions; hence animation has become an ideological means in propagating the cultural policy of the state. Thus, animation has increasingly become a cultural industry assigned to supply growing needs of television and artistic works reserved for international festivals.This research is largely based on extensive interviews with animation artists and those who are working in the industry complemented with a sample of questionnaires addressed to both Iranian artists and foreign observers and participants in the Iranian International festivals on animation. The research methodology is also supplemented with the research on printed materials – very few and often descriptive- and personal experience of working over twenty years in the industry.
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Barani, Mahshid. "Creating a New Experience for Tourists through City Branding (Case Study: City of Shiraz in Iran)." Space and Culture, India 9, no. 1 (June 25, 2021): 138–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v9i1.1132.
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The utility of the destination brand experience directly originates from the type of feelings of audiences present in a city. In this study, after recognising the components affecting the sense of place, their relationship with the tourism brand experience in the city of Shiraz, Iran was assessed, and the way the components made effects were investigated as well. To achieve this end, as stated above, this research was conducted using a case study of Shiraz city. The data collection was performed through observation and questionnaire, and the data analysis technique was a combination of quantitative (using SPSS software) and qualitative methods. The obtained results demonstrated that all factors in each form, activity and meaning components affected the sense of place in Shiraz; however, factors associated with the city’s history, such as historical attractions and famous people, had a remarkable effect when compared to others. Overall, consideration of the indicators influencing the sense of place in all aspects, particularly the management and operational ones (design and execution), results in a more robust connection of the audience with the destination brand, growth of sustainable tourism in Shiraz, and successful competition in the international arena.
Submitted: 12 December 2020; Revised: 29 March December 2021; Accepted: 31 May 2021
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Seyidbeyli, Maryam. "Life and activity of Nasir al-Din al-Tusi." History of science and technology 10, no. 2 (December 12, 2020): 353–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.32703/2415-7422-2020-10-2-353-367.
Full textAbstract:
At the beginning of the VII century in the political life of the Near and Middle East, fundamental changes have taken place. The Arabs conquered a colossal territory, which included the lands of Iran, North Africa, North-West India, the Asian provinces of Byzantium, most of the former Roman Empire. In the conquered cities of the caliphate, observatories, madaris, libraries were built. At the end of VII century, the first scientific center, an academy, the House of Wisdom, was founded in Baghdad, in which scholars who spoke different languages were assembled. Here the translation and commentary activity were very developed, the main works of ancient thought, such as the writings of Aristotle, Ptolemy were published in the 9th century in the Arabic-speaking world. For two centuries from 750 to 950 years, the works of ancient authors on philosophy, mathematics, medicine, alchemy, and astronomy were translated into Arabic, which indicates the high scientific potential of that time in the East. At the same time, in the XII century, Ibn Rushd composed 38 commentaries on the works of Aristotle, the “Republic” of Plato, the treatise “On the Mind” of Alexander of Aphrodisias, which subsequently had an important influence on the work of Nasir al-Din al-Tusi. Thus, this period in the history of Eastern scientific thought is marked by high intellectual potential. To this day, historians of medieval Arabic literature face a sufficient number of difficulties, since the vast majority of manuscripts remain inaccessible to them. The works of many renowned Arab authors of the middle Ages are more than 1000 years old, so it seems obvious that the manuscripts of the vast majority of authors have not survived to this day. The researchers of the history of Azerbaijan and neighboring countries in the middle Ages, with all the variety of available sources on which they rely, still attract little factual material related to the Arabic-language works of the historical and scientific genre. Undoubtedly, a comprehensive study of the entire complex of information of Nasir al-Din al-Tusi on the history of science in Azerbaijan is of great importance.
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MALYSHEVA, D. B. "POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION OF TURKEY IN THE CONTEXT OF THE REFERENDUM ON 16 APRIL." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 2 (November 2, 2017): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-2-167-180.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the peculiarities of the transformation of Turkey in the sphere of internal and foreign policy in the light of the referendum held on April 16, 2017 on the issue of the extension of powers of the head of state. The preconditions and consequences of the transition of Turkey from a parliamentary political system to a presidential one are analyzed, as well as the problem of stability of the internal political situation in the republic in the conditions of the economic crisis, the unresolved Kurdish problem, the increase of terrorist threat. In the article the changes in the positioning of Turkey in the international arena appeared after the referendum, in particular in the relations with the European Union which Turkey has tried to join for a long time are revealed. Special attention is paid to the international and political activity of Turkey in the Middle East region and in the Syrian conflict zone where the military confrontation sparked the activation of radical Islamist movements and terrorist structures. The evolution of the Turkish approaches to the crisis in Syria is analyzed, the role of Turkey which with Russia and Iran has become a guarantor of peaceful settlement within the framework of Astana process is estimated. Based on the analysis of the peculiarities of the transformation of Turkey as a regional power a conclusion is made about the postreferendum continuity of the political course in the sphere of internal and foreign policy and that within the framework of the presidential political system developing in the republic one can expect greater dynamics in the adoption of economic, political and international solutions.
