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Journal articles on the topic 'Ulpianus'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 16 February 2022

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1

Sukačić, Marko. "Dvojbena pravna narav kupnji na pokus." Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Rijeci 40, no. 3 (2020): 1207–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.30925/zpfsr.40.3.10.

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The paper deals with the sale on approval of horses and mules shown in D.19,5,20 pr.- 1 (Ulpianus libro 32 ad edictum) and the existing theories on the legal position of the parties in the source. The first part of the paper sets out principium of D.19,5,20, where Ulpian quotes Labeo, and his description of the sale on approval of horses, concluded between the seller and the acrobatic rider – desultor, with a detailed analysis of the interpretations of relevant romanists. The principium is analyzed with the reference to dominant theories: theses on the suspensive and/or resolutive condition pactum displicentiae, on the innominate contract, and on pre-contractual acts. This is followed by an analysis of Ulpian’s sequel in the first paragraph of D.19,5,20 with a quotation of Mela, where he describes the sale on approval of mules, which are stolen during the test period, with Ulpian’s quote of Mela’s dilemma and of comparison with his own. Next part of the paper contains theories and interpretations of the legal nature of the relationship between the parties and the stage of contract. In conclusion, author presents his own position on the both presented situations, the legal nature of the relationship between the parties, and finally on the legal problem raised by Ulpian in the cited sources.

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2

Nowicka, Dobromiła. "Stroje Rzymianek w kontekście brzmienia fragmentu D. 47, 10, 15, 15 Ulpianus libro 77 ad edictum." Prawo 324 (December 31, 2017): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0524-4544.324.3.

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Garments of Roman women in the context of fragments D. 47, 10, 15, 15 Ulpianus libro 77 ad edictumThe fact that some kinds of dress were assigned specific categories of people was to reflect — and consolidate — the existing social order expressed in the right to wear strictly defined garments. Yet a widely confirmed non-compliance with the rules concerning garments not only failed to fulfil that role, but even introduced uncertainty about the real status of inappropriately dressed individuals in the light of traditional rules of how to dress. The aim of the article is to examine the question of daily garments used by Roman women, drawing on both literary sources and images of women. The analysis is placed in the context of Ulpian’s account of modification of the liability of the perpetrator of iniuria depending on the dress worn by the woman when her good name was assaulted.Kleidung der Römerinnen im Kontext des Wortlauts des Abschnittes D. 47, 10, 15, 15 Ulpianus libro 77 ad edictumDie Bestimmung gewisser Arten der Kleidung für konkrete Gruppen von Personen sollte die geltende soziale Ordnung widerspiegeln und begründen, die sich in der Berechtigung äußerte, genau festgelegte Kleidungsbestanteile tragen zu können. Die Grundsätze betreffend Kleidung, was breit bestätigt wird, waren jedoch oft verletzt, so erfüllten sie ihre Rolle nicht. Die Verletzung dieser Grundsätze führte sogar zu Bedenken hinsichtlich des tatsächlichen Status der nicht korrekt gekleideten Person angesichts der traditionell geltenden Regeln betreffend Kleidung.Ziel des Beitrags ist, die Frage der Alltagskleidung der Römerinnen näher zu bringen, sowohl auf Grund literarischer Quellen, als auch der Abbilder der Frauen. Die Analyse wurde im Kontext der Überlieferung Ulpians über die Modifikation der Verantwortung des Verursachers von iniuria in Abhängigkeit von der Kleidung, die eine Frau während der Verletzung ihres guten Rufs trug, durchgeführt.

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3

Gouron, André. "A twelfth century Scottish treatise : the ordo 'Ulpianus de edendo'." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 78, no. 1-2 (2010): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181910x487297.

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AbstractThe treatise on procedure Ulpianus de edendo was written between 1168 and 1185. Its author was a Scottish churchman who also made the formulary, given by the ms. London, Brit. Libr., Harley 2355, for a lawyer in a case of a pars ecclesiae. The work borrows from Placentinus' Summa Codicis, but not by purely mechanical ways. Its style is clear, always logical, and often axiomatic, far from Bolognese traditions. The glosses, as furnished by several manuscripts, support the hypothesis of influences of the Ulpianus among English writings, maybe from the Lincoln school.

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Kaiser, Wolfgang. "Zur Textkritik von Ulpianus (?), lib. sing. reg. 11,4." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 135, no. 1 (August 1, 2018): 629–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.26498/zrgra-2018-1350120.

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5

Nowicka, Dobromiła. "Wyłączenie od zeznawania i prawo odmowy zeznań w rzymskim procesie karnym." Prawo 325 (December 31, 2018): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0524-4544.325.2.

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Exemption from testifying and the right to refuse to testify in Roman criminal procedureThe author of article examines the scope of the exemption from testifying for the prosecution and the right to refuse to testify in the Roman criminal procedure before quaestiones. She focuses mainly of Callistratus’ and Ulpian’s accounts of lex Iulia de vi and Paulus’ account of lex Iulia iudiciorum publicorum. This is because there are doubts, especially with regard to the nature of rights or exemptions applying to testimonies concerning relations based on close kinship parents-children or patronage as well as marriage. Das Recht der Aussageverweigerung oder die Freistellung von Aussagen im römischen StrafprozessIn diesem Aufsatz wurde der Umfang der Gültigkeit der Disqualifikation als Zeuge der Anklage aufzutreten sowie das Recht der Aussageverweigerung im römischen Strafprozess vor den quaestiones behandelt. Die Analyse konzentriert sich hauptsächlich auf Überlieferungen von Callistratus und Ulpianus betreffend die Regelungen von lex Iulia de vi sowie von Paulus betreffend lex Iulia iudiciorum publicorum. Vor diesem Hintergrund entstehen nämlich Zweifel besonders hinsichtlich des Charakters der Berechtigungen oder der Freistellungen im Bereich der gegenseitigen Aussagen im Zusammenhang mit der Relation, die auf naher Verwandtschaft Eltern – Kinder oder dem Patronat, wie auch der Ehe beruhte.