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Makhmutov, Zufar A. "The Roles and Activities of Tatar Mullahs in Kazakhstan, 18th to Mid-21st Century." RUDN Journal of Russian History 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2021-20-1-61-73.
Full textAbstract:
This article is devoted to the study of the functions by the Institute of Tatar mullahs in Kazakhstan at different historical periods. The author examines the activities of clergymen in the region, analyzes the internal policy of the Russian and later Soviet state, which regulated their activities by legislative acts, creating certain political contexts. Research interest is also caused by the internal policy of the state, which regulated Tatar mullahs activities by legislative acts and it created certain political contexts. The sources for writing the work were materials of personal origin and office work, legislative and regulatory documents stored in the archives of Kazakhstan and Russia. In the initial period of the Kazakhstan's colonization the institute of Tatar mullahs was integrated into the management system of the newly-joined territory. In these conditions, the Tatar clergy had rather large powers in the Kazakh steppe. They conducted civil proceedings, document management, taught the Kazakhs literacy and agriculture, participated in government decisions, and carried out diplomatic missions. Their work gave legitimacy to the actions of the empire for the Kazakhs and promoted loyalty to the new government. In the middle of the 19th century, the attitude of the tsarist officials towards the mullahs changed dramatically. Activity of Tatar clergy was significantly limited by the Temporary Provision of 1868. Despite the prohibitions being undertaken, the political and religious influence of the ulama on the Kazakhs remained quite strong. In Soviet times, a significant part of the Tatar clergy was destroyed and completely removed from the legal field. However, although they were in an illegal situation, they continued to perform religious functions. After some religious relaxation during the Great Patriotic War, they made a significant contribution to the formation of Kazakhstani Kaziyat. The author considers that Tatar mullahs were the elite of the mobilized diaspora оn the basis of the analyzed material. Tatar ulemahs conspicuous influence was until the middle of the 19th century and occurred outside the religious sphere as well.
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Akhmedov, Vladimir M. "IRAN’S POLITICS IN THE MIDDLE EAST: POLITICAL AND MILITARY DIMENSIONS." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (14) (2020): 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-4-247-256.
Full textAbstract:
The article explores the core components of Iran’s politics in the Middle East and its latest developments achieved in the region since the 1990s. The author focuses on the Iranian activity in some Arab countries, mainly in Syria, showing why and how Iranian influence managed to ground so deeply in the social fabric of the Syrian society. The author briefly characterizes historic background of Arab-Iranian relations, showing the place and role of Iranian politics in Arab society and political institutions on the eve of ‘Arab Spring’. The article studies the influence of ‘Arab Spring’ on Arab-Iranian relations and shows the challenges, caused by this popular uprising on its early stages in some Arab countries, for Iran and its relations with Middle Eastern states. The stand of the Arab authorities with regards of the given situation and its ability to influence its development are demonstrated as well. The author explores the latest actions of IRI to create structures under Iranian control in some Arab countries, showing the latest developments of Iranian penetration into Arab countries, first of all into Syria. The author analyzes the actions of Iranian diplomacy in concerning the above mentioned goals to strengthen Iranian positions in the Middle East. The article shows the main spheres of Iranian, Israeli, Turkish and Russian contradictions in some Arab countries, first of all in Syria, paying special attention to the development of Russian-Iranian relations in the Middle East. The author estimates Iran’s chances to safeguard its present position in the Middle East in the contexts of latest developments in the region and with regards to Iran’s relations with Russia and Turkey. The author tries to predict transformations in Iran’s Middle Eastern politics in view of further political developments in the region, sharing his views about reconsidering Russian-Iranian relations aiming to improve it, considering the upcoming challenges in the region, where Moscow pursues today an active policy.