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6

Condorelli, Orazio. "Condorelli, Orazio, I foedera pacis e il principio pacta sunt servanda. Note di ricerca nel pensiero dei giuristi dei secoli XII–XV." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 105, no. 1 (June 26, 2019): 55–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgk-2019-0003.

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Abstract The foedera pacis and the principle pacta sunt servanda. Researches on the doctrines of medieval jurists (12th–15th c.). The foedera pacis (peace accords) belong to the core of the fundamental themes of the ius gentium. Some passages of Isidore from Seville and Augustine, handed down in Gratian's Decretum, and some fragments contained in Justinian's Digest (Gaius, Hermogenianus, Ulpianus) were the main sources on which the medieval jurists elaborated their doctrines concerning the foundations of the foedera pacis (pactum and fides) and the effects arising from these premises. The doctrines of medieval jurists on the foedera pacis represent one of the roots that nourished the reflections of the Fathers of modern international law (Grotius' thought is here examined).

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7

Ankum, Hans. "Ulpianus, Papinianus en kleinere fragmenten, vertaald door J. E. Spruit en Κ. Ε. M. Bongenaar." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 110, no. 1 (August 1, 1993): 690–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1993.110.1.690.

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8

Szolc-Nartowski, Bartosz. "UDZIAŁ OSÓB NIEUPRAWNIONYCH W WYDANIU ORZECZENIA W POSTĘPOWANIU CYWILNYM - UWAGI NA TLE D.1,14,3 I D.41,3,44 PR." Zeszyty Prawnicze 6, no. 2 (June 22, 2017): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2006.6.2.07.

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Participation of Unauthorised Persons in Issuance of Decisions in Civil Proceedings - Remarks on the Basis D. 1,14,3 and D. 41,3,44 pr.SummaryAccording to Polish civil procedure a sentence given by an unauthorized person is invalid. This was not always the case in ancien Roman law. Ulpianus declared that when a slave, who escaped from his master, became a praetor, his acts were valid. He took into consideration serious problems of those who had put their trust in the praetor’s office as well as the respect for humanitas. A basic common sense requires that what was well decided, should be considered valid. According to the author, Ulpianus realized that the rule of ius civile which determined the requirements for entering in a praetor’s duties had the character of a guarantee. If the purpose, for which this rule was established, was achieved, such acts should be accepted as valid.The question arises whether that approach could be applied to contemporary cases of iudex incompetens. Furthermore, whether it would be justifiable to extend this solution to other - not only procedural – but also material, guarantee rules?The answer is not easy. In D. 41,3,44 pr., a pater familias conducted the procedure of adrogation (adoption) improperly. Papinianus decided that, although pater familias made a justifiable mistake, all that the son enacted in the name of the father, was invalid. Nevertheless a different rule, as the jurist says in D. 41,3,44 pr., must be observed in the case of homo liber bona fide serviens - a person, who being unaware of his free man status, served as a slave. Actions taken by such a person were valid (the purchaser of a slave had to be protected), since transactions of that kind happened very often. More importantly, any other solution would be against the public interest. O n the other hand, it was very rare for a pater familias to wrongly adrogate, therefore the example of pater familias did not create a general rule.It seems quite difficult to indicate one principle which could be applied to all the guarantee rules. As far as the case of an unauthorized person giving sentence is concerned, the Roman private law shows that the regard for the public interest may sometimes justify solutions different from those preferred by Polish law.

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9

Sadowski, Piotr. "FILOZOFIA PRAWA W ŻYCIU I NAUCZANIU ULPIANA." Zeszyty Prawnicze 8, no. 1 (June 23, 2017): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2008.8.1.04.

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The Philosophy of Law in Ulpian’s Life and TeachingSummaryThe purpose of this article, is to show, taking into account Ulpian’s life and teaching, that the Roman jurisprudence was interwoven with some elements of philosophy. The first part of the article illustrates the influence of Ulpian’s life history on his philosophical and legislative views, whereas the second part presents the latter.His knowledge of law, the posts which he occupied, and numerous works prove that Ulpian was preoccupied with studying „law through its first causes”. He asked about the essence of the law, about what the natural law is, and what justice is. He described the juridical reality using the language of law and philosophy. His concept of lawfulness can be perceived as integral, combining material and formal legality He did not depart from the ethical dimension of law although he respected the rigours of the formalised norms. Referring to aequitas did not disturb him in paying attention to certitudo legalis. In his concept of lawfulness one can see a reference to Cyceron’s ideas and in his concept of natural law one can observe a reference to the Stoics. In the field of the penal lawfulness one can perceive Ulpian as a precursor of the ability to perceive the human equality in the sphere of natural law, the concept elaborated as late as several centuries afterwards. Perceiving the equality of people, approximates him to the Christian’s philosophical idea.

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Tarwacka, Anna. "STATUS PIRATÓW W ŚWIETLE RZYMSKIEGO PRAWA PUBLICZNEGO I IUS GENTIUM." Zeszyty Prawnicze 5, no. 2 (June 14, 2017): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2005.5.2.04.

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The Status of the Pirates in the Light of the Roman Public Law and ius gentiumSummaryThe Roman law of war was extremely strict and formal. To declare a war (bellum iustum) it was necessary to perform a certain ceremony traditionally conducted by the fetiales.According to Cicero, a campaign against the pirates was not considered bellum iustum due to the fact that they could not be called hostes legitimi. The reason for such opinion was that their community could not be defined as a state. Cicero claims that the pirates were enemies of all mankind (communis hostis omnium). The jurists of the classical period (Pomponius, Ulpianus) shared this view calling those, who did not fulfill the conditions of gaining the status of hostes legitimi, simply bandits - latrunculi. Accordingly, a general who won a campaign against the pirates could not celebrate a triumph, which was a ceremony reserved for more splendid victories.Roman classical law considered people captured by the pirates free. They did not lose any of their rights and did not need to use ius postliminii to regain their status.

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11

Gumiela, Przemysław. "DIDOMI POLEITEIAN ROMAION. TREŚĆ I ZAKRES NADANIA OBYWATELSTWA W CONSTITUTIO ANTONINIANA." Zeszyty Prawnicze 10, no. 1 (December 23, 2016): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2010.10.1.07.

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DIDOMI POLEITEIAN ROMAION.DIDOMI POLEITEIAN ROMAION. THE CONTENT AND THE EXTENT OF THE CITIZENSHIP GRANT IN THE ‘CONSTITUTIO ANTONINIANA’Summary In orbe Romano qui sunt ex constitutione imperatoris Antonini cives Romani effecti sunt – the mode, in which Ulpianus described the constitutio Antoniniana, does not reflect the importance of this act, the act by which nearly all inhabitants of the Imperium Romanum were granted Roman citizenship. Actually, the edict of Caracalla, released in 212 CE, was a revolutionary one. Nonetheless, due to brevity of antic testimonia, and particularly to the meagre condition of the papyrus Giessensis 42 (which carries the Greek version of the constitutio), numerous problems concerning the content and the extent of the citizenship grant remain yet unresolved. This paper aims at finding satisfactory answers to these questions. This attempt shall consist in a systematic analysis of the papyrus text read in the context of as many surviving sources as possible. A particular emphasis will be laid on the essence and the scope of the citizenship grant. This paper ignores, of necessity, several contextual questions, including those about the circumstances, motives and effects of the release. In fact, these problems are vast enough so as to be recognised separately.

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12

Ciucă, Valeriu. "The Schengen Space and the Primary Form of the European Legal Humanism. Revisiting Tony Honoré’s Opus, Ulpianus. Pioneer of Human Rights." Human and Social Studies 5, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hssr-2016-0012.

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Abstract The author proposes here “the first Romanian attempt at a hermeneutic systematization of the philosophy of European law”, a field that is approached from an organic, integrating perspective. It has to be seen as a synchronic lectio magistralis on the ineluctable role of the spiritual roots when deciphering and assuming national identity. The complicated “euronomosophical” discourse, whose beginning is an excellent page of self-history about the “Europe” of the author, voices an appeal to a deeper self-knowledge. A complex, dynamic reality: from euromyth to euro-oniria and PaxEuropaea. Such incursions into the universe of law certainly involve an instructive and pedagogical side, building a patchwork of ideas, suggestions and themes that could be further developed.

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Isola, Lisa. "D. 3,5,8 und die Regel ‘ratihabitio mandato comparatur’." Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis 83, no. 1-2 (May 31, 2015): 107–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08312p06.

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D. 3,5,8 and the rule ‘ratihabitio mandato comparatur’. ‒ The rule ‘ratihabitio mandato comparatur’ is deduced from various texts (see D. 46,3,12,4; D. 43,16,1,14; D. 50,17,152,2). In D. 3,5,8 Scaevola appears to disagree when he says that ratihabitio of an improperly conducted business does not lead to a mandate but to negotiorum gestio. In order to explain this it has been suggested that the rule only dealt with the effects of ratihabitio vis-à-vis third parties and did not concern the relationship between principal and agent. If this were the case, one would have to explain why Ulpian in D. 50,17,60 explicitly mentions an actio mandati for that situation. Most scholars, therefore, assume an interpolation of D. 50,17,60, but it is equally possible that Ulpian’s decision can be attributed to its original context or that the law changed between Scaevola and Ulpian.

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Tellegen-Couperus, Olga. "The limits of culpa levissima." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 76, no. 1-2 (2008): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181908x277554.

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AbstractIn D. 9,2,44pr., Ulpian states that, under the lex Aquilia, even the slightest fault (levissima culpa) counts. Since the time of the glossators, this phrase has been regarded as a general rule. Only one Romanist, MacCormack, has interpreted the phrase in a narrow sense: in his view, culpa levissima only referred to the case of scientia domini mentioned in section 1 of Ulpian's text. Later, Gimenez-Candela has argued that scientia domini led to direct liability only in case of damnum iniuria datum. The author aims to prove that culpa levissima only referred to scientia domini but that, on the other hand, scientia domini led to direct liability in all delicts.

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Sokala, Andrzej. "Palam corpore quaestum facere : glossa ad D. 23,2,43 pr. - 3." Prawo Kanoniczne 37, no. 3-4 (December 20, 1994): 159–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.1994.37.3-4.11.

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L’articolo presenta le considerazioni sul concetto di prostituzione nel diritto romano. E una glossa a D.23,2,43 pr.-3. dove è stato inserito un frammento del lib. 1 Ad legem Iuliam et Papiam di Ulpianio. Questa fonte rappresenta l’unica definizione giuridica a noi nota di prostituta (mulier quae palam corpore quaestum facit) e di prostituzione nel diritto romano. Per Ulpiano la prostituzione (palam corpore quaestum facere) è l’intrattenere rapporti sessuali ripetuti, palesi e senza scelta del partner, da parte di una donna che agisca in piena consapevolenza, pur se non necessariamente a scopo di lucro (nonostante l’ultimo elemento è stato controverso per gli stessi Romani).

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Liebs, Detlef. "Strafrechtlicher Schutz von Sklaven gegen Willkür ihrer Herren." Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis 85, no. 1-2 (June 22, 2017): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08512p01.

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In the 2nd century CE, Roman emperors took decisions on several cases involving slaves who had been brutally treated by their masters. Such masters had to accept that their slaves would be sold, and in some cases they themselves were even punished, e.g. by being temporarily exiled. In the early 3rd century Ulpian construed a new crime from this context, namely saevitia dominorum, to be punished extraordinarily. Diocletian undermined this in a rescript to a soldier, and Constantine openly allowed masters to punish their slaves just as they liked. Even if a punishment lead to the slave’s dead, he forbade investigation against the masters. Both the Visigothic Lex Romana and Justinian tried to come to compromises, which continued even into Frankish times, although the results were inconsistent. Only the Judeo-Christian Collatio preserved Ulpian’s concept of a new crime, but the secular lawyers took no notice of this text, whereas medieval clerical jurists did.

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Benincasa, Zuzanna. "RYZYKO ZWIĄZANE Z PODRÓŻAMI MORSKIMI JAKO SZCZEGÓLNEGO RODZAJU WKŁAD NIEPIENIĘŻNY DO SPÓŁKI W PRAWIE RZYMSKIM." Zeszyty Prawnicze 10, no. 1 (December 23, 2016): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2010.10.1.04.

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The Risk Connected to Sea Voyages as the Particular Kind of Non-monetary Contribution to Partnership in Roman LawSummary The seaborne commerce in ancient Rome due to the amount of capital required and the risk involved in navigation was often practiced as a common enterprise. The best known form of a common investment in maritime trading was a contract of maritime loan but analogical purposes could be realized through making the consensual contract of societas. This contract could be used to achieve its traditional scope which is collecting a capital necessary for conducting some kind of economic activity and sharing the risk involved in such business. In this kind of partnership each partner made a contribution of capital for financing the partnership’ activity (in the form of money or property) and also each partner was involved in conducting the common business matters. The alternative form was a partnership in which only one partner made a contribution of capital and the other socius contributed his future services that consisted of travelling and trading and as the consequence was exposed to the risk of navigation. Undoubtedly such a partnership operating in the sector of maritime commerce was a very hazardous enterprise because the risk that a ship may perish was very high. Thus the risk of navigation, and more precisely the willingness to undertake such a risk, was treated as a very precious component of a partner’s services and in case of a partnership in which only one partner made such a contribution, his contribution was deemed to be of extreme value and importance and thus justify granting him a special position in a partnership. The problem regarding the willingness to undertake the risk of navigation as a kind of a non-monetary contribution in a partnership was treated by Ulpianus in his commentary ad Sabinum (D. 17,2,29,1). This jurist accepted the possibility of making a partnership in which one partner had a share in the profits but did not bear the loss. Such an agreement was permissible if his services constituted an economical equivalent of the loss. To justify this opinion Ulpianus said that often the services performed by a partner (industria) were of such importance that their value was even higher than the value of the capital contributed by other partners. To illustrate such a situation Ulpianus referred to an example of a partner who alone underwent the danger of navigation (solus navigat solus peregrineretur, pericula subeat solus). The question of an exclusion of one of the partners from bearing the loss constituted one of the issues of the controversy reported in legal sources as magna quaestio. This controversy is deemed to be related with the transformation of a partnership from the community of properties to an instrument of conducting economic activities and gaining profits. On the basis of the sources it is not possible to find out about the role that the latter example played in this controversy. But it’s worth noting that this example constitutes the one and the only example of the situation in which the partner’s non- monetary contribution was deemed to be so precious that justified the settlement on the basis of which this partner was excluded from bearing the loss resulted from the partnership’s business. Thus one can not exclude that this example was also used by Servius and his supporters to popularize more universal idea of excluding the partners that contributed only their services from the loss in the partnership. It is also worth noting also that such a partnership in which one partner made a contribution of capital and the other conducted a partnership business that involved sea-travelling was a contract very close to a maritime loan. For the maritime loan it was essential that the creditor undertook the risk of the perishing of the ship (periculum maris) in which case he was not entitled to claim his money back, but as a reward he could stipulate the interests exceeding the legal rate in case of a successful journey. Thus his situation was analogous to the situation of a partner who contributed his capital in a partnership – both of them were involved in sponsoring a common business but they did not participate in its conducting. If the ship arrived safely both of them participated in the profits: the partner according to his share in partnership, the lender could claim the high interests, but in case of the perishing of the ship both of them lost the money they had invested in a commercial voyage. Respectively a partner who contributed to the partnership with his services and thus undertook the risk of navigation just as a borrower in case of the maritime loan, in case of successful return of the ship had his share in the profit but in case of the perishing of the ship did not bear the loss of an invested capital. Thus the contract of partnership in the moment of the passage from the idea of a partnership based on the ownership to the idea of a partnership as the instrument of conducting economic activities and gaining profits became an alternative to the contract of a maritime loan legal form in which the seaborne commerce could be financed. The risk involved in navigation was thus treated as a value that could constitute a kind of a non-monetary contribution of a partner in partnership’s profits and losses. At the same time the particular character of this contribution was used as an argument in the discussion regarding the general issue of the exclusion of a partner who contributed only with his services from bearing the loss resulted from the partnership’s activities. The acknowledgement of a willingness to undertake the risk of navigation as a possible contribution to the partnership constitutes the proof that the Roman iurisprudentes affirmed that in many cases there wasn’t the capital but services offered by a partner crucial for making profit. These services might consist of special abilities and skills of a partner (ars, peritia), his social position and connections (gratia) or undertaking some hazardous activity for a partnership (industria). The acceptance of these values as crucial for fixing the partners’ shares in a partnership means also the acceptance in the law sector of the elements that were essential in the area of making business. Thanks to that a partnership became a contract that could be attractive for the entrepreneurs who wanted to make profits. Showing the advantages offered by this contract to Roman businessmen, due to the acceptance of such a flexible concept of possible kinds of the contribution, supports the view that the role of this contract in the Roman economy was not as marginal as it was maintained by the authors convinced that the key-figure for conducting common economic activities was a servus communis.

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Bajcinovci, Bujar, and Florina Jerliu. "Achieving Energy Efficiency in Accordance with Bioclimatic Architecture Principles." Environmental and Climate Technologies 18, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rtuect-2016-0013.

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Abstract By using our natural resources, and through inefficient use of energy, we produce much waste that can be recycled as a useful resource, which further contributes to climate change. This study aims to address energy effective bioclimatic architecture principles, by which we can achieve a potential energy savings, estimated at thirty-three per cent, mainly through environmentally affordable reconstruction, resulting in low negative impact on the environment. The study presented in this paper investigated the Ulpiana neighbourhood of Prishtina City, focusing on urban design challenges, energy efficiency and air pollution issues. The research methods consist of empirical observations through the urban spatial area using a comparative method, in order to receive clearer data and information research is conducted within Ulpiana’s urban blocks, shapes of architectural structures, with the objective focusing on bioclimatic features in terms of the morphology and microclimate of Ulpiana. Energy supply plays a key role in the economic development of any country, hence, bioclimatic design principles for sustainable architecture and energy efficiency, present an evolutive integrated strategy for achieving efficiency and healthier conditions for Kosovar communities. Conceptual findings indicate that with the integrated design strategy: energy efficiency, and passive bioclimatic principles will result in a bond of complex interrelation between nature, architecture, and community. The aim of this study is to promote structured organized actions to be taken in Prishtina, and Kosovo, which will result in improved energy efficiency in all sectors, and particularly in the residential housing sector.

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Petrov, Alexander. "LEX SPECIALIS AND LEX POSTERIOR IN THE DIGEST." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Law 17, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/1990-5173.2020.17(1).39-48.

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Introduction. The article is devoted to the significance of the Digest for identifying the origin and development of the legal maxims for resolving conflicts of norms such as lex specialis and lex posterior. The purpose of the article is to study lex specialis and lex posterior in Roman law on the example of the Digest. Methodology. The author resorts to various methods of inquiry into legal reality. In particular, the following methods are used: systemic approach, conceptual analysis, legal-dogmatic method, comparative legal method, historical approach. Results. Appeal to the priority of the new law over the old and special rules over the general should be evaluated as methods of judicial argument in favor of a resolving of a specific case, but not universal legal maxims that have survived unchanged to this day. An appeal to the Digest shows that the priority of lex posterior is derived primarily from a Greek fragment written by Modestinus (D. 1.4.4), which can be interpreted as a general rule, while the principle of lex specialis is manifested differently. The lex specialis maxim is found inductively from the written in Latin and scattered in various books and titles of the Digest descriptions of cases by Ulpianus (D. 1.5.24; D. 47.12.3.5) and Papinianus (D. 48.19.41; D. 50.17.80). Moreover, in the Digests, lex posterior is considered in isolation from lex specialis, which can be explained by their autonomous genesis from each other, as well as the dissimilarity of ideas that underlie the priority of the special rule over the general and new norm over the old. Therefore, in the Digests, there is no resolving a multiply conflict between the later general and previous special legal rules. Conclusion. It is not correct to spread the modern general principles of overcoming conflicts of law as legal universals, such as lex superior, lex specialis, lex posterior over the Roman jurisprudence. The primacy of a special rule over a general and later adopted law over a previously adopted one should be evaluated in the context of the development of Roman law and Roman jurisprudence but not fro the modern content of such general legal maxims.

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Kacprzak, Agnieszka. "JULIAN, ULPIAN I NIETYPOWA POŻYCZKA. ZASTOSOWANIE ANALOGII W ROZWAŻANIACH PRAWNICZYCH." Zeszyty Prawnicze 10, no. 1 (December 23, 2016): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2010.10.1.03.

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JULIAN, ULPIAN AND THE ATYPICAL LOAN: ON ANALOGY AS APPLIED IN LEGAL REASONINGSummary The paper concerns the legal controversy as to the possibility of transforming a debt that is due under a contract of mandate or any other consensual contract into a loan by means of a bare agreement (pactum). Under such an agreement the creditor would entitle his debtor to keep the equivalent of the debt – which already existed between them – as a loan. The discussion took place between Julian, the eminent jurist of the midsecond-century A.D, and Ulpian, the jurist of the first half of the third century A.D. Julian argued against the possibility of classifying the contract in question as a loan. His arguments were based on analogy, distinction, and reductio ad absurdum (D.17,1,34 pr.). Ulpian, on the other hand, defended the possibility that was ruled out by his predecessor. Interestingly enough, the latter relies on analogy as his main argument as well. His conclusion is drawn, however, from analogy with the very same situation which Julian considered distinct from the case in question (D. 12,1,15). In the article, it is argued that this diversity of opinions can be explained by the different interpretations of the characteristic of the loan as a real contract. From Julian’s standpoint, this characteristic required the loan to be the title of acquisition by the borrower of ownership of money or things that are thereby considered the object of the loan: if the money or things were acquired on any other grounds, no loan could be construed (not to mention the case where the debtor does not – materially – acquire any money at all). Ulpian, on the other hand, was concerned not as much with the material substrate of the loan as with the economical calculus: in this perspective, indeed, the agreement – which tended to replace the hitherto debt by the loan-debt of the same amount – turned out to be a perfect substitution of a double payment, which would lead to the same effect. It is important to note one of the consequences to which Ulpian’s reasoning could lead: the possibility that someone who has never obtained any money from anyone or indeed never had them, nevertheless could be considered to have borrowed them (e.g. someone obliged to pay damages is entitled by the creditor to keep the amounts due as a loan of money that he never materially obtained). In order to accept this consequence, some serious redefinition of the concept of the loan as a real contract seems necessary, to say the least. The paper argues that – when ruling out the transformation – Julian strove to avoid accepting this very consequence.

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Guevin, Benedict M. "Ulpian’s Influence on Aquinas’s Natural Law." Ethics & Medics 46, no. 8 (2021): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/em202146816.

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Ulpian was an influential name in the history of Roman law and beyond. His definition of Natural Law, while a source of some controversy in the thirteenth century, greatly influenced St. Thomas Aquinas’s own definition. This paper explores that influence, its origins, and its implications in Aquinas’s most famous writings.

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Liebs, Detlef. "Die zweite Auflage von Ulpians Sabinuskommentar." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 130, no. 1 (August 1, 2013): 413–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2013.130.1.413.

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Hajdari, Arben, and Arianit Buqinca. "A New Unpublished Inscription Dedicated to Jupiter, Discovered in Ulpiana (Kosovo)." Human and Social Studies 7, no. 3 (October 1, 2018): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/hssr-2018-0026.

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Abstract This article emphasizes the importance of an altar dedicated to Jupiter Sacrum find during the archaeological survey in the ancient city of Ulpiana in 2014. The epigraphy data stored on the altar clearly indicates the existence of the Fulgur cult in Ulpiana. Therefore, with this epithet, Jupiter it is proven for the first time in Ulpiana, but also in Kosovo. The discovery of the altar dedicated to Jupiter in Ulpiana only confirms the fact that Jupiter was worshiped and widely respected among the inhabitants of the city, and his appearance with the epithet Fulguri completes the corpus of epithets, with which he was worshiped and honoured in the city of Ulpiana.

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Brouwer, René. "Ulpian’s appeal to nature: Roman law as universal law." Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis 83, no. 1-2 (May 31, 2015): 60–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08312p04.

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In this paper I argue that against the political and perhaps even religiously motivated background of the Constitutio Antoniniana, in order to further enhance the appeal of Roman law, Ulpian seeks to connect law and nature by using Stoic terminology. However, his usage of this terminology is radically distinct from the perfectionist Stoic approach.

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Yaron, R. "Semitisms in Ulpian?" Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 55, no. 1-2 (1987): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181987x00012.

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González Roldán, Yuri. "El legado de utensilios en el pensamiento de Neracio (jurista del periodo de Trajano y Adriano)." Derecho Global. Estudios sobre Derecho y Justicia 1, no. 1 (November 2, 2015): 33–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.32870/dgedj.v0i1.41.

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La publicación de interesantes estudios respecto al fundus instructus sirve como una ocasión para reflexionar sobre el problema en relación a un jurista determinado y a su trabajo, Neracio Prisco. La opinión de Neracio sobre el argumento se encuentra en Ulpiano, libro vicesimo ad Sabinum en D. 33.7.12.35 y D.33.7.12.43, en Ulpiano, libro trigesimo secundo ad edictum en D. 19.2.19.2, in D. 33.7.23, en Paulo, libro secundo ad Vitellium en D. 33.7.18.2, libro tertio ad Neratium en D. 33.7.24, libro quarto ad Sabinum en D. 33.7.13 pr.-1 y Ulpiano, libro vicesimo ad Sabinum en D. 33.7.12.4. Estudié varios problemas, por ejemplo: fundus cum instrumento, domus instructa y el instrumentum tabernae.

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Winkel, Laurens. "Die stoische οἰϰείωσις-Lehre und Ulpians Definition der Gerechtigkeit." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 105, no. 1 (August 1, 1988): 669–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1988.105.1.669.

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Casola, Maria. "LE REGOLE DELLA NAVIGAZIONE. LA RESPONSABILITÀ DELL’ARMATORE NELL’ETÀ DEI SEVERI." Civitas et Lex 3, no. 3 (September 30, 2014): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/cetl.2014.

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In the famous passage of D. 4.9.3.1, Ulpiano reported and commented on the headingpraetorium of the Edict that regulated the failure to return things entrusted to nautae, cauponesand stabularii. He highlighted the issue of the scope of the action honorary ex recepto respect tocivil actions (locati-conducti), to assure the integrity of the thing received in the case of maritimetransport. The same Ulpiano, continuing, recalled an innovation proposal and obtained in theAugustan age by Labeo, which consists of a exceptio in factum, such as to relieve the shipownerfrom the risk of deterioration of the thing in case of naufragium and vis piratarum.The ‘readings’ of the passage have been numerous and often divergent. This seems to justifya review, which, based on abundant and perspicuous readings that interpreters of the text haveprovided, intended to further deepen the fragment D. 4.9.3.1, both in its content (initial andsuccessive, until Justinian) as the inside thoughts and work of Ulpiano.

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Honoré, Tony. "Valerio Marotta, Ulpiano e l'impero, I." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 119, no. 1 (August 1, 2002): 445–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2002.119.1.445.

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Honoré, Tony. "Andrea Lovato, Studi sulle disputationes di Ulpiano." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 123, no. 1 (August 1, 2006): 398–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2006.123.1.398.

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Honoré, Tony. "Ulpian, Natural law and Stoic influence." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 78, no. 1-2 (2010): 199–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181910x487378.

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AbstractUlpian's statement in the first text of the Digest that natural law is part of private law is genuine and his view that humans share natural law with animals is influenced by Stoic philosophy, as is his cosmopolitan outlook. The recognition of natural law as a source of law in the Severan age formalised what had long been the case.

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Bonamigo, Gilmar Francisco. "PRIMEIRA APROXIMAÇÃO À OBRA DE EMMANUEL LÉVINAS." Síntese: Revista de Filosofia 32, no. 102 (May 19, 2010): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20911/21769389v32n102p77-104/2005.

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Este artigo constitui-se numa breve introdução ao pensamento de Emmanuel Lévinas mediada pela interpretação de três especialistas na obra do filósofo: Jacques Derrida, Ulpiano Vázquez Moro e Catherine Chalier. O estudo pretende apreender os elementos fundamentais do horizonte do autor e da obra e fazer o levantamento dos temas e problemas principais abordados por Lévinas com a pertinente localização das obras que tratam desses temas e problemas.Abstract: This article is a brief introduction to the thought of Emmanuel Lévinas, mediated by the interpretation of three specialists on the philosopher’s work: Jacques Derrida, Ulpiano Vázquez Moro and Catherine Chalier. The study intends to apprehend the fundamental elements present in the author ‘s work and to review the main issues and topics approached by Lévinas, with a clear mention of where they are to be found in his work.

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Lucchetti Bingemer, Maria Clara. "LOUVANDO (A DEUS) EM ULPIANO VÁZQUEZ MORO SJ." Perspectiva Teológica 48, no. 1 (May 5, 2016): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.20911/21768757v48n1p19/2016.

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Vou fazer a louvaçãoLouvação, louvaçãoDo que deve ser louvadoSer louvado, ser louvadoMeu povo, preste atençãoAtenção, atençãoRepare se estou erradoLouvando o que bem mereceDeixo o que é ruim de lado.(Gilberto Gil e Torquato Neto)

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Petkovic, Sofija. "Roman fibulae from Ulpiana: Archaeological investigations 1981-87." Starinar, no. 53-54 (2003): 241–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta0454241p.

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Rodríguez Montero, Ramón Perfecto. "Anotaciones sobre riesgo y responsabilidad en D. 9.2.27.29 y D. 19.2.13.5." Anuario da Facultade de Dereito da Universidade da Coruña 22 (March 18, 2019): 480–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.17979/afdudc.2018.22.0.5200.

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Análisis a partir de dos textos del jurista Ulpiano (D. 9.2.27.29 y D. 19,2.13.5) de diversas cuestiones que, en materia de riesgo y responsabilidad, se plantean respecto a la realización de los trabajos encomendados por particulares a un tipo cualificado de artífices.

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Crifò, Giuliano. "Tony Honoré, Ulpian. Clarendon Press, Oxford 1982." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 102, no. 1 (August 1, 1985): 601–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1985.102.1.601.

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Garrett, Jan Edward. "Tony Honoré: Ulpian: Pioneer of Human Rights." Nordic Journal of Human Rights 22, no. 01 (February 12, 2004): 80–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1891-814x-2004-01-10.

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Manthe, Ulrich. "I. Beiträge zur Entwicklung des antiken Gerechtigkeitsbegriffes II: Stoische Würdigkeit und die iuris praecepta Ulpians." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 114, no. 1 (August 1, 1997): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1997.114.1.1.

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Honoré, Tony. "Feiice Mercogliano, Tituli ex corpore Ulpiani. Storia di un testo." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 117, no. 1 (August 1, 2000): 525–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2000.117.1.525.

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Dondorp, Harry. "Residual value and assessement of damages under the lex Aquilia." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 87, no. 1-2 (June 18, 2019): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08712p01.

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SummaryNowadays it is generally held, that the owner who brought an actio legis Aquiliae usually claimed no more than his loss, perhaps already in Ulpian’s time, for certain in Justinian’s. For the sum of condemnation based upon the estimation-clauses of the lex Aquilia would only then exceed his damages, if either the injured object’s value had decreased in the last year or 30 days (Inst. 4,3,9) or the wrongdoer had denied having caused the damage (C. 3,35,4). There is, however, a third reason, which the Roman texts fail to mention: a possible residual value of killed lifestock, wounded slaves, and damaged objects, which benefitted the owner. Only a few later jurists took this into account: in medieval times Jacques de Révigny and Pierre Jacobi, Johann Oldendorp in the Early Modern era. The notion prevailed that the lex Aquilia obliged to pay at least the object’s full value.

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NASCIMENTO, Francisco de Assis De Sousa, and Fagno Da Silva Soares. "L’HISTOIRE ORALE DANS LE CADRE DES ÉCRITS SUR SOI ET SUR AUTRUI: Points de réflexion au sujet de la construction d'une méthodologie production historiographique." Revista Observatório 2, no. 2 (May 30, 2016): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20873/uft.2447-4266.2016v2especial1p28fr.

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RÉSUMÉCet article vise à analyser le processus réflexif de construction de la connaissance historique en se basant sur la méthodologie de l’histoire orale et la modalité des histoires de vie. On pourra ainsi tenter de comprendre ce processus chargé de sensibilités, d’émotions, d’expériences personnelles et collectives, heureuses ou traumatiques, qu’elles soient intimes ou liées à un vécu collectif. Notre fondement théorique s’appuiera sur les postulats de Michel de Certeau, Michel Foucault, Jacques Le Goff, Ulpiano Menezes, Mary Cristine Josso et Tomás Tadeu da Silva. La réflexion a été construite à partir d’une analyse bibliographique dialoguant avec des auteurs se consacrant à l’histoire orale, tels que Verena Alberti, Ana Maria Mauad, entre autres.MOTS-CLÉS Histoire; Mémoire; Oralité; Histoires de Vie. RESUMOO presente artigo visa perscrutar o processo reflexivo da construção do conhecimento histórico, através da metodologia da história oral, utilizando a modalidade das histórias de vida, por meio da qual é possível entender o processo, eivada de sensibilidades, emoções, experiências pessoais e coletivas, felizes ou traumáticas, sejam elas intimistas ou entrecruzamento com outras vivências coletivas. A fundamentação teórica baseia-se nos postulados de Michel de Certeau, Michel Foucault, Jacques Le Goff, Ulpiano Menezes, Mary Cristine Josso e Tomás Tadeu da Silva. A reflexão foi constituída a partir da análise bibliográfica que dialoga com autores devotados à História Oral como Verena Alberti, Ana Maria Mauad dentre outros.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: História; Memória; Oralidade; Histórias de Vida. ABSTRACTThis article aims to scrutinize the reflective process of the construction of historical knowledge through oral history methodology, using the method of life stories through which to understand the process in the course of a life, fraught with sensitivities, emotions personal and collective experiences, happy or traumatic, whether intimate or intersection with other collective experiences. The theoretical framework is based on the postulates of Michel de Certeau, Michel Foucault, Jacques Le Goff, Ulpiano Menezes, Mary Cristine Josso and Thomas Tadeu da Silva. The reflection was created from literature review that dialogues with authors devoted to oral history as Verena Alberti, Ana Maria Mauad among others.KEYWORDS: History; Memory; Orality; Life stories. RESUMENEste artículo tiene como objetivo examinar el proceso de reflexión de la construcción del conocimiento histórico a través de la metodología de la historia oral, utilizando el método de historias de vida a través del cual entender el proceso en el curso de una vida, lleno de sensibilidades, emociones experiencias personales y colectivas, felices o traumáticas, ya sean íntimas o de intersección con otras experiencias colectivas. El marco teórico se basa en los postulados de Michel de Certeau, Michel Foucault, Jacques Le Goff, Ulpiano Menezes, María Cristine Josso y Thomas Tadeu da Silva. La reflexión fue creado a partir de revisión de la literatura que dialoga con autores dedicados a la historia oral como Verena Alberti, Ana Maria Mauad entre otros.PALAVRAS CLAVE: Historia; Memoria; La oralidad; Historias de vida. DOI (versão em Português): http://dx.doi.org/10.20873/uft.2447-4266.2016v2especial1p28

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Crifò, Giuliano. "Tony Honoré, Ulpian. Pioneer of human rights. Second Edition." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 122, no. 1 (August 1, 2005): 280–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2005.122.1.280.

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Martínez de Morentin, María Lourdes. "Los Pagi, Estructuras Territoriales Básicas en la Organización Administrativa Romana." Revista Digital de Derecho Administrativo, no. 16 (December 15, 2016): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.18601/21452946.n16.08.

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Este artículo trata sobre los pagi, estructuras rurales elementales, que se encuentran ya en los primeros tiempos de Roma. Además de resaltar la doctrina actual sobre el tema, se examinan varios textos que sirven de apoyo para las conclusiones finales que tratan de aportar luces sobre la finalidad del pagus. Los textos, ordenados cronológicamente, son: la tabula Veleiana, la lex rivi Hiberiensis, una sentencia judicial del año 193 d.C., un pasaje de Ulpiano y varios fragmentos de Siculo Flacco.

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Silver, Morris. "Places for Self-Selling in Ulpian, Plautus and Horace: The Role of Vertumnus." Mnemosyne 67, no. 4 (July 1, 2014): 577–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341276.

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Ulpian refers to “places” frequented by those who “declare themselves for sale.” Plautus places persons who “sell themselves” in Rome’s Tuscan Quarter and arguably links this activity with the statue of Vertumnus. This article argues that Vertumnus presided over a place where individuals sold themselves into slavery and/or, less likely, sponsored a kind of labor-exchange.

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Waldstein, Wolfgang. "VIII. Ulpian D. 1,1,1,1 und 25,4,1,1 in der neuen Digesteniibersetzung." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 125, no. 1 (August 1, 2008): 328–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2008.125.1.328.

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Guevin, Benedict M. "Aquinas’s Use of Ulpian and the Question of Physicalism Reexamined." Thomist: A Speculative Quarterly Review 63, no. 4 (1999): 613–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tho.1999.0003.

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47

Zwalve, W. J., and Th de Vries. "The Navel, Reflections on the composition of the Quarta pars Digestorum." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 88, no. 3-4 (December 23, 2020): 591–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-00880a14.

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Summary In an earlier edition of Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis we have contended that Justinian’s Digest was composed on the basis of Ulpian’s Libri ad Edictum and the peculiarities and special exigencies of the legal curriculum. It was also contended that the distribution of the fifty books over the seven partes of the Digest was based on a mathematical formula, complicated by the fact that Justinian (Tribonian) had decided to assign four books to the first pars (Ta prota) and 36 to the first five partes together according to ‘the nature and science of numbers’ (natura et ars numerorum). This article offers some additional arguments supporting our thesis and concentrates on the composition of the quarta pars Digestorum, designated by Justinian himself as ‘The Navel’ (Umbilicus) of the entire composition. The hypothesis is that Tribonian composed the quarta pars Digestorum as a microcosm of the Digest as a whole and that he has been ‘juggling with numbers’ within the composition of ‘The Navel’ as he has ostensibly done in the composition of the Digest as a whole.

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48

André, Richard Gonçalves. "AS DIMENSÕES MATERIAIS DA FOTOGRAFIA: CULTURA MATERIAL E RETRATOS DE FAMÍLIA * THE MATERIAL DIMENSIONS OF PHOTOGRAPHY: MATERIAL CULTURE AND FAMILY PORTRAITS." História e Cultura 5, no. 2 (August 31, 2016): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v5i2.1549.

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Resumo: Este artigo reflete teoricamente sobre a fotografia para além do discurso visual, chamando a atenção para sua materialidade. Enfoca-se os retratos de família, imagens que representam diferentes dimensões da memória familiar, tais como a infância, os ritos religiosos, as formaturas, os casamentos e mesmo a morte. Compreende-se a cultura material, de acordo com as proposições do historiador Ulpiano Toledo Bezerra de Meneses, como processos cognitivos encarnados, inclusive em sua visualidade. Como discussão, sugere-se que, considerando que as fotos são coisas, é importante compreendê-las em seu processo de produção, circulação, recepção e ação, na medida em que, ultrapassando o tempo de vida de seus produtores, as fotografias ganham apropriações e usos específicos, inserindo-se em redes sociais híbridas, como sugere Bruno Latour.Palavras-chave: Retratos. Família. Cultura material. Abstract: This paper reflects theoretically about photography beyond the visual discourse, calling attention to its materiality. It delimits the so-called family portraits, images that represent different dimensions of family memory, such as childhood, religious rites, graduations, weddings and even death. Material culture is understood, according to the propositions of historian Ulpiano Toledo Bezerra de Meneses, as embodied cognitive process, including its visuality. As discussion, it is suggested that, considering photos are things, it is important to understand them in their process of production, circulation, reception and action, since they surpass the time life of their producers and get specific appropriations and uses, being inserted in hybrid social networks, as suggests Bruno Latour.Keywords: Portraits. Family. Material culture.

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Wade, Richard. "Towards a Christian Ethics of Animals." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 13, no. 2 (June 2000): 202–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x0001300206.

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Ecotheologians and systematic theologians within the various Christian traditions have explored environmental problems. However, there has been little work by Christian ethicists from within the Roman Catholic tradition to develop an ethic of animals. This article remedies this defect Taking up and developing a line of ethical reflection upon animals which Aquinas derived from the Roman jurist Ulpian, it proposes an alternative to Peter Singer's animal ethic, which it finds unsatisfactory on several accounts.

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Härle, Wilfried. "»Suum cuique«. Gerechtigkeit als sozialethischer und theologischer Grundbegriff." Zeitschrift für Evangelische Ethik 41, no. 1 (February 1, 1997): 302–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/zee-1997-0143.

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Abstract The autor directs attention to a basic distinction for the method of treatment of understanding the term »justice«. The theological notion of justice is accuracy to differentiate from the ethical notion. The author points out this distinction at the example of one of principles of justice: »suum cuique« (Ulpian). In a strict theological perspective »justice« tends towards »agape« -in an ethical perspective »justice« tends towards the regulation of right and legal procedure

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